The Longest Journey

The
Longest
Journey

Lena Rowat skied 1,600 grueling miles across the Coast Range to quiet her demons. But she didn’t begin to silence them until tragedy struck.

by cassidy randall

The Atavist Magazine, No. 163


Cassidy Randall’s work has appeared in Rolling Stone, National Geographic, Forbes, and The New York Times, among other publications. She is the author of Thirty Below. Her previous Atavist story, “Alone at the Edge of the World,” was published as issue no. 131.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Nina Sparling
Illustrator: Lauren Crow

Published in May 2025.

“It is important to affirm, and prove, that we go to the mountains to live and not to die, that we are not fanatics but firm believers, and that the few accidents which occur are hard but not useless lessons.” —Italian alpinist Guido Rey

ONE

The tent quaked in the howling wind. The storm had raged for three days, trapping Lena and Ruby Rowat at a narrow notch in the mountain ridge. By now the ceaseless sound of flapping nylon had become maddening. When the storm was unleashed on March 25, 2001, the sisters had only just skied to this pass, called Manatee Col. They hastily assembled a tent; there’d been no time to build up enough snow to create a windblock. Snow now piled against the shelter’s walls, threatening to collapse and bury them. When the women went outside to shovel it away, they threw themselves through the door to keep their sleeping bags from being covered in snow, which could soak the down that kept their bodies warm. They couldn’t afford to be careless. The nearest town—the British Columbia ski mecca of Whistler—was at least a four-day journey south on skis, up snow-draped peaks and down unpopulated valleys.

Lena, 28, and Ruby, 30, lit a stove inside the tent to cook food and dry their gear—a calculated risk, given that the tent wasn’t flame-retardant. But the heat from the stove and their bodies melted the snow beneath the floor, and it began to dip like the hull of a canoe, pooling water and pitching the sisters toward each other as they slept. Above the rampaging wind, they could hear the muffled roar of avalanches around them.

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Such dangers might explain why no one had done what Lena and Ruby were attempting on this expedition: traverse North America’s Coast Range, a giant’s backbone of mountains stretching nearly 1,000 miles from near their home in Vancouver all the way to Alaska and the Yukon. Some veteran mountaineers and skiers thought that it was impossible to ski it in one go. The Coast Range was remote and glaciated, shot through with raging rivers, almost laughably difficult to access, and notorious for unholy elevation gain, from sea level to peaks as high as 13,000 feet.

Then there was the wild scale of it all: Many considered it the longest nonpolar ski journey ever attempted. Some called it the longest technical ski traverse in the world. It demanded months of arduous travel and route finding. Anyone who tried it would have to navigate crevasses, avalanches, and the storms that broke across the mountains like waves. Traveling the entire length was the equivalent of climbing and descending more than eighteen Mount Everests over a distance equivalent to nearly fifty marathons.

Yet Lena Rowat thought it could be done. Outwardly, Lena lived a life of epic adventure: skiing, mountaineering, through-hiking, cycling across the continent. She was known in Whistler’s ski community as a six-foot-tall powerhouse with insane endurance, game to try almost any mountain objective. She wore thrift-store clothes, preferring bright tights and flowery dresses over brand-name gear, and sometimes shed clothing altogether to ski naked. She dyed her short hair—once bright blue, now bleached white—and danced on tables at parties, without any need for alcohol or drugs to let loose.

But underneath the hard-charging, fun-loving exterior, she mostly felt lost and depressed. She had no structure in her life, no steady job, and was often overwhelmed by a bottomless feeling of isolation. The mountains were the only place where her brain calmed. Which was one reason she was excited to tackle the Coast Range traverse: It had the tantalizing potential to fill her inner emptiness.

She just needed her sister, equally capable in the mountains, to join as her partner. The two had had matching facial features, but Ruby was much shorter, with a gymnast’s compact body, and hair dyed a deep magenta. Lena liked the idea of achieving this first together. Other than their mother, she knew of very few women in the world of mountain sports, and sometimes struggled to find adventure partners—simply, she assumed, because she was female. Lena liked that she and Ruby could model the kinds of possibilities for women and girls that the two of them didn’t have growing up.

Except it seemed that it would be men who completed the Coast Range route first. Somehow, after so many years when a full traverse was thought impossible, a young Canadian alpinist had dreamed the same dream at the same time. His team of four men left four weeks ahead of the Rowat sisters.

The women had raced to begin their own journey, and three weeks later they were pinned down by the storm. Now, in the besieged interior of their meager shelter, Lena’s stomach began to roll with nausea. In the hours that followed, it worsened. She had to exit the tent repeatedly to relieve herself. The storm showed no signs of abating as Lena’s illness intensified. In that moment, dejected mentally and cut down physically, she considered abandoning the attempt altogether.

But she couldn’t go back now. Not after all the work that had gone into planning the expedition. Not when all that waited back home was crippling loneliness and the lurking sense that she’d failed.

Lena wasn’t the only one in adventure sports who’d battled demons. Such endeavors often draw the misfits, the slightly crazed, the traumatized. Acute levels of risk, like those found in mountaineering, ski touring, whitewater kayaking, and climbing, can offer a tantalizing opportunity to mask a void—or, for people like Lena, fill it. Walking the thin line between life and death demands the kind of focus that can cause the demons to fall away entirely, and help athletes feel part of something bigger than what plagues them. But many never take the next step and figure out what’s behind an interior wound, or do the deep work to heal it.

Lena would do both—but only after her Coast Range journey brought her face-to-face with death.

She felt useless, without purpose. She wished there was even one person who wanted to spend time with her or cared about what was going on in her life.

Lena was born in the aftermath of a snowstorm. In 1972, Nona and Peter Rowat spent Christmas and New Year’s in a rustic cabin at the base of the Whistler ski resort, north of Vancouver. Nona was nine months pregnant with Lena, and had sworn to press pause on skiing; she was due any day. As a family doctor and a pioneer of preventive medicine who’d publicly supported midwifery decades before it was recognized as a medical profession, she knew how to take care of herself and her unborn baby. But a New Year’s Eve storm delivered so much fresh powder that Nona couldn’t resist. At the end of a day on the slopes, she went into labor. Lena was born just after midnight on January 2, 1973.

It was a fitting entry into a family that prioritized outdoor adventure. Ruby and Lena learned to ski by the time they were school-age. Soon they were carrying their own backpacks on multiday trips on Vancouver Island’s rugged West Coast Trail, through rain and mud and mosquitos. With such activities came risk. When Lena and Ruby were in middle school, Peter took the girls on a winter backcountry trip. He taught them to dig a snow cave and melt water with a stove, which Ruby said released so much carbon monoxide they nearly suffocated. A few years later, as the family returned with friends from a wilderness hut in the Tantalus Range, a torrential storm brought flooding that caused Lena and another girl to be swept off their feet as they crossed a swollen creek. Lena still has a clear memory of being submerged in the water, desperately clinging to a branch at the creek’s edge, her feet hooking her friend to keep her from being carried away.

As Lena and Ruby grew older, they appreciated that their parents instilled in them the passion and the skill set—not to mention the capacity to handle themselves when things went sideways—that were key ingredients for staying safe outdoors. But it also seemed to them that their parents too often prioritized their own desires over the needs of their children. (Nona and Peter once left two-year-old Ruby tied to a tree, watched over by a friend’s dog, while they executed a nearby multi-pitch climb.) Lena often felt like she only deserved love when she was getting after it in the mountains. At the same time, she felt unprepared for regular life, with its responsibilities and rules. Worse, she lacked the ability to relate to others. Lena struggled to connect with people beyond her family. She had few friends growing up.

Things briefly improved during college. She made friends and experienced her first romantic relationships, which were with other women. One lasted a year and a half. When it ended, Lena blamed herself. She noticed her baseline mood lowering, her emotions sinking beneath the surface.

After graduating, Lena moved back to Vancouver, into the house where she grew up. Her parents had moved to San Diego when Peter, a neuroscientist, took a job at the University of California campus there. They leased most of the house to tenants, and Lena paid a nominal rent to live in the basement. With her family gone—Ruby, a talented gymnast, was traveling the world as a trapeze artist—Lena had next to no social contact. She lacked a steady job too, following a short stint planting trees and a brief try at medical school. She felt useless, without purpose. She wished there was even one person who wanted to spend time with her or cared about what was going on in her life.

The only thing that gave Lena relief was skiing. She volunteered on the ski patrol at Whistler, biking or hitchhiking nearly 75 miles each way from Vancouver. She soon bored of the resort runs and began skiing outside the ropes. Avalanche education was new and hard to obtain, and Lena’s parents paid for her to take the only course she could find. She slept in her car in the parking lot during the weeklong instruction, taking naturally to the dirtbag lifestyle pioneered by climbers and ski bums.

In the winter of 1998, Lena and one of her only friends, Merrie-Beth Board, ski-toured in the backcountry outside Whistler as often as they could. After she’d descended several big lines, people said that Lena was good enough to go pro in the burgeoning sport of big-mountain skiing. But being in the backcountry gave her an elusive joy she was reluctant to saddle with obligation. Plus, she could hardly handle everyday tasks let alone chase sponsorships.

And God, she was still so lonely. On top of Lena’s stunted ability to connect with people, the seasonal nature of mountain towns made social attachments ephemeral for everyone, contributing to a feeling of isolation in a place with few mental health services to turn to. Not that mountain culture in that era was ready to prioritize mental health. The mostly male community overwhelmingly prized strength, speed, stoicism, and infallible expertise. A willingness to show vulnerability was—and too often still is—sacrificed as the cost of belonging.

And so Lena sacrificed. By the late 1990s, her depression was so deep that she found herself sometimes thinking about suicide.

Then, in the summer of 1999, Peter took his daughters to climb Mount Waddington, the highest peak in the Coast Range Mountains at 13,000 feet. One day on that expedition, Lena gazed at the glaciers spilling out in every direction. She thought how easy it was to travel on them through the mountains. She pulled out a map of the range. The glaciers seemed to stretch from her home in Vancouver all the way to Alaska, into the Saint Elias Mountains, up and over Mount Logan (Canada’s highest peak), and down to the Gulf of Alaska. You could strap on a pair of skis and just keep going.

From that moment on, Lena’s plan was to connect the entire stretch over several years, in two-month segments. That’s how Peter tackled long traverses too, traveling in March and April when conditions were optimal. Here, she thought, was a project that would take three or four spring seasons to complete. A sense of direction that would span years.

TWO

Lena didn’t leave on the expedition immediately. Ruby needed to block out enough time away from performing to join her sister. In the meantime, Lena floated through jobs and undertook a last-minute cycling trip on a rickety second-hand bike, riding 2,500 miles from Florida to her parents’ San Diego home. Then, around Christmas in 2000, she heard that another local skier was planning a Coast Range traverse—and aiming to do it all in one go.

His name was Guy Edwards. He was the ex of a woman Lena had hiked nearly a thousand miles of the southern Pacific Crest Trail with in the summer of 1997. He was known as Fast Eddie, renowned in both the American and Canadian mountain communities for his climbing feats on ice, snow, rock walls, and boulders. He had an almost hyperactive energy and an effervescent personality. Like Lena, Guy preferred fluorescent secondhand clothing to technical apparel. He painted his toenails. He had a monkish dedication to traveling light and held several climbing speed records. But he wasn’t chasing fame with his records and first ascents. Like many in the B.C. coast’s outdoor community, he believed that a person’s accomplishments should fly under the radar.

When Lena heard what Guy was planning, she called his house and left a message on the answering machine: She wanted in on the trip, and maybe Ruby could come, too. Guy returned Lena’s call in early January. His team was aiming to reach Skagway in Alaska, he said, a 1,200-mile journey over seven months. It was short of Lena’s vision of going all the way to Mount Logan—an additional 420 miles—but she was still interested. He said he’d have to speak to his other teammates first.

Guy had been planning the traverse for months and had already assembled an all-star team of alpinists: Vance Culbert, John Millar, and Dan Clark. Guy and Vance connected years earlier through the Varsity Outdoor Club (VOC), a cadre of climbers and mountaineers at the University of British Columbia. He and Guy had done expeditions together, including climbing Waddington without any maps, testing their route-finding skills up the complicated mountain. Guy and Vance left from their back doors in Vancouver; kayaked nearly 50 miles up Bute Inlet; skied 55 miles to the peak through trail-less rainforest; and after climbing to within 65 feet of the summit, bushwhacked to a logging road, where they hitched a ride home. The trip exemplified the human-powered ethos that prevailed among the coast’s adventure community at the time; fueled by environmentalism, they eschewed helicopters, ski lifts, even their own vehicles when on expeditions.

Dan Clark grew up in Calgary and had learned to climb in the Rocky Mountains. He’d skied other long expeditions, including a first-ever traverse in the Columbia Mountains west of Banff. When he heard that a few guys were planning an epic journey across the Coast Range, he drove out to persuade Guy to let him join the team.

The men had spent nearly a year planning; Lena and Ruby would have just weeks.

The VOC also placed John Millar in Guy’s orbit. Only 22, John emanated a quiet maturity. He was the middle child of a largely absent father, both physically and emotionally; John’s mother, Eileen, had raised him. He was a sensitive kid who grew into a big youth, ultimately reaching six-foot-five, with explosive emotions. At the University of British Columbia, he discovered an outlet for his unwieldy inner life: Climbing, skiing, and mountaineering provided a focus for his energy and immense strength. He learned quickly and became just as strong an alpinist as Guy, although he broadcasted his accomplishments even less.

Lena endured another restless week before Guy called her back a second time. He apologized, but his team was only a month out from departure and already too far along in their planning—which included 24 food caches, nine of which would be dropped by helicopter or ski plane—to add additional members. He kept her number just in case.

In tears, Lena called Ruby in Montreal. Could they at least do the first of their spring traverses—more than 400 miles from Vancouver to Bella Coola—this year? It seemed improbable. The men had spent nearly a year planning; Lena and Ruby would have just weeks. And Lena’s capacity for the complicated logistics of a three-month expedition was close to nil. Had Ruby said no, the idea might have imploded right there.

But Ruby said yes. She spent hours each day on the phone counseling Lena through her depression and anxiety as Lena organized nearly two dozen buckets of food into daily rations and grouped them by traverse section. They also had to pinpoint locations for food drops and find pilots to handle them. Perhaps most important, Ruby needed to obtain a pair of telemark skis, made for touring. Though she had some experience in the backcountry, she had never tele-skied before. Yet she didn’t think twice about undertaking a massive expedition on unfamiliar equipment, in perilous terrain, with limited options for getting back to civilization if something went wrong. Neither did it seem to bother her that she’d just broken a rib performing. After all, this was a Rowat-family adventure.

On March 2, four weeks after the men left, Lena and Ruby stepped into their skis and began skinning—skiing uphill using long strips of synthetic material stuck to the bottom of their skis for traction. They were undaunted by the enormity of the journey before them. Lena’s brain didn’t roil. She didn’t sense the ever present welling of tears. Heading up into the heights with her sister, she was singing at the top of her lungs.

THREE

Three weeks later, inside the storm-racked tent on Manatee Col, the Rowat sisters dug out their satellite phone and desperately dialed their father, hoping for moral support, advice, and a weather forecast. Lena’s stomach had settled some, but the fact that they were trapped by the storm for days had deflated her confidence.

Through a crackling connection, Peter Rowat told his daughters that the storm wouldn’t clear for a while. But, he reminded them, conditions were often calmer below the ridgeline. And one more thing, he said. Guy Edwards had called the Rowats’ house from his own satellite phone.

The men’s expedition had hit a snag, too; they’d run into a storm of their own a couple of weeks prior. It pinned them down for a few days as their food supply dwindled. Once the weather calmed, they raced to a logging camp for one of their food caches. Desperately low on provisions, the group were traveling in the dark when Dan skied off the lip of a drainage ditch and slammed hard into the ground below. He came up bleeding and unable to shoulder his pack, let alone ski. They arranged a float plane for him to see a doctor, hoping he’d soon rejoin the team. But Dan had fractured two cervical vertebrae in his neck. He was lucky he wasn’t paralyzed. His Coast Range traverse was over.

The men replaced Dan with a skier named Kari Medig, but he was only available for a portion of the trip, and the team needed a fourth to climb technical sections in pairs. Guy had called to ask if Lena wanted to join for the northern stretch. The invitation sparked her spirits. She asked her father to tell Guy that she would be there as soon as she could. She only needed to reach Bella Coola with Ruby—after three weeks, they were just shy of halfway there—then she could join for the 620-mile leg to Skagway. The sisters quickly took their father’s advice to abandon the ridge, packing up their snow-drenched gear in the gale. Five hundred feet below camp, the wind disappeared. The snow let up as they descended farther.

Days stretched into weeks. More unstable weather forced more idle time in the tent. In the rainforested valleys, they slogged through the thick, slushy snow skiers refer to as elephant snot and bushwhacked the sharp spears of a plant called devil’s club, with spines that can pierce skin even through sturdy clothing. Higher up, they contended with avalanche danger and crevasses. Ruby once stepped through snow into the empty air of a thinly covered chasm, her heart nearly stopping before she stepped carefully backward onto solid ground.

It wasn’t all misery, though. Under the spring sun, the sisters traveled topless and skinny-dipped in glacial pools. Lena occasionally skied in a bright print frock she called her party dress. Several inches taller than her sister, she moved with the long strides of a giraffe. Ruby was an accomplished athlete herself, yet she often found herself lagging behind. When Ruby led, doing the hard work of breaking trail through the snow, the women found that their pace matched if Lena took on just a few pounds from Ruby’s pack. Despite substantial experience in the mountains, Lena’s self-doubt had kept her from seeing just how capable she was. “I think she realized, for the first time, that she was stronger than her older sister,” Ruby told me. “That trip helped launch her confidence in some respects, that she had that competence out there.”

Yet both felt their relationship fraying. Lena wasn’t just moving faster because her legs were longer. She wanted to join Guy’s team, and could seem impatient to do so. For Ruby, the 400-mile journey from Vancouver to Bella Coola—an enormous feat in itself—was the goal. As was spending time with her sister. After the call to their father, Ruby sensed the dynamic with her sister shift. “This was something we said we’d do together,” she said, “and then suddenly Lena was just keen to get on with these other people.”

By the time they reached the tiny settlement of Bella Coola, the Rowats had covered more than 400 miles in 54 days—a day faster than the men. Ruby gave Lena her skis, since Lena had damaged her own. The sisters hugged goodbye on the side of the highway. Then Ruby caught a ride south with family friends to return to the life she’d built. Alone on the road, Lena stuck out her thumb to hitchhike north, toward a life she still needed to create.

Lena met the team in Terrace, British Columbia, where Guy, Vance, and John were staying to regroup and make repairs. Lena and John knelt on the floor of a house to examine a pair of busted skis. Lena had met him before, back in January; though he’d turned down her request to join the expedition, Guy invited her to come look at maps with his team. But in Lena’s anxious and depressed state, she retained none of her first impressions. She’d been apprehensive walking into the Terrace house as a new team member; she didn’t know the others well and had no idea if they’d get along. Now John turned to her, his chin wispy with the thin beard of an adolescent. “Let’s see if we can find a Leatherperson,” he said.

John Millar

Lena stared up at him as he lifted his full height off the floor. The name of the tool he’d referred to, a sort of Swiss Army knife on steroids, was Leatherman. Who was this guy who’d thought to say Leatherperson instead? She could tell it wasn’t to impress her. It just seemed to be the way his brain worked.

With the mountains as his guide, John had grown from a troubled youth into a good and jovial man. At potlucks, he was always first to do the dishes—then mischievously hide them in obscure spots in the kitchen. In Yosemite during one climbing trip, he stepped in when a group of policemen roughed up a drunk climber on crutches. John asked them to stand down; they threw him in jail for the night. Vance called him a warrior monk. Guy called him a superhero with morals.

Despite feeling welcomed by John, worries about the expedition gnawed at Lena during those few days in Terrace. Would she be able to keep up? Ski well enough? Be a capable team member? What would they think of her if she couldn’t?

Finally, the team of four headed into the mountains. They hadn’t gone far when Lena skied over a dip in the slope, bumped into Vance’s back, and fell backward in her heavy pack. She looked like a stranded turtle. Everyone, including Lena herself, burst into laughter. She felt the tension ease, like a pressure valve releasing.

The feeling wouldn’t last. A few days later, the men pulled out collapsible sleds—helpful for moving gear over flat terrain. Lena and Ruby had brought one, too, but opted not to use it. Now it took Lena a long time to assemble hers as the men skied off. Once underway, she had to stop repeatedly to adjust it. As she fell farther behind, anxiety rose in a sour tide.

“It was an abandonment trigger for me,” Lena recalled. “A lot of my childhood was, ‘You better keep up or else.’ ” When she was older, she noticed that being able to go far, fast, won her positive feedback. But if her teammates paid any mind to the trouble she had with her sled, no one said anything about it.

Over the next few weeks, Lena began to feel more comfortable. She skied in her party dress. She skinny-dipped in glacial ponds. Evenings, she sat with the others watching the sun set over the spires and ramparts of mountains few people had laid eyes on. And she proved herself a valuable member of the team. Once, while navigating a complex icefall—a steep section of jumbled ice—Guy was in the lead, tied onto a rope with Lena. He stepped onto a pile of snowy ice to jump across a narrow crevasse. When it collapsed, he disappeared into the void. Lena sat down immediately to use her body as an anchor until Guy could pull himself out.

Lena also experimented with ways to navigate the Coast Range’s numerous rivers, whose banks were choked with tangled alder and thickets of devil’s club. After bushwhacking a difficult stretch, she inflated her sleeping pad and placed her pack and climbing gear on top—including her sharp crampons and ice axe. Then she waded into the river to swim while pushing the makeshift raft ahead of her. The men had begged her not to do it; it would be catastrophic to lose everything in the river or be swept away herself. Lena was undeterred, and paddled past the men as they struggled onshore. “She did things her way,” Vance said. “Which often turned out for the better, even though there was a high degree of risk involved.”

On June 1, about a month after she’d joined the men in Terrace, Lena and John were walking together when he turned to Lena, pulled her in, and kissed her.

Lena felt a jolt of thrill—and surprise. Not because previously she’d been with women; if she was honest, she’d fallen in love with all three men on the expedition. She’d thought she and Guy might end up together—John was several years younger, and Vance was already in a relationship. But Lena had come to know John as a strong, quiet goofball. He was caring and selfless; without fail, he was the first to wake up on frigid mornings to make something hot for the rest of them. He was completely himself, and he made Lena feel appreciated for who she was. So when John kissed her, she relaxed into the moment.

It had been a bold move on John’s part. He was painfully shy around women. By the time he was 22, he hadn’t even kissed a girl. Inexperienced though he was, John was mature enough to want to avoid upending team dynamics with what could turn into a budding romance. He suggested they keep their mutual attraction secret, confined to nights when they were paired up in the tent rotation or during rare moments alone. Lena went along with it. Guy and Vance remained cheerfully oblivious. And though Lena and John’s relationship didn’t really exist outside of intermittent nights spent pressed against each other in the scant privacy afforded by nylon walls, the loneliness that had strangled Lena for years began to loosen its grip. Soon, John became the love of Lena’s young life.

Weeks later, in the long midsummer light of southeast Alaska, the small party of skiers blazed like beacons of color against the glistening pale of the Stikine Icecap. Their figures were dwarfed by its expanse and the stark silhouette of the great spire they skied toward. Like an ancient stone monolith, the Devils Thumb rises more than 9,000 feet from a glacial basin dubbed the Witches Cauldron. Its sawtoothed massif—a forbidding wall of rock and ice—had called to alpinists for decades and was one of the most challenging climbs on the continent. To this day, fewer than fifty people have made it to the summit.

The team had no intention of merely passing by the Devils Thumb; to climb it, even by an established route, was still a great prize in alpinism. The men had arranged for a food cache and some climbing gear to be dropped there, just enough for two climbers at a time to make the attempt. Vance went first with his girlfriend, Cecelia Mortenson. A competent mountaineer who’d just returned from a solo traverse in the Himalayas, Cecelia had met up with the team at a fishing lodge on the Stikine River. The pair were turned around before the summit ridge by an impassable pinnacle of rock. Next went Guy and John, the group’s strongest climbers, choosing a different route straight up the face; they, too, were stymied.

That left Lena. She wanted to climb with John, but he was exhausted from his attempt. Vance offered to go back up with her. It was only after they’d ascended the first steep snowfield that Vance realized Lena had never climbed a technical alpine peak before. “She was so confident in herself, she just believed she could do anything,” Vance said. Still, to realize that he was on the Devils Thumb with an inexperienced partner, far from any help should something go wrong, was unsettling.

They spent a long afternoon and night—a dusky twilight so far north—ascending, including a pitch of aid climbing, which Lena had never done before. Under Vance’s direction, Lena learned to step up and pull on pieces of a webbing ladder and loops that Vance fixed in the rock and ice. They crested the knife-edge summit ridge, empty air dropping away for thousands of feet on either side, as the sun lit the basin.

But just before the summit, they were stopped by a pillar of smooth rock. The only way around it was to traverse the wildly steep, snow-covered north face, and the day was too warm for the snow to support their weight. They were forced to turn around. Vance built a snow anchor for them to rappel off a steep pitch. He explained that if the snow anchor appeared to hold his weight, she should pull out the backup anchor, called a picket, so as not to leave any gear on the mountain. As he rappelled down the pitch, Lena saw the snow anchor give only the slightest bit. She pulled the picket, tied onto the rope, and leaned her whole body back into space.

The snow anchor failed immediately. Vance watched, horrified, as Lena sailed over his head, somersaulting down the nearly vertical rock of the south face. The rope screamed through his hands, the friction burning his gloves as he grasped at it desperately. As Lena catapulted downward, her life didn’t flash before her eyes. Instead, a mantra played in her head: Try to stop, try to find handholds, don’t give up.

Miraculously, the rope tied itself into a knot and arrested her fall after more than 100 feet. Lena came to rest on an angled snow patch. She sat up in the sudden stillness, shocked to be alive and amazed that Vance still had one end of the rope. She climbed back up to him as he belayed her. When she reached him, he was in tears. “I was a total wreck,” Vance said. “I almost killed Lena.” She appeared to him as calm as a windless day. (The feeling of free-falling would haunt her in flashbacks, every time she rappelled, well into the future.)

When the pair made it back to camp, they passed along the climbing gear to Guy and John, who were eager for a second attempt, without disclosing Lena’s near-death experience. They only told the others what had happened when the men returned the following morning after another unsuccessful try. For Guy and John, the failure to summit the Devils Thumb was the only disappointment of the entire journey. As they skied away, the image of that tower of ice and stone stamped itself on their brains.

On July 16, the Coast Range team stepped into the Alaskan mining town of Skagway. The streets bustled with cruise-ship tourists, so the team couldn’t have stood out more: They were dirty and disheveled, with skis strapped to their backs in the middle of summer. In the preceding five and a half months, they’d traveled more than 1,200 miles. They navigated avalanching slopes, icefalls, crevasses, and storms, using paper maps, compasses, and the still-developing technology of GPS. They climbed 14 major peaks, including two first ascents. And they completed what many consider the longest technical ski traverse in the world.

But when they got to Skagway, there were no reporters, no welcoming party. Fanfare would have been anathema to them anyway. None of them were after glory. This wasn’t the culmination of some competition. It was a love affair, an homage from a few bold skiers to the mountains they considered home. Later, when word got out that the Coast Range had been traversed, the same people who’d said it was impossible “bowed their heads, calling it the greatest ski ever completed, anywhere,” wrote Geoff Powter, then editor of the Canadian Alpine Journal. “They said these young skiers were the next great generation, that they’d set the stage for a whole new era of exploration.”

Now that it was over, most of them were keen to move on. Guy and John were ready to get back to rock climbing. Vance was headed to graduate school. But Lena felt that the expedition had given her direction, taught her to function through the chaos in her brain. She’d connected with people meaningfully for the first time in her life. And it had delivered John. Lena didn’t want it to end. She could have kept going forever.

FOUR

After Skagway, Lena had a new objective: completing the pieces of the traverse she’d missed. But without companions for the endeavor, she felt herself begin to drift again. John tossed her a lifeline. He invited her to come to Vancouver and learn to rock-climb with him and Guy. The three of them lived in a rental house dubbed the Mansion, which overflowed with a rotating cast of climbers connected to the VOC. Only four names were on the lease, yet at one point 17 people got their mail there. John had once claimed the kitchen closet as his room.

The bustling house meant that Lena and John were rarely alone. Even when they climbed together, it was often with Guy or other housemates. In the few months they cohabitated there, she and John made only one trip that was just the two of them. It was to Mount Sedgwick, a hard-to-access peak in the Squamish wilderness that generally called for what one local mountaineer had called “two days of extreme-level sufferfest” to summit. When they’d reached the peak, Lena sat in John’s lap, the whole of the B.C. coast laid out below them, and they enjoyed a quiet moment together. Despite having spent little time alone together, John was certain enough of his relationship with Lena to introduce her to his mother, Eileen, at her house on Quadra Island, north of Vancouver. In Eileen’s kitchen, Lena and John danced to the ukulele notes of his favorite song, “Somewhere Over the Rainbow.”

By the fall of 2001, Lena was restless and making plans to undertake what she considered the complete Coast Range traverse: from Haines, Alaska, to Mount Logan, the roof of Canada at 19,551 feet, and back down to the Gulf of Alaska. She asked John to join her, but he was more interested in climbing than skiing, and about to join an expedition dubbed the Endless Summer—a group of climbers sailing all over the world and summiting peaks from Alaska to Antarctica. He left for New Zealand in mid-September. The decision and the distance would have ended many relationships, and Lena still battled her belief that people didn’t really love her if they didn’t want to go on adventures with her. As she mulled over their relationship, Lena decided to join the expedition, too, in late January. But by then John was getting ready to leave it—which left her to suspect that he didn’t want her there.

The pair overlapped for just two nights in Ushuaia, Argentina, where John proudly gifted Lena a sweater he’d knit. Lena loved it—both the sweater and the gesture, which helped ease her angst about their prospects as a couple. On their first night together again, they slept on a mattress in a storage locker by the dock; the second they spent in a high valley, holding the tent down against a fierce wind.

Lena returned to Canada in March and left for her Logan traverse in late April 2002. The logistics of this expedition were easier. The long stints of glacier travel were more straightforward, and there were teammates to help. She’d enlisted Kari Medig, who’d skied a portion of the Coast Range traverse before Lena; Merrie-Beth Board, with whom Lena explored the Whistler backcountry; and Jacqui Hudson, a VOC member who was dating Guy. Also, her brain felt calmer. She’d begun to develop a community around her. And she still had John. Although he wouldn’t be joining, he drove Lena and the others down to Bellingham to catch the ferry to Alaska.

Most people who climb Mount Logan set up a base camp on its flank and ascend via the King’s Trench, considered the easiest route up the mountain. But Lena’s team planned to ski nearly 280 miles from sea level in Haines and ascend the more difficult East Ridge. Once underway, the Logan traverse was not nearly as exciting to Lena as the others had been, although the team did nearly run out of food at one point, and Jacqui fell 25 feet into a crevasse while dragging a sled. There was little of the sense of newness around every bend that the southern part of the range had held; instead, it was a slog across the mind-boggling enormity of flat glaciers. And where Lena had enjoyed a dreamy group dynamic with the Coast Range team, this quartet—all strong personalities—rubbed each other raw at times. Merrie-Beth was training to be a ski guide and tended toward group decision-making, Jacqui said, “Whereas Lena will just ask for what she wants or tell you what she’s going to do. So she and Merrie-Beth butted heads a lot.”

Still, the team completed the Logan traverse in 55 days and 420 miles. There was only one piece of unfinished business on the Coast Range.

In April 2003, Lena, John, and Guy returned to the only peak they’d failed to summit during their traverse: the Devils Thumb in Alaska. They wanted to complete the Northwest Face, a massive 6,500-foot, nearly vertical wall that avalanched ice and snow. The climbing community considered it both the last great unachieved challenge on the continent, and, in the words of local Petersburg climber Dieter Klose, “a perfect place to commit suicide.”

Lena, still more of a skier than an alpinist, had no plans to try the Northwest Face. Instead, she enlisted her father for an attempt on an established route up the south face, while Guy, John, and a climber named Kai Hirvonen tackled the more perilous route. Once the expedition was over, Guy planned to head to Nepal. In John’s journals, he wondered whether he should be done pushing dangerous limits in the mountains. He’d been thinking about medical school.

After a few days of boating and skiing to the mountain, the group spent one more night together in its shadow. Lena pulled out her harmonica and played John’s favorite song, “Somewhere Over the Rainbow,” as they all sat in the long light of a northern sunset. They skied out the following morning under gleaming skies. After John, Guy, and Kai broke off on their own, Lena tied a surprise goodie bag to a rock for the men to find on their way back. She didn’t worry much as they skied away. That was one of the things her parents had ingrained in her—the Rowats were experts at underplaying physical risk.

Six days later, as she slept after the climb with her father, the whine of a chainsaw invaded Lena’s dream. When she woke, she realized that the sound was a helicopter landing so close that it blasted the tent walls with snow. Her heart sank with a sick certainty. Kai emerged from the helicopter with search and rescue personnel and said, “We’re looking for John and Guy.”

Thank God, she thought. They’re not dead yet, then.

After peeling off from Lena and Peter, Guy, John, and Kai had set up base camp at the foot of their route and spent three days assessing conditions on the Northwest Face. On the evening of the third day—climbing at night was safest, because warm snow and ice can be unstable—they approached the wall under clear skies, carrying several days’ worth of food and fuel. At the base of the wall lay an enormous pile of avalanche debris. It made Kai so uneasy that he decided to turn around. “There was something in my body screaming at me not to go,” he said. “I’d never sensed that in my entire life.” He was embarrassed and ashamed to let John and Guy down. They’d spent so much time saving for the trip, planning it, and getting to the remote location. “We took planes, we took boats, we skied,” he said. But he felt that it was too dangerous.

John urged him to reconsider. “It’s not that bad,” he said. “You should come.”

But Guy said gently, “I get it. No worries.”

Kai skied back to base camp, where he watched the tiny lights of John’s and Guy’s headlamps ascend the rampart into the night. He stayed up for an hour, following their progress, before he turned in. As the days passed, he kept a close eye on the mountain but couldn’t make out any figures or headlamps. Finally, after three days, he skied out alone—covering in a hurried 12 hours what had taken three days on the way in—and summoned a rescue. Then he came to find Lena.

The helicopter airlifted Lena and Peter out to Petersburg, where Lena began making calls. People flew up and gathered in the small town: both of John’s parents; John’s sister, Jerusha; his brother, Hamish, who’d been on a ski trip in southern Argentina when he’d gotten word that John was missing; and Jacqui, even though she and Guy had broken up by then. The group took turns looking for the climbers from the helicopter.

When Jacqui first glimpsed the Northwest Face’s restless ice and hanging glaciers, she thought only one thing: They’re dead. There was no way anyone could survive such a pitiless place. The scale of it played tricks on Eileen. Flying over the peak, she told the pilot she would just step out of the helicopter onto the snow and ice to look for John herself; the pilot told her they were 100 feet in the air. Jerusha watched her father get out of the helicopter to scream at the mountain, and at John for losing himself to it.

After two days with no sign of John or Guy, the local search operation ceased its efforts. Eileen used her own money, borrowed from John’s grandparents, to hire a helicopter and keep looking. After another five days, that search was called off, too. It was presumed that John and Guy had been swept away by an avalanche and buried at the base of the massive wall.

Still, some in the climbing community secretly hoped that they’d show up on some logging road trying to hitch a ride home after summiting the unclimbable face, having given everyone the slip. For years afterward, the sound of helicopters in the mountains dropped Lena into the hope that it was John and Guy, alive, coming to reunite with her.

FIVE

On a late September day in 2024, more than two decades after that expedition to the Devils Thumb, I joined Lena to hike an unforgivingly steep route to an alpine lake above her home in Squamish, north of Vancouver. She was 51 and still possessed much of the youthful drive that had propelled her across the impossible spine of North America. Her long legs ate up the slope effortlessly. As she led me upward, she told me stories about her past.

After John and Guy died, Eileen’s house on Quadra Island became Lena’s haven. She spent weeks there, the two of them grieving alongside each other. For a long time, Lena would awake with the sudden memory that John and Guy were gone. It was like a punch to the heart. It took all day for Lena to finally, somehow, feel OK. But as she went to sleep she’d collapse into grief again, then repeat the whole process the next morning.

When she wasn’t on Quadra, Lena was at the Mansion. If the climbing house had once been full, now it burst at the seams with people coming together to remember John and Guy over potlucks and at parties, sitting on the floor and painting each other’s toenails in homage to their lost comrades. This was a community acquainted with loss; John had seven or eight friends die in the mountains by the time he went to the Devils Thumb for the last time. But this one seemed to hit especially hard.

As Lena suffered her way through grief, the outdoor community’s support buoyed her. As it tightened around her, she felt part of it in a way she never had before. The loss also brought her closer to Hamish and Jerusha, whom she’d barely met before those horrific days in Alaska. John’s siblings and his mother became her adoptive family; Eileen told me that she lost a son but gained a daughter.

Finally, here was the thing that Lena had been missing for so much of her life: deep connections. From beyond the grave, John and Guy had given her this. “Having that community helped calm my mind,” she told me, “and allowed me to then home in on midwifery”—the vocation her mother had championed. “I remember thinking when they died that it was so good I had something I could work toward.” For the first time in her life, Lena had purpose outside the mountains.

She goes into the mountains now to connect with herself, with her husband and son, and with her friends. She sometimes feels that John and Guy are with her.

Not that she pulled back entirely from outdoor adventure after John and Guy died. Between 2006 and 2009, Lena assembled two expeditions to finish the sections of the Coast Range traverse she’d skipped when she hitchhiked from Bella Coola to Terrace, which included the most technical stretch of the route. When those sections were complete, Lena Rowat had gone farther in those mountains than anyone else.

In 2014, eleven years after John’s death, Lena married a man with a matching appetite for adventure and a calm temperament that provided balance for hers. They now have a nine-year-old adopted son. She’s worked as a midwife since 2008.

Would that all things in life were tied up in such neat bows. When John and Guy died, Lena shut out her parents and Ruby, a move that devastated her sister—Lena’s closest companion during her youth and her teammate on the leg of the Coast Range traverse that had launched the best years of her young adulthood.

Nor did Lena’s demons fade away easily. She suffered with them for years, until at the age of 50, she committed herself to therapy to confront her tangled attention span and the depression that plagued her after John died. She’s honest about losing her train of thought when responding to a question. She still has a hard time completing chores and what she calls “administrative tasks” at home, and spends time outside before she has to pick her son up at school. She talks a lot about internal family systems, about what makes for a healthy one. She knows that she hurt Ruby, but also that she needed other people at the point in her life. They’re both trying to heal their relationship.

As we topped out at a lake gleaming like a jewel, surrounded by the stark beauty of the south end of the Coast Range, Lena told me that she no longer felt she had to prove her lovability through her prowess at extreme adventures. She goes into the mountains now to connect with herself, with her husband and son, and with her friends. She sometimes feels that John and Guy are with her. She still has the sweater John knit for her; she wears it around the house when she wants to be cozy. She keeps a photo collage of both of them on the wall in the living room. She says there was once a part of her that wished she’d been the one who died doing something she loved, with someone she loved—so she wouldn’t have to go through the travails of the rest of life. But she doesn’t feel that way anymore.

Lena knows that it’s a long path she’s on, exploring these internal reaches. In some ways, it’s a path that began all those years ago when she stepped into her skis to walk the whole of these mountains; it took that long to get where she is now. But pilgrimages rarely end with a single moment of transcendence. More often, transformation comes when the journey leads back home, to the minutiae of everyday life.

That fall afternoon, Lena shucked off her flowery skirt, edged out onto a hanging flake of rock, and jumped naked into the green water thirty feet below. When she emerged, she was laughing, the glorious sound of it rolling to the sky.


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The Eagle Hunters of Kyrgyzstan

The
Eagle
Hunters
of
Kyrgyzstan

In the mountains of Central Asia, a Small group of outdoorsmen are keeping an ancient tradition alive.

Photographs by
yam g-Jun

Published April 2025

In the spring of 2021, Talgar Shaybyrov embarked on a heartbreaking journey. For twenty years, Talgar had hunted with a golden eagle he called Tumara. The two lived at nearly 6,000 feet above sea level, in the quiet town of Bokonbaevo, Kyrgyzstan, where guesthouses and yurt camps line the shore of Issyk Kul, the world’s second-largest saltwater lake. They had spent the past two decades hunting jackals and foxes together, often traveling in Talgar’s run-down Volkswagen Golf, a modern replacement for a horse. Now Talgar was ready to return Tumara to the wilderness, as was the custom among eagle hunters. Doing so allows the birds a chance to mate and be free as they near the end of their long lives. “I have spent so many years with her,” Talgar told me. “I hope she will enjoy her freedom.” 

Kyrgyzstan’s eagle hunters, or burkutchu, carry on a long-standing tradition. For centuries, hunting with an eagle was essential to the region’s nomadic lifestyle: A good hunter could help feed and clothe a village. One family member typically teaches another, and it begins when a hunter finds a nest with multiple eaglets and chooses one to raise. It can take three months to train and raise a fledgling. The hunters spend years with their birds, and the relationship can take on an almost human quality. “Suluuke is like a daughter to me,” said Nursultan Kolbaev, Talgar’s nephew, of the bird he began training in 2012.

While burkutchu still use the eagles to hunt, many like Nursaltan also view the endeavor as a sport—and a way to make a living. Nursaltan was named eagle-hunting champion at the 2014 World Nomad Games. As travel to the region flourished, he turned to performing for tourists. This provides income for Nursultan’s family, but he’s been criticized for sacrificing tradition for profit. As Talgar began training his next eagle, the burkutchu community grappled with a changing world and what it might mean for the centuries-old relationship between humans and the eagles they train.

Talgar Shaybyrov leads a hunt in Bokonbaevo, October 2020. Hunters often work in groups—on horseback and traveling by car—to increase the chance of a successful hunt.

Bokonbaevo, with Issyk Kul and the Tian Shan range in the distance.

Right and below: Nursultan and Suluuke in Fairytale Canyon. During training, each success is rewarded with a piece of meat.

Left: Nursultan with Suluuke and his son at their home. The white hat Nursultan wears is called an ak-kalpak; the leather hood on Suluuke is called a tomogo. Below: Nursultan shows off a medal from the World Nomad Games; he’s a former champion in eagle hunting.

Right and below: Nursultan on a hunt in Jalal-Abad in December 2021 with Suluuke and his dog.

The Taigan is a breed of sight hound native to Kyrgyzstan. They are used to flush prey, such as foxes, on a hunt.

Right and below: In December 2021, eagle hunters in Bokonbaevo invited those from other parts of Kyrgyzstan for a joint expedition. The night before, 20 eagle hunters attended a sherine, or gathering. The event allowed them to connect with burkutchu from around the country—and size up the competition for the World Nomad Games.

Nursultan and Suluuke give an eagle-hunting demonstration for tourists. On a good day, he can earn $500 for ten demonstrations.

Most Kyrgyz farm on a small scale to help feed their families. Nursultan’s family rent about four acres of land to grow wheat.

Right and below: The Kyrgyz National Day Games, a national competition, in August 2022.

Left and below: Nursultan and Suluuke competing at the Kyrgyz National Day Games.


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The Balloon that Fell from the Sky

The Balloon that Fell from the Sky

Fifteen teams lifted off from Switzerland in gas ballooning’s most audacious race. Three days later, two of them drifted into Belarusian airspace—but only one would survive.

By Nick Davidson

The Atavist Magazine, No. 161


Nick Davidson is a journalist based in Santa Fe, New Mexico. His writing has appeared in Outside, Men’s Journal, Truly Adventurous, Garden & Gun, and High Country News, among other publications.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Jake Conley
Illustrator: Derek Bacon

Published in March 2025


ONE

THE WINDS were fast and the skies clear for the two days and nights that Mike Wallace and Kevin Brielmann had been airborne. The Spirit of Springfield, Wallace’s 1,000-cubic-meter hydrogen-gas balloon, drifted eastward over Poland at around 5,000 feet. It was already the longest flight either pilot had endured. The Americans had launched from Wil, Switzerland, on Saturday, September 9, crossing Lake Constance in the moonlight alongside a muster of 14 other balloons representing seven nations.

Each balloon carried two copilots vying to prevail in the 1995 Coupe Aéronautique Gordon Bennett, ballooning’s oldest and most prestigious aeronautical race. The goal was to travel the farthest distance possible before landing. Only the world’s most daring and decorated aeronauts could claim a spot in the field. The race typically lasted one or two days, and occasionally stretched into a third. No Gordon Bennett balloon had ever flown a fourth night, but favorable weather and a stretch of newly opened airspace now made that feat attainable for the first time. “It was fabulous, and we knew it,” said Martin Stürzlinger, a member of the ground crew for a balloon called the D-Caribbean.

Listen to the audio version of this story from Apple News

By noon on Monday, September 11, the race’s third day, only ten of the 15 balloons remained aloft. The rest had flown as far as they could before landing in Austria, Germany, or Poland. From the air, Wallace and Brielmann knew only that their friends Alan Fraenckel and John Stuart-Jervis, who raced under the U.S. Virgin Islands flag, were still flying nearby in the D-Caribbean. The two teams had remained within a couple dozen miles of each other for the race’s duration. Riding the same winds, they’d been in frequent radio contact to check in, share weather data, and trade friendly banter. On the ground, Wallace and Brielmann’s chase crew, tasked with keeping tabs on their whereabouts and relaying weather information, navigated a maze of Polish roads, ready to retrieve them wherever they landed.

Fraenckel radioed Wallace early that evening. “What altitude are you guys flying?” Fraenckel asked. The two men were close friends—they had raced together as copilots—and they used a private radio frequency to communicate. Wallace told him that they were plodding along at four or five thousand feet and struggling with a tenuous inversion, a stable air mass where warm air sits atop cooler air.

“Spend some sand,” Fraenckel said, “and come up to 11,000 feet. Got a really solid inversion here. You can sit on it all night.”

The hydrogen that fills the spherical envelope of a gas balloon is what powers its lift. To climb the wind’s layers, aeronauts toss out spoonfuls of sand from the dozens of cloth bags hung outside the basket, a technique called ballasting. Wind flows in diverse directions at different altitudes, and pilots steer by ascending onto these invisible roads.

The Spirit of Springfield rose to join the D-Caribbean, and over the course of several hours, it surged ahead of Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis. Six of the remaining Gordon Bennett balloons continued on a northeasterly path toward Lithuania, including the Colombus II, containing the young German star Willi Eimers and his copilot, Bernd Landsmann. The wind that the Spirit of Springfield and the D-Caribbean caught in Poland, however, had turned them southeastward. Along with the Aspen following somewhere behind them, piloted by two formidable American aeronauts on a winning streak, they now cruised at a rapid 19 knots toward Belarus.

Each balloon in the race bore a yellow banner on its gondola identifying it as a Gordon Bennett participant. Race organizers had secured permission for the pilots to pass through any country the winds might carry them over, barring Russia. Just seven weeks prior, the country had scrambled fighter jets when a Virgin Atlantic passenger flight crossed Russia on a new route to Hong Kong. The jets threatened the plane with gunfire and forced it to land—even though the airline had cleared it with authorities. The organizers considered the country too unstable for competitors to enter its airspace, making the Russian border the hard eastern wall of the race. Any balloon that approached would be required to land or face disqualification.

Belarus and Ukraine, however, were young nations rendered independent by the Soviet Union’s collapse not quite four years prior. Both had agreed to open their skies to the race for the first time. The Cold War’s embers had darkened, and Wallace, for one, found the idea of more room to fly enticing. He felt good about their prospects as they entered a third night with plenty of ballast to spare. Behind them, Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis were faring just as well.

Brielmann had better eyes than Wallace, and he performed most of the navigation aboard the Spirit of Springfield once the sun set. Night flying was serene if disorienting; Brielmann enjoyed it. He took occasional 20-minute naps, the sky illuminated by a full moon, and the night passed without incident.

At 6:40 a.m. on Tuesday, September 12, as the Spirit of Springfield and the D-Caribbean flew south of Bialystok, a Polish weather probe ascended 60 miles to the west and, for a time, followed the balloons’ course. Both teams crossed into Belarus nearly an hour later.

At 9:34 a.m. local time, a Belarusian border guard in Brest looked up and noticed an object drifting through the skies 40 miles to the northeast, heading toward the town of Pruzhany. The guard wasn’t sure what the balloon was but thought it might pose a threat. He picked up the receiver and dialed the antiaircraft command post.

When it was a few hundred feet away, the Hind veered sideways, affording a menacing view of its machine guns and the cannon mounted in its turret.

JAMES Gordon Bennett Jr., the eccentric playboy and newspaper magnate who ran the New York Herald in its heyday, founded the Gordon Bennett Cup in 1906. Bennett was an avid sportsman who, among other endeavors, won the first transatlantic yacht race on a drunken bet in 1866. He also initiated a long-distance auto race that would morph into the Grand Prix, but by the turn of the century his interests had shifted to the skies. The Coupe Aéronautique’s aim was simple from the outset: The world’s finest gas balloonists would compete to fly the farthest distance from the launch field to claim the trophy. Each race commenced in the previous winner’s home country.

Bennett’s cup was wildly popular. At the inaugural 1906 race in Paris, 16 balloons set off from the Tuileries Gardens over a crowd of one million spectators. It was a risky endeavor. Gas ballooning demands skill and nerve. A balloon filled with hydrogen is lighter than air and travels at the wind’s mercy, borne along it like a leaf on a river. To pilot one for long distances, aeronauts must understand the peculiarities of wind, which can shift speed and direction as altitude changes. Catching a desired current requires expertly managing ballast to stay aloft as the supply of gas—1,000 cubic meters of hydrogen in the Gordon Bennett—slowly leaks from the envelope. Expansion and contraction with the sun’s rise and fall sends the balloon on a roller-coaster ride through the troposphere. All while the pilots dodge storm clouds, mountains, electrical wires, trees, and church spires, and submit to the sometimes violent whims of nature.

Before cars, GPS trackers, and smartphones were widely adopted, pilots were largely on their own. In the 1910 race, which launched from St. Louis, Americans Alan Hawley and Augustus Post were presumed dead when neither surfaced after a week. They had landed in the Canadian wilderness and trudged through dense forest in a snowstorm before stumbling on a French-Canadian fur trapper’s hut, whose inhabitants mistook them for apparitions and fell to their knees in prayer. Hawley and Post had secured a new world distance record in the adventure.

Hawley and Post were lucky; others were not. Since the race’s inception, nine pilots had perished from mountainside crashes, unexpected plummets, or rogue lightning storms. Mike Wallace faced his own harrowing journey during his second Gordon Bennett, which began in Lech, Austria, in 1991. Fighting a 103-degree fever and a storm, Wallace hung his balloon briefly on a ski-lift cable—and in stew-thick fog grazed the top of Grossglockner, Austria’s tallest mountain—before making a rough landing.

Early on Tuesday, September 12, Wallace and Brielmann spotted the eight-story D-Caribbean in the early-dawn light 12 miles behind them. It was the fourth day of the Gordon Bennett. The sun warmed the Spirit of Springfield’s envelope, swelled its hydrogen, and gradually carried it to 12,000 feet. Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis remained some 3,000 feet lower.

The night had been especially frigid in the cramped wicker basket, and Wallace’s back ached from an old injury. In 1966, he was working as a civilian in Vietnam when the military helicopter he rode in was shot down. The fiery crash burned 80 percent of his body and broke his back, his neck, 14 ribs, and a clavicle. He received a Purple Heart for the ordeal, at a time when civilians were still eligible for the award. By late morning, the Spirit of Springfield and the D-Caribbean had been airborne for more than 60 hours and 750 miles. Both balloons were well positioned for victory. Fraenckel radioed Wallace to see how he and Brielmann were faring.

“We have 12 bags left,” Fraenckel said, “and all our water”—meaning the emergency ballast that could be dropped to stay afloat even longer. “We’re going for a fourth night.”

Twelve bags of sand was more than Wallace and Brielmann had. The D-Caribbean stood a good chance of winning and would almost certainly set a record if it stayed aloft. Its chase team, though, was having car trouble in Germany, which meant that the D-Caribbean would be stranded if it outstripped the Spirit of Springfield’s chase car.

“If you can’t find your crew,” Wallace joked, “you could still land if you want. My guys are right under you.”

Fraenckel laughed. “I don’t think so, Mikey.”

Fraenckel was a rising star on the competition circuit, and he was immensely popular. A handsome man of 55, with a bright smile, dapper mustache, and generous nature, he was an accomplished aeronaut and an airline pilot for TWA on the New York to Cairo route. He’d learned to fly in the Navy. His copilot, 67-year-old John Stuart-Jervis, cut a more reserved if still charming figure. An Englishman, he had run off during the Second World War, lied about his age to join the Royal Navy at 16, and became a pilot with the Fleet Air Arm. During the 1956 Suez Crisis, he was shot down in the Gulf of Suez, and a French cruiser plucked him from the water. He and Fraenckel met at a cocktail party in the Virgin Islands in 1989 and decided to join forces.

Wallace and Brielmann were talented pilots in their own right. This was Wallace’s sixth Gordon Bennett and Brielmann’s first. Despite his lack of competitive experience, Brielmann, who was 43 and from Connecticut, had been flying longer, was savvy with electronics, and, as a machinist and balloon repairman, approached the endeavor with an engineer’s sharp mind. Wallace was a fly-by-the-seat-of-his-pants sort. A 54-year-old Massachusetts lawyer and real estate developer, he couldn’t afford to fly conservatively. Gas ballooning, similar to jockeyship, favored lightweight pilots, who could stock their baskets with more sand. Compared with his slighter opponents, Wallace’s six-foot-five, 240-pound frame meant that the equivalent of three additional 30-pound bags of sand weren’t available for ballasting—a margin that could keep a balloon flying an additional night.

Despite the Spirit of Springfield’s apparent lead, Wallace had an inkling about Fraenckel’s plan. The crew of the D-Caribbean would simply keep eyes on their friends, watch them land when they ran out of options, and overtake them for the win. Wallace had formed his own plan to counter that possibility. Given the Spirit of Springfield’s southeastern track, they would most likely enter Ukraine, then aim for the Derkul River on its border with Russia, the race’s easternmost boundary. If Wallace could stay up another night alongside the D-Caribbean, he’d land on the riverbank so Fraenckel couldn’t leapfrog him. “We’ll have to damn near put it in the river or they’re gonna hop over us,” he told Brielmann.

Though the two balloons had been in visual contact since dawn, a hazy scrim of clouds now obscured the view, and Wallace and Brielmann could only see the ground 12,000 feet below. They rode the currents in silence. Over the next two hours, Wallace made repeated attempts to raise Fraenckel on the radio, to no avail. Maybe Fraenckel had switched frequencies or decided to remain silent late in the race, even if doing so would be unlike him.

Around 2:30 p.m., the thrum of a helicopter circling below them broke the stillness. Two microlight planes and a chopper had already scouted them back in Germany; curiosity among fellow fliers was common for balloonists. Wallace, having spent his early career arming military gunships, recognized the camouflaged Mil Mi-24 Hind—a sophisticated Russian chopper also dubbed the “devil’s chariot”—as it made close, aggressive passes at them. Wallace waved their permit papers at the Hind and pointed to the yellow Gordon Bennett racing banner. The pilot signaled for them to land and disappeared.

Minutes later, he returned and sped directly at the Spirit of Springfield. When it was a few hundred feet away, the Hind veered sideways, affording a menacing view of its machine guns and the cannon mounted in its turret. “That’s an awesome thing to see,” Wallace said.

Wallace had last reported the Spirit of Springfield’s position to Annette Hockeler, who led the balloon’s chase crew, an hour and a half earlier over the town of Pinsk. Now he jumped back on the radio. “A Russian helicopter is circling us,” he told her. “An armed helicopter.”

Then the radio cut out. It was the last transmission Hockeler would hear from Wallace and Brielmann.

John Stuart-Jervis (left) and Alan Fraenckel

HOCKELER tried repeatedly to reach Wallace on the radio but received no answer. Next she tried Fraenckel, with whom she had also been in regular radio contact. She heard only static. Hockeler was near the Belarusian border but had not yet entered the country. “I was concerned,” she said. Wallace’s final message and both pilots’ silence were disconcerting, but Hockeler told herself not to worry until she had more information. If a balloon was far enough away, flying at low altitude, or on the other side of a mountain, radio signals wouldn’t reach it.

A 38-year-old German from the Düsseldorf area, Hockeler handled radio communications and navigated the roads snaking beneath the Spirit of Springfield. She and Brielmann had been dating for the past year, and things were getting serious. Wallace introduced the couple at the 1994 World Gas Balloon Championships in Albuquerque, New Mexico, a race Hockeler flew with another German pilot. Brielmann worked in Wallace’s crew and helped Hockeler find a quality chase vehicle and a trailer to rent. The two quickly fell for each other and commenced a whirlwind long-distance affair. Three weeks after the event in Albuquerque, Hockeler took a business trip to San Diego. Smitten, Brielmann joined her. Then they spent Christmas together in Germany. Hockeler worked for an airline and began using her flight benefits for frequent trysts in New York.

Hockeler had already chased in three Gordon Bennetts and a number of other competitions. Two weeks earlier, she crewed for Wallace and Brielmann at a daylong event crossing the Alps out of Stechelberg, Switzerland.

With Brielmann’s fate quietly nagging at her, Hockeler and her chase partner, a German named Volker with whom she didn’t get along, were struggling to enter Belarus to catch up to the Spirit of Springfield. They had hoped to speed forward and radio the pilots again, following their southeasterly track. But after the pair spent the evening at the border, the guards there said they would need to backtrack more than 100 miles to Warsaw to obtain visas at the Belarusian embassy. It was already late. The embassy was closed for the day. Hockeler decided that they would find a room in Terespol for the night. “I had no chance to get in contact with Kevin again,” she said.

The D-Caribbean’s chase team, meanwhile, had been stuck near Dresden since Sunday night. Their Volkswagen bus had broken down on the second day. Alan Fraenckel’s older brother, Vic, helmed the crew with support from Martin Stürzlinger. Unable to fix the bus, a local mechanic lent them his Audi station wagon at no charge and asked them to return it when the race was over. In the course of the ordeal, they lost radio contact with the D-Caribbean, which was now far out of range. This was a problem: A chase crew is a balloonist’s lifeline, and Vic and Stürzlinger were now hundreds of miles behind. “At the speed they were going, we would not be able to catch up with them,” Stürzlinger said. “For us, that was pretty bad. It felt like abandoning them.”

Given her proximity, Hockeler had picked up the slack and periodically sent word of the D-Caribbean’s coordinates, altitude, bearing, and remaining ballast to race headquarters. Vic called in from public phones when possible so his crew could stay apprised of the balloon’s status and eventually find them.

Around the time Hockeler received the Spirit of Springfield’s final transmission, Vic and Stürzlinger at last resumed their chase. They were more than 24 hours behind. Stürzlinger saw that his colleague was agitated. “Vic was normally adamant about following the balloon in a line of sight,” he said. As they drove, they knew only that the D-Caribbean was somewhere in Belarus and they needed to get there fast.

Though the crew learned from headquarters that communication had ceased between Hockeler and the two balloons, Vic and Stürzlinger didn’t yet know about the complications at the border and resolved to drive through the night to make up for lost time. When they arrived at dawn, they hit a traffic jam hundreds of cars long. “But these black Mercedes,” Stürzlinger remembered, “they were just passing the line and going forward.” Vic pulled out and followed them all the way to the border station, only to discover, like Hockeler, that they needed visas.

They found Hockeler at her motel in Terespol at 8 a.m. on Wednesday. The Gordon Bennett’s organizers had instructed the crews to wait for their pilots in Terespol while race officials sorted things out. Instead, Stürzlinger later wrote in Ballooning magazine, “we decided to enter Belarus on our own.” The two teams would drive to Warsaw to obtain visas, then turn east again to find their balloons. Their troubles felt like a frustrating inconvenience that had merely shifted from the mechanical to the bureaucratic. “We were kind of naive,” Stürzlinger said.

Volker, Hockeler’s driver, had slept in the chase vehicle in the motel parking lot to thwart thieves. Hockeler, though, stayed awake feeding change into the motel’s pay phone to connect with race officials. “I tried to get more information,” she said. “I called everywhere, and nobody told me anything.”

When Hockeler communicated Wallace’s final transmission to race director Andreas Spenger on Tuesday afternoon, he’d seemed unfazed by the news. By Wednesday morning, though, she thought Spenger was acting strange. “I had the feeling that they knew more,” Hockeler said, “but they didn’t want to tell us. One time I really had the feeling, and I was loud at the phone. I said, ‘Please tell us! What do you know?’ ” She doesn’t recall exactly how Spenger answered. “But,” she said, “it was not the truth.”

“I had it on the radar,” an air traffic controller told Spenger. “He was on the radar over Belarus, but I don’t see it now.”

THE Gordon Bennett command center in Wil ran with the efficiency typical of a Swiss operation. The launch on Saturday evening had been flawless, and officials promptly telegrammed civil aviation authorities in each country that had opened its airspace to the competition to apprise them of the balloons’ launch.

Wil was a quiet agricultural town of low, rolling hills 45 minutes from Zurich, and the hometown of Karl Spenger, the 1994 Gordon Bennett champion. Spenger was a businessman and inventor known for developing lightweight balloon envelopes and baskets. His son, Andreas Spenger, directed the 1995 race on behalf of the Swiss Aero Club. Though the Gordon Bennett had launched from Switzerland on several occasions, this was the first year Wil hosted the race and Spenger’s first time directing it. The younger Spenger ran the command center from his father’s offices.

For three days, Spenger and his team had monitored the balloons’ progress. A large map of the race area covered one wall, with pins indicating each balloon’s known location, which was always approximate. Tracking the balloons’ whereabouts required regular landline calls to a Rolodex’s worth of air traffic control, or ATC, stations to determine who had heard from the balloons and when. The 15 pins were updated accordingly.

Chase crews, too, phoned the command center intermittently with updates on their balloons’ status. Even with rigorous communication, hours passed without feedback, and precise knowledge of any balloon’s actual position was rare. Gordon Bennett aeronauts thus flew practically in isolation. But by Tuesday morning, no major hiccups had arisen, and Spenger reveled in a race unfolding with exceptional ease.

Spenger was on duty in the command center late on the fourth night, monitoring the phone lines and checking the positions of the five balloons he believed were still airborne. The lack of feedback from those that had entered Belarus made him anxious. “I was very worried when we lost contact with the balloons,” Spenger told me. “I tried to call the national ATCs, and nobody knew what happened to them.”

Inexplicably, all monitoring of the Americans and the Virgin Islanders had ceased. Air traffic controllers in Belarus claimed to have no knowledge of the balloons whatsoever. “The negative attitude and contradictory statements of the Belarusian authorities made me very uneasy,” Spenger said. One by one, he redialed aviation authorities in each of the Baltic countries neighboring Belarus. “I had it on the radar,” one controller told him. “He was on the radar over Belarus, but I don’t see it now.”

At 3 a.m. on Wednesday, Spenger finally pried some information from a Lithuanian controller. “He was not allowed to say anything,” Spenger said. “But he told me he heard something.” A balloon, the Lithuanian said, had been shot down in Belarus.

Spenger couldn’t wrap his mind around the news. He thought that Belarus had given approval to fly there. “I was shocked,” he said. Spenger immediately dialed the Belarusian authorities again, but the controllers had stopped answering his calls. Spenger resolved to “work like a machine,” he said, until he obtained the facts. Hockeler and Vic Fraenckel, among others, would be fearful about their loved ones’ fate. Spenger knew this. But he was also aware that his picture of what had happened was incomplete. He still didn’t know, for example, which balloon was shot down, and whether the pilots survived. Until he had more reliable intelligence, Spenger hesitated to reveal the incident to anyone beyond the organization’s inner circle. He summoned them to the command center.

One of the men he called was Jacques Soukup. The wealthy American was the president of the FAI’s ballooning commission, the Comité International d’Aérostation, better known as the CIA. Soukup had been in and out of the command center over the first two days of the competition but had since departed for his second home, Bewley Court, a 14th-century manor outside London. In the predawn hours of Wednesday, September 13, Spenger phoned Bewley Court to inform a sleeping Soukup that a balloon had been shot down and the command center was in a state of emergency. “My heart sank,” Soukup said. He returned to Switzerland by private jet that morning.

That a tragedy was at hand quickly became apparent. Soukup felt especially apprehensive about who had been shot down. Elected CIA president just the year before, Soukup was also a founding member of the Virgin Islands Aero Club, alongside Alan Fraenckel and John Stuart-Jervis, with whom he was close. Furthermore, the D-Caribbean was his balloon. He had followed the race closely and knew that Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis were on a promising track into Belarus. Now his friends were unaccounted for and a balloon had been shot down. “I was feeling awful,” Soukup said. “I was terrified.”

While the others waited outside, Stürzlinger sat in a room with Kolobajek, listening. “Somebody shot at a balloon!” said the voice on the other line.

AT NOON on Wednesday, September 13, Hockeler, Stürzlinger, and Vic arrived at the Belarusian embassy in Warsaw. (Volker remained in Terespol.) They were told that they would need an official invitation from Belarus to obtain entry visas. The visas would cost $120 per person and wouldn’t be available until the following week. “We didn’t understand why it took so long,” Hockeler said. “We wanted to continue driving.”

Both crews kept up regular contact with race officials in Wil, but Spenger had yet to inform them that a balloon had been shot down. Early that afternoon, race organizers got on the line with a man at the embassy named Borvs Kolobajek, who was in charge of arranging the crews’ visas. While the others waited outside, Stürzlinger sat in a room with Kolobajek, listening. “Somebody shot at a balloon!” said the voice on the other line. An indignant Kolobajek dismissed the claim and ended the call.

Stürzlinger told Vic and Hockeler the disconcerting news on the embassy’s front steps. “We figured that it must have been an American balloon, because only the Americans went to Belarus,” he said.

For three hours they waited, with little acknowledgement from embassy officials. At 4 p.m., Vic managed to reach the U.S. embassy in Minsk from a pay phone. A young consular officer named Janine Boiarsky took the call. She told Vic that the embassy had received disturbing intelligence: A pair of American balloonists had been shot down somewhere in southern Belarus, she said. They had perished in the attack. Boiarsky knew nothing else for certain.

The crews sat stunned on the embassy steps and said little. Two of their friends had been killed—including either Hockeler’s boyfriend or Vic’s brother. “But we didn’t know which one,” Hockeler said. “I hoped not Kevin. And Vic hoped not Alan. It was horrible.” Vic entered the embassy to confront the Belarusians, and Kolobajek assured him that both balloons were safe. “Up to now the Belarusian embassy had ignored us,” Stürzlinger later wrote. “Now they started telling lies.”

By now a third balloon that had entered Belarus—the Aspen, with its American pilots, Mark Sullivan and David Levin—was accounted for. The pilots had recently called Spenger’s team in Wil with a harrowing tale: A MiG fighter jet twice circled them at 12,000 feet the previous afternoon. The shaken balloonists didn’t like the look of the shifting weather, and they were low on ballast anyway. They decided it was best to land. When Sullivan and Levin touched down near the tiny Belarusian town of Zelva, authorities escorted them to a military complex. Together with their chase crew, they were held overnight in its barracks under arrest. Four officers in black leather coats interrogated them for hours. After a long night, the officers drove them to a nondescript government building, charged them for exit visas, and directed them to leave the country immediately. When the balloon team crossed into Poland, they bought a case of Budweiser to settle their nerves.

The Aspen’s report was confounding and raised more questions than it answered for Hockeler and the others stuck in Warsaw. It was late in the afternoon. The embassy would soon close. Vic checked with Kolobajek on the status of their visa requests, but there was still no progress.

At 5 p.m., Vic again phoned the U.S. embassy in Minsk. Boiarsky said she had news. Vic steeled himself. Across the street, he could see the rest of the team lingering on the embassy’s stone steps, the red and green Belarusian flag rippling above them. He held the handset to his ear as Boiarsky spoke.

Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis of the D-Caribbean had been killed, she told him. Their bodies were in a small-town morgue. Wallace and Brielmann had been taken into custody somewhere in the same region and apparently were OK. After he hung up, Vic crossed the street and relayed the news to the others.

“We were hugging. We were all crying,” Hockeler said. For her it was an anguished relief, at once cruel and beneficent. “Vic was very silent,” Stürzlinger said. “He was a silent guy anyway, so he dealt with that quite inwardly.” Vic had led the crews’ efforts throughout the day. Now Stürzlinger took over and charged back into the embassy to speak to Kolobajek, “because Vic was not capable of doing these things at that moment,” Stürzlinger said.

After only ten minutes, the embassy verified what Boiarsky had told them. Kolobajek apologized for the accident and offered them coffee inside the embassy. Also, he said, their visas would now cost only $60 each. He allowed Vic to use the embassy line to dial his best friend, but the embassy disconnected Vic’s call after a few minutes, when it closed at 6 p.m.

Stürzlinger was, he told me, “really pissed.” Gentle by nature, he surprised himself in confronting Kolobajek when he offered to halve the price of their visas again to $30. “Is that for the bullets to shoot down the balloon or for the victory party?” he demanded. Kolobajek gave them their visas at no charge.

Hockeler, Vic, and Stürzlinger piled into the borrowed Audi and left Warsaw by 7 p.m. to return to Terespol. Kolobajek promised them that when they arrived, an escort would meet them and take them across the border to Brest. Wallace and Brielmann, he said, would be waiting for them there. When they reached Terespol, however, they found no escort. No one at the border station knew anything about the balloons. Exhausted and devastated, the crews wanted only to retrieve their friends—living and dead—and be done with the ordeal. After four hours of explaining themselves, they finally crossed into Belarus. But Wallace and Brielmann were nowhere to be found.

TWO

WHEN WALLACE saw the Hind flash its machine guns and signal to land, he wasn’t about to argue. He vented gas from the balloon’s envelope to initiate a dangerous and turbulent thousand-foot-per-minute descent. He and Brielmann had eaten dozens of Werther’s candies, and the foil wrappers swirled in the air around them like radar chaff.

Directly below the basket stretched vast open fields—the Pinsk Marshes, one of Europe’s largest wetlands. “It’s godforsaken,” Wallace said. “If you were gonna give the earth an enema, you’d stick the tube in the middle of the Pinsk swamp.” Wallace aimed for a building roughly five miles away. Nothing stood around it but thigh-high vegetation that choked the swamp. The Hind had vanished. “So I’m thinking, What the hell’s going on?” Wallace recalled. “Why wouldn’t he escort me down?”

As the Spirit of Springfield plunged, letting off the flammable gas that gave the balloon shape and lift, military aircraft shot heat-seeking missiles and dropped bombs around them. This corner of the Pinsk swamplands doubled as a Belarusian Air Defense target range, but was not labeled as such on their charts. The building they’d chosen to guide their landing appeared to be a favorite target in the range. The structure was shot up and pocked with shrapnel. “This is not an appropriate place to go down with a balloon,” said Brielmann. Wallace ballasted a spoonful of sand and ascended to 300 feet.

For the next hour and a half, Wallace worried that the Hind was still tracking their progress and might notice that they had yet to land. But they were still in the race. He figured he’d squeeze out three or four more miles while he searched for a safe place to touch down.

A road appeared in the distance. Soon they heard voices below. Near the road, curious faces peered from the shrubbery. As they neared the ground, a man reached up, grabbed the balloon’s trail rope, and pulled them to the earth. He and the others braved the target range to forage for berries and apples.

Wallace took a GPS reading of the landing site and joined the man, who spoke no English but mimed an offer to guide him out of the swamp. Brielmann stayed behind with the balloon. The dirt road was rough and rutted with tire tracks more than two feet deep. Abandoned trucks and bombshells littered the edges. How the hell are we getting the balloon out of here? Wallace said to himself.

Wallace ducked into the ruts whenever a bomb detonated nearby. He walked in a pair of the soft, round-soled boot liners used by mushers in the Iditarod, a method of saving weight during balloon races. But after several miles, he was limping badly—on top of inadequate footwear, he suffered from peripheral neuropathy, a consequence of the Vietnam crash that mangled his nerves and caused pain and numbness in his legs.

Wallace and his guide came upon a shack several miles down the road, manned by a trio of inebriated soldiers passing around slices of salami. An officer dumped the water from Wallace’s bottle and poured in vodka, insisting that he drink with them. “I’d had a drinking problem,” Wallace told me, “and I hadn’t had a drink in ten years. I couldn’t do that.” He asked instead for water and some food. He hadn’t eaten much more than a few carrots and a chocolate bar in three days.

To the outpost’s guards, this lumbering foreigner had seemed to materialize like an alien from the wild bog. They asked through gestures where he’d come from. “The sky,” he told them, pointing. His forager-guide returned to the swamp. Wallace trudged inside, found an empty cot, and slept.

Back at the landing site, Brielmann was hard at work packing the balloon. Unexploded bombs jutted from the ground, and ordnance thundered around him. Above, jets continued shooting missiles. Brielmann was grateful that none of the shrapnel rained down on his head. As darkness fell, he covered the basket with an American flag, hoping that it would function as a deterrent rather than a target. Away from the balloon, he found a bomb crater where he could sleep, wrapped himself in his military poncho, and prayed that no one would mistake him for a spy.

Sometime after midnight, the growl of a motor awoke him. An old army Jeep pulled in next to the balloon, and Brielmann saw flashlights. Voices called his name in the moonlit dark. Wallace must have found help. Brielmann rose from the crater and walked toward them. In broken English they demanded his passport. “I’ll show it to you,” he told them, “but you’re not going to leave with it.” Only when they produced Wallace’s passport did he hand his over, but he refused to go with them. “I’m staying with the balloon,” he insisted. “Send a truck for it. I’ll go with that. OK?” Initially the soldiers disagreed, but when Brielmann wouldn’t budge, they tossed him a blanket and disappeared.

A couple of hours later, two soldiers returned with a massive three-axle truck. Together they loaded the basket and envelope—some 300 pounds of nylon and wicker—and quietly drove Brielmann to a military base in the nearby town of David-Gorodok. The guards escorted him to the commandant’s office, where he found Wallace in the midst of being questioned.

The commandant had wrangled a young English teacher named Sveta from the village to interpret. She told Wallace and Brielmann that the commandant believed they meant no harm but wanted to know how they got there and what they were doing. “We had a document in Russian that explained what we were up to, that Belarus in particular had invited us to fly through their airspace,” Brielmann told me. The story didn’t seem to compute, despite the letter. “They didn’t know where the hell we came from,” Wallace said. “They could not get it down that we came in by balloon.”

After the questioning, guards ushered Wallace and Brielmann to the second floor of a barracks across the base and into a room strewn with cots. A soldier occupied one; Brielmann assumed he was there to watch them. The adjacent bathroom lacked toilet paper and towels. When a guard showed Brielmann his bed, a thin mattress with a dirty blanket, he fell into it gratefully. “The opportunity to lay horizontally and not be bent up in a ball in a crater or bounced around in a truck just seemed like a great idea,” he said.

Late in the morning, they shared a simple breakfast of bread, cheese, hard-boiled eggs, and slices of meat in the empty mess hall. Wallace had visited numerous military bases during his armament work, and they were always bustling. Yet, other than their minders, they saw no soldiers. “That was the strange thing,” Brielmann said. “It seemed like a halfway-deserted base.”

In the commandant’s office, they endured another round of questioning. He wanted to know why they chose to land in a military area.

“It wasn’t marked on our maps,” Brielmann answered. Neither had they chosen to land—they’d been forced down by the Hind.

“You have maps?” the commandant asked. “Where did you get them?”

“Well, airplanes fly over, and they take pictures,” Brielmann deadpanned, “and they can turn it into a map. They don’t have your base on it, so we didn’t know it was there.” He assured the commandant that if their map had described this as a firing range, they would have steered clear of it. But the commandant remained suspicious.

Before he and Wallace left his office, Brielmann asked the commandant for some paper and received a few scraps. Guards escorted them back to their room, where they were to remain when not being questioned or eating twice-daily meals in the mess. Once the two were alone, Wallace pointed to the paper in Brielmann’s hand and said, “Don’t you go writing everything down so they can take it from you and know your thoughts.”

Brielmann regarded him with exasperation. “Hey Mike, it’s paper,” he said. “I’ll give you some next time you’re using the toilet.”

The hours passed without progress. Wallace was peeved that they hadn’t been allowed to leave. “No one knew where we were. No one except for the commandant,” Brielmann told me. Their crew had no idea where they landed, let alone that they’d been taken to a military base. “It wouldn’t have been a far step for the commandant to dispose of an inconvenience.”

Brielmann took a different angle. “Mike, you couldn’t buy a vacation like this,” he told him. They were guests of the military of a former Soviet republic. They should relax. “It just seemed like a classic screwup that eventually would get sorted out.”

Brielmann found a way to stave off boredom with the soldiers who shared their room. “Kevin decided he was going to teach them some English so he could communicate with them,” Wallace said. Brielmann learned a bit of Russian in turn, mostly balloon-related words he thought might be useful. “Kevin was brilliant,” Wallace said. He had once called Brielmann the Great Improviser for his ability to make do with anything. “He could put ten pounds of shit in a five-pound bag, and it’d end up fine.”

Wallace, meanwhile, was in pain from his flaring neuropathy. He needed to get to the truck that still held the balloon to retrieve his medication from the basket. “That’s not possible,” one of their minders said. “The driver took the key to the door where he parked the truck. We can’t get into that garage.” The next time the pilots were outside, though, Brielmann noticed that while the truck bearing the Spirit of Springfield may be located behind a closed door, some adjacent doors were up and the bays appeared to be connected. “Mike,” he said, “they’re lying to us. They’re deliberately keeping us away from it for some reason.”

Before dinner the pilots were summoned again to the commandant’s office. “We’re very sorry to have to tell you,” Sveta interpreted. “There has been a terrible accident, and two of your friends are no more.” The commandant offered no further explanation, but both Brielmann and Wallace understood that Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis were dead. Brielmann felt as if he’d been struck between the eyes. “Very cursory. No detail. It was like, What could have happened?” But having seen the firepower and aggression of the Hind that confronted the Spirit of Springfield, he suspected that the D-Caribbean had been less fortunate in its encounter. “That totally changed the demeanor of the visit, knowing that our friends had been killed.”

Janine Boiarsky, the consular officer in Minsk, managed to connect with the balloonists on a line in the commandant’s office. She spoke with Wallace first, then asked about Brielmann, who Wallace said was fine. Boiarsky insisted that he hand Brielmann the phone. “She wanted to talk to each of us personally,” Brielmann said, “to actually hear our voice.” She said the embassy was working to free them. “Knowing that someone in the U.S. government knew we existed, and hopefully where we were, was a great comfort.”

The news of Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis’s deaths, on the other hand, devastated the pilots, and it was difficult to process in the midst of their detainment. The next morning, a Thursday, Wallace demanded that their captors let him into the truck to retrieve his medication from the balloon. “Look, do you want me to die here on you?” he asked. “They’re in the basket!” The prospect of another American’s death on their hands persuaded them to give the men access to the balloon and Wallace’s meds. Wallace, though in pain, had exaggerated his limp. “I was blowing smoke up their ass to get back to the balloon,” he said.

Brooding and perhaps naive about his jailer’s magnanimity, Brielmann wrote a statement that afternoon for the commandant to sign. “I wanted to try to document the fact that we had been forced down,” he said. Race rules required them to obtain signed testimony from witnesses to their landing. More crucially, he was leaving breadcrumbs where he could. The statement included the latitude and longitude of the landing site, along with a concise declaration for Gordon Bennett organizers asserting that he and Wallace could have flown farther. The commandant pointed out that he didn’t know whether they could have continued flying. Above all, he took exception to Brielmann’s description of the Hind as a “military gunship.”

You didn’t know that there were guns on it,” he protested. Brielmann said that he could see its machine-gun barrels. “You don’t know if there were bullets in there,” the commandant countered. They agreed to call it a “military helicopter.” Brielmann rewrote his statement, and the commandant signed and dated it.

Maybe this was a step forward and maybe not. But Brielmann no longer considered this “vacation” the lark he previously had, and he was afraid. He wanted out. In the confines of their guarded room, he couldn’t shake the dire possibilities from his imagination. Are we going to be able to leave this country? he wondered. Are they going to disappear us?

ROADS in Belarus were in bad shape. The land was flat, desolate, and dark. No one in the chase crew had slept in 24 hours. Once they settled in for the drive, Vic Fraenckel began to cry. Vic had learned from Boiarsky that his brother’s and Stuart-Jervis’s bodies lay in a small morgue in the town of Biaroza, near where the D-Caribbean struck the earth. They would need to be officially identified. Boiarsky had gone ahead to ensure that the deceased aeronauts and their effects were properly looked after and that no autopsy would be performed without an American physician present.

By the time the crew arrived in Biaroza, around 4 a.m. on Thursday, Boiarsky had already gone back to Minsk. Vic phoned her from a post office, and Boiarsky said that she would return to meet them later in the day. The Belarusian Air Defense Forces, she said, were detaining Wallace and Brielmann at a base in David-Gorodok, a three-hour drive east. Vic asked Boiarsky what they should do. “As a U.S. embassy official, I can’t advise you to go,” Boiarsky told him. “But as one human being to another, get there as fast as you can.”

Stürzlinger got behind the wheel and they hurried off. Hockeler dozed in the back seat. Whatever their worries, at least their mission was clear, a lens to focus their grief. “We functioned as a crew throughout. We never really stopped to think,” Stürzlinger told me. The few road signs were in Cyrillic, and the crew struggled to match them to their maps, which often proved inaccurate and tested their patience.

Stürzlinger sped down the rough pavement, occasionally passing tiny hamlets almost before noticing them. “It got very empty out there,” he said. A police officer pulled him over somewhere along the way, but Stürzlinger wasn’t having it. In polite English, he told the officer, “Sorry, we are not going to deal with this. We’re just going to drive on.” Stürzlinger grabbed a picture and pointed at it, saying the Russian word for “balloon.” “That was our secret password,” he said. “We used that at every occasion. I think he was just confused, and he let us go.”

Around noon the crew finally found themselves in David-Gorodok. They stopped at the first official-looking building they saw and announced that they were searching for two Americans and a balloon. The building turned out to be a bank. The proprietor wouldn’t allow them to phone the U.S. embassy in Minsk but dialed a number himself, reporting back that Wallace and Brielmann would arrive in 15 minutes.

When after half an hour the pilots hadn’t appeared, the banker let them call the embassy. “Waiting for the right person to get on the line proved too long for the man in the bank, who was getting more and more nervous,” Stürzlinger later wrote in Ballooning magazine, “and he disconnected the line.” Then he shepherded them to the gate of the military base and departed.

At the base, a small man with a big hat and a bushy mustache instructed them to leave their car and drove them to a guard station, where an officer checked their visas and sent for an interpreter. While they waited, the crew asked to call the U.S. embassy, but the mustached man said that the three telephones on the desk wouldn’t reach Minsk and he told them to wait.

Sveta, the interpreter, arrived after an hour and inspected their passports. First she asked why they were in Belarus. With all the patience he could muster, Stürzlinger answered, “We’re here to fetch our dead pilots and the two surviving ones.” He demanded to see their friends. “They’re busy,” the man in the big hat said. “They have to do some paperwork.”

Vic insisted that they contact the embassy—perhaps from a post office, as they’d done before—and eventually the guards relented. They escorted the chase crew to the David-Gorodok post office, which doubled as a small grocery store, its shelves mostly barren. On the phone, Vic talked with embassy officials, who concurrently spoke on another line with the Belarusian Foreign Ministry, relaying what Vic told them and pressing for action.

Then Brielmann arrived with an armed guard. He’d been planning to make a call to Switzerland, hoping that organizers would pass along a message to the chase crew. Surprised to see Hockeler standing before him, he rushed to embrace her. “I don’t have the right words in English. I was relieved to see him,” Hockeler told me. “But it was so sad.” When Brielmann saw Vic, he felt the heartbreak his friend was enduring and hugged him next. “We really didn’t need a whole lot of words,” Brielmann said. “Just sharing an immense loss.”

Wallace remained unaccounted for when they returned to the base. Brielmann explained that guards had taken him into town earlier to call his sons in Massachusetts. Brielmann and the crew waited in a small grassy park, surrounded by soldiers smoking, until Wallace lumbered toward them with an escort, still wearing his boot liners. He had just endured a final round of questioning. The commandant wanted him to sign a statement in Russian, but Wallace refused to do so without an American official present.

With the chase crew on the base and the U.S. embassy making noise, the Belarusians’ attitude seemed to shift. “They realized they made a huge international mistake,” Wallace said. Brielmann decided to take advantage of the momentum. He needed to get the balloon into the crew’s trailer so they would be ready to leave quickly. Observing the squadron of troops milling around in the training field at the center of the base, he approached the commandant and indicated the Spirit of Springfield on the three-axle truck. “It won’t fit the way it is. I need to pack this thing up really neat,” he said. “Can I get some help?”

The commandant rounded up a few dozen soldiers. Brielmann employed the Russian terminology he’d learned and directed the troops to lay out, repack, and load the Spirit of Springfield. When they finished, he regarded Stürzlinger and Wallace with a sly grin. It was the best packing job they’d seen in ages. The pilots were allowed to gather their things from the barracks while the crew bought drinks and fuel for the drive. They asked for an official document from the military to ease their passage out of the country. Sveta produced a statement in Russian that they couldn’t read, but no one protested as they crammed into the Audi and drove away.

Around 8:30 p.m., the crew and pilots arrived back at the morgue. Boiarsky was waiting for them. She told Vic that he could view his brother if he chose. “I’ve already been in to see the bodies,” she cautioned, explaining that she’d used their passports to confirm their identities. “I recommend that you don’t go look, unless you really want to. It’s not pretty.” One of the men had a crushed rib cage, as though he’d struck the ground flat on his back. The other appeared to have been in a seated position at the moment of impact: face smashed, tailbone and legs shattered. Vic opted to stay outside, and no one else wanted to look either.

Around 10 p.m., Boiarsky and her driver chaperoned the group to the Polish border and told the other car to stay close. She would return to the morgue afterward and accompany the bodies by plane back to Minsk. Their remains would then be sent on to the United States. Stürzlinger wouldn’t let Vic drive, and Wallace was exhausted and in pain despite his meds. Brielmann rode with Boiarsky. Five hundred yards from the border, the Audi sputtered and ran out of gas. By the time Boiarsky noticed, a column of some dozen tanks had entered the road between them and stopped traffic. “Shit,” Wallace said, “we almost made it.” Boiarsky turned her driver around, parted the tanks, and found fuel for the chase car.

At the border station, guards reprimanded Wallace and Brielmann for lacking entry visas and charged them $30 apiece to exit the country. Boiarsky offered packs of Marlboro cigarettes she’d brought along to barter with, but the guards didn’t budge. What’s more, Brielmann only had a hundred-dollar bill and the guards didn’t have change. So Boiarsky wrote a check for the exit visas.

On the Polish side of the crossing, a drunken border guard gave the crew grief about the contents of their trailer. Brielmann leaned from the window and shouted, “Vozdushnyy shar”—Russian for “balloon.” The term “got through the vodka fumes,” Stürzlinger later wrote, and the stumbling guard gave up and waved them through to Terespol in the early-morning hours. After three exhausting days, Belarus vanished in the rearview mirror.

This was the first instance outside of war that a manned balloon had been shot down in what many deemed a profound act of aggression, even murder.

SCORES of balloonists and their crews gathered in Switzerland that Saturday, September 16, to attend a memorial service for Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis on Wil’s pastoral outskirts. The church, Kapelle Maria Dreibrunnen, was a 13th-century pilgrimage chapel adorned with rococo golden altars and a painted ceiling depicting biblical battles.

In a black suit, Jacques Soukup stood visibly distraught before the congregants packed in the nave, a stack of notes in hand. Once a Roman Catholic priest, he’d been up all night marking his Bible and struggling to prepare the eulogy for his friends. Light scattered from the frosted beehive panes flanking him before the pulpit. Behind Soukup, the U.S. Virgin Islands flag was draped over an altar. In front of that stood a black-and-white photo of Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis beaming in the wicker basket of Soukup’s balloon.

Soukup read from St. Paul’s letter to the Corinthians, a passage that recounts love’s best qualities. “The man that wrote these words was known as a traveler,” Soukup said. “This man was also an adventurer. He went to strange and often hostile places. He took risks. Alan Fraenckel and John Stuart-Jervis did the same.” He described the pilots’ unflagging generosity and jovial spirits, their many contributions to the sport of ballooning and to the lives of the people who loved them. “This was a great tragedy, a senseless loss of life,” Soukup said. “But they died doing what they loved.” His voice caught in his throat. “To Alan and John, we say, ‘We will greatly miss you. But we know your spirits will fly on.’ ”

Neither Wallace nor Brielmann were at the service. Wallace had already flown home to the U.S., and Brielmann and Hockeler skipped it entirely, with race director Andreas Spenger’s encouragement, to rest and avoid a frenzy of questions. The two pilots learned at an intimate, somber awards ceremony the next morning that, having flown 872 miles, they had placed second in the 1995 Gordon Bennett Cup, behind the Germans Willi Eimers and Bernd Landsmann, who flew more than 1,000 miles to Latvia and set a duration record of 92 hours and 11 minutes. Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis, shot down just eight miles short of Levin and Sullivan, placed fifth.

This was the first instance outside of war that a manned balloon had been shot down in what many deemed a profound act of aggression, even murder. In the chapel, Soukup called upon the gathered balloonists to emulate love in the heat of bereavement. “It does not take offense and is not resentful,” he reminded them. And yet, St. Paul went on, it “delights in the truth.” A burning question hung over the ceremony: Why on earth did Belarus shoot down a balloon to begin with?

THREE

IN THE TWO days after the D-Caribbean was shot down and two Americans were killed, Belarusian media published a flurry of articles lambasting the country’s military, based largely on assumptions and a slow trickle of details. Then a journalist named Vasil Zdanyuk wrote a front-row account no one had expected to see in the Svobodnye Novosti, or Free News, where he worked as a reporter.

On Tuesday, September 12, as the Spirit of Springfield and the D-Caribbean were flying into Belarusian skies, Zdanyuk was reporting a story about a recently conceived joint military air-defense system involving Russian and Belarusian forces. He needed to speak with General Valery Kostenko, the Belarusian Air Force commander, about the collaborative endeavor. Though Kostenko had been on vacation, he told Zdanyuk that he needed to stop by his office and would make himself available. They arranged to meet at 11 a.m. at the military headquarters in Minsk.

Kostenko was around 50, a big man, professional but friendly, with a foul mouth. Despite being off duty, he dressed in his military uniform. His office was a simple room with a desk, chairs, and a couple of telephones.

Eight years earlier, in May 1987, Kostenko had been a division commander in the Soviet Air Defense Forces when Mathias Rust, an idealistic 19-year-old amateur pilot from West Germany, flew a single-engine plane from Helsinki to Moscow and landed on the Bolshoy Moskvoretsky Bridge, adjacent to Red Square, in a brash bid for peace. Kostenko had spotted Rust’s plane near Saint Petersburg, but Moscow brass denied his and other defense units’ requests to engage. At the time, many thought that Rust had made a mockery of Soviet defense shields. Kostenko was the man now empowered to make such calls for Belarus.

As the interview began, Zdanyuk turned on his tape recorder. Even Kostenko was unsure how the joint system would work absent a single command. As an example, Kostenko told a story about a weather balloon that had recently drifted over Minsk and caused a panic, though ultimately it posed no danger. Kostenko was in the midst of carping about the nuisance such low-flying probes could be when a duty officer rang with an urgent message. An unidentified object, perhaps some kind of balloon, had infiltrated the airspace buffering their facilities 150 miles to the southwest, near Biaroza. What should they do?

Only a few years before, Kostenko would have sought direction from his superiors in Moscow. Now, Kostenko told the duty officer to observe where the craft was going and find out why. He hung up and surveyed Zdanyuk. “See how lucky you are?” Kostenko said, leaning toward him. “There is a balloon flying. You get to experience how this air-defense system works.”

Ten minutes later the line rang again, and Kostenko flicked on the speakerphone as Zdanyuk’s tape rolled. The officer said it looked like a weather balloon. A navigator at the Air Traffic Office heard that a meteorological probe had been released in Lomza, Poland, that morning. The balloon was heading toward the Osovtsy airfield, which would create problems for military flights scheduled to launch in about 30 minutes. Kostenko, raising his voice and cursing, told him to find out exactly what the craft was. He ordered a Hind helicopter sent up to get a closer look.

The general dropped the phone onto the receiver and motioned for Zdanyuk to continue with his questions. When the phone rang a final time, Kostenko spoke directly to the captain piloting the helicopter as it rose into the air. The general instructed the captain to circle the balloon, then asked if he could see a suspended load.

“Comrade Commander, I have visually detected the balloon.” At a glance, the pilot said, no one appeared to be inside. The balloon was nearly on top of the airport. “Your decision?”

Zdanyuk sat quietly across from the general. “What should we do?” Kostenko said. “Let’s shoot the thing down. Destroy!”

At 11:53 a.m., Zdanyuk’s tape recorder captured the fusillade from the Hind’s machine guns. Kostenko regarded him. “See, this is how we work,” he said. “This is how we serve.”

ZDANYUK’S story wasn’t the last word on the D-Caribbean incident. Under pressure from the U.S. State Department, Belarus agreed to establish a special commission and appointed a veteran investigator from Russia to lead it. International Civil Aviation Organization regulations entitled representatives from the U.S., whose citizens had perished, and from Germany, as the balloon’s country of manufacture, to assist with the inquiry.

The commission’s 81-page report was released in June 1996. It revealed an astounding series of lapses. In the months before the 39th Gordon Bennett Cup, race organizers sent repeated requests to the Belarus Center for Organization of Air Traffic, or BCOAT, to be granted permission for balloons to enter Belarusian airspace. Organizers received a telegram that OK’d the flights and stated that permit numbers would be issued after BCOAT received flight plans. But no Belarusian agency recorded either the requests or the approval.

Director Andreas Spenger’s team faxed 18 flight plans on September 9, 1995. Because the fields for time and place of entry and landing airfield were left blank—these being impossible to specify for balloons that would drift on the wind—BCOAT shift workers assumed that the plans had been sent erroneously and tossed them. This left ATC and Air Defense officials unaware that Gordon Bennett balloons might enter their territory. When they received a call from the border guard who first spotted the D-Caribbean, and subsequently discovered that Poland had launched a weather probe that morning, Air Defense forces assumed that they were the same craft and made little effort to verify.

Though the report laid the brunt of culpability on BCOAT and the Anti-Aircraft Defense, it also made a series of questionable arguments. Namely, that Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis bore a measure of blame for their deaths by failing to communicate with ATC centers and request permission to enter Belarusian skies. It said that Spenger’s team neglected to provide pilots with proper radio frequencies for Belarus’s ATC centers, and that the D-Caribbean had not displayed its national flag nor any other identifying banner. The report’s authors speculated that Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis “most probably were sleeping” and proposed that altitude hypoxia and edema of the brain and lungs may have contributed to their presumed unconsciousness.

These arguments infuriated Mike Wallace. He and Fraenckel were talking “all morning, up to 20 minutes before the shooting occurred,” he wrote in an issue of Skylines, the newsletter for the Balloon Federation of America. “I can attest to the fact that Alan and John were not asleep, fatigued, or stress-impaired in any way.” Given his own experience with the Hind, he charged that no one could sleep through such an event. Moreover, he had confirmed the radio frequency with Fraenckel as they crossed the border. Both balloons tried to contact Minsk, but the ATC center there had been too far for their radios to reach.

The FAI, the international governing body of aero sports, quickly conducted its own probe of the investigation, with Jacques Soukup’s help, and published a scathing analysis of the Belarusian report. Among the “omissions, inconsistencies, and inaccuracies” it noted, the FAI rejected and sought to disprove all suggestions that Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis or the Gordon Bennett Cup’s organizers were at fault. Wallace had personally helped Vic Fraenckel attach the Gordon Bennett racing banner to the D-Caribbean’s gondola. The flag, mounted on the foot ropes high above their heads, would have been impossible to detach midflight. “It is just conceivable that the banners were ripped off during the plunge to earth,” the FAI said in its analysis. “The flag was made of nylon and could therefore have burned during the fire.”

The FAI noted that investigators never interviewed Wallace or Brielmann, and that the Belarusian report lacked transcripts of conversations between ground controllers and the pilot of the Hind that intercepted the Spirit of Springfield. In fact, the report never mentioned Wallace or Brielmann at all. The investigation, the FAI felt, pandered to Belarus’s sense of its actions as the result of a tragic misunderstanding.

Wallace and Brielmann couldn’t shake one fact unearthed by the Belarusian investigation. Amid the debris strewn through the trees surrounding the downed D-Caribbean were the pilot’s two radios. The first was found tuned to 154.515 MHz, a frequency whose purpose investigators couldn’t fathom. This was the private channel on which Fraenckel spoke with Wallace throughout the race. The second was tuned to 121.5 MHz, the international emergency frequency. “It tells me Alan was very alert,” Brielmann said. “He was trying to communicate with them. If it was tuned to 121.5, he saw something bad going down and he was trying to end it.” But according to the Belarusian report, the Hind never checked that frequency or attempted any radio contact whatsoever.

The radio’s tuning suggested that a chilling struggle had ensued. Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis likely noticed the Hind’s whir in the gathered clouds and may have watched its advance with curiosity. Soon enough, its hostility would have become apparent when, from nearly a half-mile away, the gunner fired three bursts from the Hind’s nose-mounted machine gun. “Take that, and that, and that, too!” he shouted, according to audio transcripts. The shots missed by more than 300 feet, and he reloaded. “Go ahead and cut him up,” the commander ordered. “We’ll have one more go at it.”

Just over a minute after the first shots were fired, a final burst exploded the hydrogen and ignited the D-Caribbean’s envelope. Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis plummeted 9,000 feet to the earth.

EPILOGUE

THREE WEEKS after their release, Mike Wallace and Kevin Brielmann flew the Spirit of Springfield in the inaugural America’s Challenge race at the Albuquerque International Balloon Fiesta. Vic Fraenckel led the chase crew. A reporter asked the pilots if they had second thoughts about flying again. “They don’t have that particular helicopter in the U.S.,” Brielmann deadpanned.

In a tribute to Alan Fraenckel and John Stuart-Jervis, the festival opened with the launch of one of Fraenckel’s rigs, alone above a field of balloons, while “Taps” echoed through the crowd. Wallace and Brielmann hung the U.S. Virgin Islands flag with the Stars and Stripes, as they would during every flight afterward, and traveled a personal distance record of 1,290 miles. It earned them a second-place finish and a spot in the 1996 Gordon Bennett Cup. Wallace was elected president of the Balloon Federation of America shortly before the race got underway.

The following September, Wallace and Brielmann traveled to Germany for the 40th Gordon Bennett. Annette Hockeler was newly pregnant, and she and Brielmann planned to marry early the following year, before their son was due. At the pilots meeting before the race, organizers announced that, although Belarus was closed, they had stretched the competition zone to include the Balkans, a landscape riddled with mines from years of war. Concerned about Vic and Hockeler following on the ground, Wallace stood and made a rousing speech condemning the move. This race paid homage to Fraenckel and Stuart-Jervis, he said. “Who will die this year to be memorialized for the 41st race?” The organizers conferred and, to widespread relief, decided that the Balkans would be closed after all. Wallace and Brielmann again silvered behind Willi Eimers and Bernd Landsmann.

Outside the town of Biaroza, on the forest floor near the Brest–Minsk railroad tracks, Belarusian activists had recently set a modest stone in the ground, a tribute to the fallen balloonists on the tragedy’s first anniversary, at the spot where they’d struck the earth. Inscribed in the stone were a cross and the date “12.9.95,” along with two Belarusian words carved in Cyrillic: “Forgive us.”

At the opening ceremony of the FAI’s annual General Conference meeting in Slovenia that October, Vic accepted his brother’s and Stuart-Jervis’s posthumous Montgolfier Diploma for Best Sporting Performance in Gas Ballooning while the crowd gave an emotional standing ovation. Jacques Soukup was there. He would resign as president of the FAI’s ballooning commission the next year. “The lowest time for me was the night the telephone rang from the Coupe Gordon Bennett headquarters in Switzerland to inform me that there was a problem in Belarus,” Soukup wrote in his final CIA newsletter. “I never quite had the same enthusiasm after that week.”

After the Belarusian investigation closed, in the spring following the downing of the D-Caribbean, Soukup had received the remnants of the balloon: charred fragments of the nylon envelope, pieces of netting, the wooden valve, the load ring, and some mangled scraps of metal, all stuffed into the badly damaged, bloodstained basket. For a while, Soukup housed these macabre remains in a large garden shed at his home in England.

When spring was blossoming into summer, Soukup pulled them from the shed and laid them at the edge of a small lake on the 14-acre property. The sun was lowering toward the horizon. At last, Soukup set what was left of the D-Caribbean aflame and watched its ashes rise into the sky.


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The After Dark Bandit

The Atavist Magazine, No. 158


Andrew Dubbins is the author of Into Enemy Waters: A World War II Story of the Demolition Divers Who Became the Navy Seals. His writing has appeared in The Daily Beast, Los Angeles Magazine, Alta, and Slate, among other publications. He lives in Los Angeles.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Alison Van Houten
Illustrator: Darya Shnykina

Published in December 2024.


The Manhunt

The light was giving way to darkness as detective Patrick Brear arrived at the CBC Bank in Heathcote, an old gold-mining town in southern Australia nestled between mountains and surrounded by dense forest. The quaint two-story redbrick building had been the scene of a crime. Earlier that afternoon, on April 27, 1979, a bank robber shot Ray Koch, a beloved veteran of the local police force. Two bullets ripped holes in Koch’s stomach and intestines, forcing surgeons to remove his spleen. He lost a dangerous amount of blood, and nobody was sure if “Kochy,” as he was affectionately known, would make it.

Brear, who worked for the state of Victoria’s Armed Robbery Squad, passed through the swarm of blue-uniformed police officers collecting evidence, then had a look at the bank’s CCTV footage.  It showed the thief running into the bank carrying a Browning pistol and wearing a black leather jacket, black gloves, and a mask bearing the face of an old man. Brear thought he knew who the perpetrator was: the After Dark Bandit.

The bandit was the state’s most wanted man, suspected in two dozen armed robberies. Brear and his partner, detective John Beever, had been hunting him for over a year. They knew his MO well. He liked to hit rural targets just before they closed for the day, then escape into the bush under cover of darkness. The timing of many of his crimes was the inspiration for his nickname.

Though it pained Beever and Brear to admit it, there was something different about this criminal, almost superhuman. He was known to pull off two robberies within a half-hour of each other, in towns that were more than a dozen miles apart. Newspaper reporters theorized that he must be driving a very fast car. Brear and Beever had attempted to reenact one of the back-to-back jobs, but they couldn’t make it from one location to the other in time.

Just as unusual were the bandit’s mood swings. According to witnesses, he could be cheeky and chatty on one job, menacing and severe on the next. Early in his career, the After Dark Bandit had been cautious and deliberate, taking small sums from off-track betting storefronts, known as TAB agencies. But in recent months he’d grown bolder, emptying banks, sometimes in broad daylight. So audacious was the bandit that he’d robbed the CBC branch in Heathcote twice in the previous nine months. As he entered the bank on the third occasion, on April 27, the ledger keeper recognized him; she could be seen in security footage standing arms akimbo like a peeved schoolmarm. The bandit had stolen her orange Datsun to use as his getaway vehicle the last time he was there. He took it again this time, after shooting Koch and packing up the money he’d come for.

The bandit ditched the Datsun at the edge of town and was then seen speeding on a motorcycle into a forested area outside Heathcote. Law enforcement descended on the spot from far and wide; they came from various branches of the state’s police force, including an elite SWAT team and a dog squad. A police helicopter and two fixed-wing aircraft led an aerial search. Police on motorbikes were tasked with covering the dense, rugged terrain of the forest, where thickets of eucalyptus and pine covered abandoned goldfields. “We are very hopeful that he is in the area and we will get him,” a detective told journalists. “He has used a firearm, and we must treat him as very dangerous.”

The following morning, senior constable Rick Hasty was cruising in his police van through the city of Bendigo, 40 minutes northwest of Heathcote. Hasty was a friend of Koch’s and had just visited the wounded cop’s wife. He would have preferred to be helping with the manhunt, but was ordered to remain on duty in Bendigo, part of a skeleton crew of officers keeping an eye on the place. Nobody expected the robber to turn up there, since doing so would require snaking his way through the nearly 200 officers searching for him, a maneuver considered too bold even for the After Dark Bandit.

While sitting in traffic, Hasty spotted a man walking with a blue suitcase and sporting a red Zapata mustache. Hasty didn’t have any particular reason to suspect that this was the man his colleagues were looking for, but he had a feeling. “I just knew it was him,” Hasty told me. He watched the man cross the road and enter a dead-end alley. He parked his van and got out. As he walked into the alley, the man came toward him.

“What’s your name?” Hasty asked.

“Peter Morgan,” the man replied. “Why?”

“Because I run this fucking town and I want to know who’s in it.”

Hasty wasn’t carrying a gun, nor did he see any lumps in Morgan’s pockets suggesting a weapon. He felt confident that he could take the man if needed. Tough and fit, Hasty competed as a professional cyclist and had been a farmer before a drought pushed him onto the police force to make ends meet.

“Where you going?” Hasty asked.

“Going to Melbourne to watch footy.”

“What’s in the case?”

“Oh, it’s only knickknacks.”

“Can I have a look?”

“Sure.”

Hasty knelt down, opened the suitcase, and rifled through it. There was a can of Coca-Cola, a newspaper, and—inside a drawstring sack—a sawed-off shotgun, stacks of money, and a mask that looked like an old man’s face. Hasty turned to Morgan, who now had a Browning pistol aimed at him.

It’s a toy, Hasty thought. Then: No, it’s death.

Morgan shoved his pistol into Hasty’s stomach, and the two men wrestled in silence. Morgan pulled the trigger twice, but there wasn’t a bullet in the chamber. Hasty forced his adversary’s gun hand upward and the pistol fell. (Later he would claim that he pried the gun away, and Morgan that he dropped it in surrender.) Hasty then pushed Morgan up against the wall and grabbed him by the throat.

“You’ve got me,” Morgan said. “I just made you a hero.”

“If you fucking move,” Hasty replied, “I’ll kill you as you stand there.”

Later that day, police detectives arrived at Peter Morgan’s farm in Nyora, a small railroad town in the rolling hills of southern Victoria, about 140 miles from Heathcote. While searching the property where Morgan lived with his wife and son, law enforcement found two Valiant automobiles, a motorbike, cans of black spray paint, a flashlight, a compass, a sleeping bag, and a variety of guns. They also found a beanie and a striped brown jumper—articles the After Dark Bandit was known to have worn during robberies.

According to Brear, the most shocking piece of evidence was a black-and-white photograph. It showed Morgan in a posh restaurant, smiling while seated beside another man. The two had matching shirts, matching mustaches, matching sideburns, and matching faces.

Finally, it was clear to police how the bandit had managed to be in two places at once: Peter had an identical twin brother.  

Detective Brear called his partner, Beever, and told him that the robber they’d been chasing wasn’t one man but two. “Bullshit,” Beever answered. But it was true. And it meant that the After Dark Bandit—or the other half of him—was still at large.

The Inheritance

Understanding the Morgan twins’ crime spree requires understanding their father. On December 15, 1949, a 19-year-old Kay Morgan carried a briefcase into the Commercial Bank in Eltham, a suburb of Melbourne known for its natural surroundings. Wearing a dark blue suit, gray felt hat, and sunglasses, the nervous teenager presented himself as a customer looking to open a new account, then drew a Browning pistol, according to newspaper reports. “The game is on!” he shouted. “I’ll take the lot!”

The teller opened the money drawer. “Here it is,” he said, tauntingly. “Come and get it.” Then the teller and the bank manager pulled pistols of their own from their pockets.

Kay fired a shot that went straight through the counter and between the teller’s legs, then another into the ceiling as he hurried from the bank. He ran to his getaway vehicle, a stolen gray Singer sports car parked across the street. The teller and the bank manager chased after him, firing 15 shots at the fleeing car and hitting it numerous times. Speeding out of Eltham, Kay crashed into an embankment a half-mile down the road, then escaped on foot into the bush.

Following a large manhunt, police captured Kay, acting on a tip from one of his friends. “I am pleased you have caught me,” Kay told them, according to a newspaper report. “I will tell you everything.” He confessed to the failed robbery, admitting that he had attempted it to repay a loan to his father, a prominent real estate developer. (His father refused to pay Kay’s bail.)

Kay served nearly three years behind bars, then moved to the countryside and married a childhood friend named Beryl. On October 30, 1953, they had identical twins, Peter and Doug. The family relocated to Melbourne, where Kay thrived as a property developer, until a credit squeeze in the 1960s bankrupted him. To stay afloat, Kay may have resorted to shady business dealings that threatened to catch up with him, prompting an abrupt move to New Zealand when the twins were barely in their teens.

Kay found work as a carpenter outside Wellington, the small, windy capital city at the mouth of the Cook Strait. But after offering to import a Holden sedan for his boss, then blowing the money at the racetrack, Kay returned to crime. He’d break into a post office at night, put the facility’s safe on a trolley, wheel it out to his car, and speed off into the night. Kay rented a house where he’d use a cold chisel to open the safes, often while the twins were playing in the other room. In addition to money, they usually contained stamps, which Kay liked to sell back to the post office he’d robbed. He told the boys that whatever they needed to do to get ahead in life was OK, so long as no one got hurt.

To disguise himself during his crimes, Kay wore fake glasses and used Brylcreem to darken and slick back his hair. Sometimes he asked the boys if they wanted to come along to “give him a hand.” Doug always volunteered. The twins provided excellent cover—the police were less likely to pull over a vehicle with an adorable boy or two in the back—and doubled as lookouts.

One night, when Doug was 12, Kay parked near a supermarket and told his son to keep an eye out. Doug watched his dad run toward the store, a silhouette in the moonlight. Kay robbed the market so often he’d left a piece of roofing loose for easy access. Doug had just wiggled into the driver’s seat—he thought it would feel cool to sit behind the wheel—when the market’s alarm started blaring. He waited for what felt like an eternity. Then the driver’s-side door suddenly flung open and his dad appeared out of the dark. “Move over,” Kay said as he slid into the car. Father and son peeled away from the scene.

Kay’s criminal career meant that the family was constantly on the run. Over the course of their childhood, Peter and Doug lived in some 40 houses and attended five schools, where they were often enrolled under false names. In photos from back then, it’s impossible to tell them apart. As early as infancy, their mom liked to dress her sons the same. They wore matching shoes and jumpers and had matching hairstyles. The twins were often each other’s only playmate. Indeed, the family’s status as fugitives made them a tight unit; Doug considered them “a gang of four.”

But then Beryl became suspicious that Kay—charismatic and handsome, a “cross between Steve McQueen and Paul Newman,” in Peter’s words—was seeing other women. One evening, during an especially heated argument, Beryl refused to let Kay take the car to rob a post office. Instead, he pushed a wheelbarrow to his target, planning to haul away the safe. The police showed up before he could clear out, and Kay was arrested—but not before the former boxer bashed one of them in the head with a crowbar.

With Kay in custody, his 13-year-old twins were left to dispose of the evidence of his crimes. According to Peter, Beryl drove them to Kay’s rental house, where they filled the family car with empty safes. Then she drove them to a nearby bridge where, one by one, in the pitch dark, they were tipped into the river below. (In Doug’s recollection, the brothers did this without their mother’s help.)

After serving an 18-month prison sentence, Kay was deported back to Australia, and his family followed. Kay vowed to go straight and resume working in construction. The twins worked alongside him; he’d taken them out of school when they were 15 and trained them himself. The teenagers also worked briefly at a bank; Doug, who’d earned high marks in math while still in school, rose to become a teller, while Peter remained a junior employee.

One Sunday morning in December 1971, 18-year-old Doug and Peter were relaxing at home when they heard a guttural scream from their parents’ bedroom. They ran inside to find 41-year-old Kay lying on the bed with his arms in the air, as if reaching for the ceiling. Doug tried to lower them while Peter watched from the edge of the bed as his father gasped for air.

Someone called for help, and a nurse hurried over from a church across the street, where she’d been attending service. When Doug checked on his father later that day, he found the nurse straightening Kay’s legs and tightening the sheets around him.

“He’s OK?” Doug asked.

“No,” said the nurse. “He’s dead.”

A half-century later, Doug remembers his tumultuous early years fondly. “My childhood was a great adventure,” he told me. “I still look back and I smile. Maybe it was the teamwork, maybe it was being part of something.” At his home in the countryside north of Melbourne, Doug showed me the dusty old train set he and Peter used to play with when Kay was prying open stolen safes, and offered me some of his dad’s favorite cookies. Outside he pushed forward the driver’s seat of his Land Rover. Underneath, wrapped in some of his mother’s curtains, was his father’s ashes. “He goes everywhere with me,” Doug said with a smirk.

Peter doesn’t find this funny. “If I want to visit my dad,” he told me on the anniversary of Kay’s death, “I’ll have to steal my brother’s car.”

Peter doesn’t know where Doug lives, and he doesn’t like to talk to him. Doug is fine with that. The roots of the men’s resentment run deep. As kids their personalities clashed—Doug was irreverent, while Peter was serious—and they were hyper-competitive. When Doug found himself in the principal’s office in first grade for kissing a girl behind a shed, he claimed that Peter was the guilty one and had blamed him to avoid getting in trouble. Their relationship could hold an edge of violence: They had water and pillow fights so intense that their mom shut herself up in another room to avoid the chaos. Sometimes one twin would pull his jumper over his head, then hold the other twin’s neck under his arm as if in a vise, making it appear like he was carrying his own severed head.

Kay’s sudden death brought the twins closer for a while. “It sort of cemented a bond with my brother [and me] against the world,” Doug said. It was what happened later, when they followed in their father’s footsteps and became prolific stickup men, that transformed what might have been a bygone rivalry into a bitter, unbridgeable rift.

As Peter tells it, for decades Doug made himself out to be the good twin and Peter the bad twin. Peter finds this ridiculous. He also insists that Doug is unworthy of any media attention for the robberies that had once captivated the public across Australia. In Peter’s view, there was only one After Dark Bandit.

The Late Checks

Within six months of Kay’s death, Beryl remarried. Doug considered it the gang of four’s second loss. Around the same time, the twins began working together in construction. They were young, but they’d been trained well by their dad and could pull in more than the average subcontractor—sometimes over $500 Australian a week. (The country stopped using pounds in 1966.) Over time, though, Peter grew to resent being dependent on other people for his livelihood. The twins were 23 and at a construction site when Peter read a newspaper article about the Boiler Suit Gang, a group of bank robbers named after the blue outfits they wore during robberies. “We could do that,” he said to his brother.

At first Doug brushed him off, but Peter kept bringing it up, and Doug was soon indulging Peter’s fantasies about how they’d pull off a heist. They talked about how most robberies occurred in cities, where a cop might be parked around the corner, leaving the perpetrator little time to escape. But if they went after rural targets, they could ascertain how many cops were in town and suss out where they’d be at a given time. The brothers could strike at dusk, just before closing, and use the falling darkness to conceal themselves as they fled. They could anticipate where police roadblocks would be set up and hike through the bush to avoid them. The idea, Peter told me, “was basically guerrilla warfare: Do the crime, disappear, and then reappear outside the search area.”

It was all just talk until money got tight. The twins had families to support. Their mother’s second husband had six children, and Peter had developed a romantic relationship with his 16-year-old stepsister, Pamela. Peter married her when he was 19—the same year Doug married another woman named Pamela. Both were shotgun weddings, the twins told me, and Peter and Doug were soon fathers.

In the lead-up to Easter in 1977, the twins were waiting on payment for a pair of house frames they’d built. The person who owed them said that the checks were in the mail, but they hadn’t arrived. Peter, feeling stuck, decided that a robbery would free him. He was also anxious about his health. He’d suffered rheumatic fever in his teens and then developed chest pains. (These were later diagnosed as symptoms of panic attacks.) He feared an early cardiac event like the one that killed his father, and figured that if he wouldn’t be around long enough to retire, he may as well “go out and get my gold watch now.”

Doug was open to the idea—he, too, had been raised by a man with a criminal mindset. “My father’s philosophy was that it’s OK to do whatever you want to maintain the lifestyle you want,” he told me. He also realized that, were they ever to be caught, the fact that they were twins might keep them out of jail. Prosecutors would be forced to prove which of them had committed the crime. As long as the brothers stayed silent, reasonable doubt would always cloud the truth.

The brothers planned to use a stolen car during the crime, but Doug declined to help with that. He also refused to carry out the robbery or use a gun. “I’ll do it all,” Peter said. Doug agreed to serve as an “assistant,” helping Peter get to and from the scene. The twins decided that Peter would get two-thirds of the loot and Doug the remainder.

On a rainy Holy Thursday, Peter walked into a car dealership in a suburb of Melbourne. He told the salesman that he was interested in the Ford Falcon GT. Capable of going up to 140 miles per hour, and priced at about $6,500 Australian, it was the best car in the yard. The new salesman couldn’t believe his good fortune. “It’s a surprise for my wife,” Peter told him, “so what I’d like to do is take the car to our house and show her what I’m going to buy her.”

Peter got behind the wheel, the salesman climbed in, and they sped off along a rain-slickened road. Peter drove to a random house nearby. The two got out, and the salesman began walking up the path, eager to meet Peter’s wife, who he presumed was inside. Peter drew an air pistol.

“This is where we part company,” Peter said. The salesman saw the gun. “What, and the car?” he managed to say. “Yeah,” Peter replied. He climbed back into the driver’s seat and sped away.

Peter drove to a nearby cemetery where Doug was waiting in a Leyland P76 with a few jerricans of gasoline for the stolen GT, so Peter didn’t have to risk showing his face at a filling station. Rain fell in sheets over the tombstones and pounded the roofs of the cars. Doug poured the gas into the tank, bid his brother goodbye, and drove off. Then Peter waited in the cemetery for darkness to come.

At dusk, Peter drove to a TAB agency in nearby Mernda and entered holding a Jager .22 semiautomatic assault rifle he’d purchased in Melbourne. The rain had drenched his khaki carpentry overalls. He’d planned to wear a stocking over his head, but the moisture on his face had made it hard to see, so he went unconcealed.

Peter ordered the manager to empty the cash drawers, then stuffed the bills into a bag and directed him to open the safe. The man refused. Instead he gave Peter a lecture, imploring him not to ruin his life. Looking back, Peter assumed that this was prompted by his appearance—he was a “23-year-old bloke” who looked like “a drowned rat” in his soaked work clothes. Rather than threaten to shoot, Peter backed out the door and leapt into the stolen GT.

Doug was waiting behind the wheel of the Leyland a few miles outside Mernda. When Peter rolled up in the GT, he threw the bag of money through the driver’s-side window. Doug yanked the steering wheel from its column and shoved the cash into the exposed space. Then the brothers drove off in different directions.

With his adrenaline pumping, Peter raced along a forestry road in the deluge. Suddenly, the GT slid off the asphalt into a rushing creek. Peter abandoned the vehicle and made his way on foot to the rendezvous point he and Doug had agreed on. Only later would Peter realize the uncanny parallels to his father’s bank robbery in nearby Eltham, the one that landed him in prison for several years: Like Kay, Peter had failed to access the establishment’s safe, and like his dad he’d crashed a stolen sports car.

The haul from the TAB agency came to $320. “You’re not much of a robber,” Doug said.

Peter was shaken by the experience. He worried that he’d screwed up his life for a couple hundred bucks.  “The paranoia sets in,” he told me. “What if they know it’s me? What if the car salesman gave a really good description?”

When the cops failed to come knocking, Peter had an exhilarating realization: He’d gotten away with it. The missing checks from the construction job arrived four days after the robbery. By then it didn’t matter. Peter had tasted crime and wanted more. So did Doug.

The Bushrangers

In the late 18th century, Great Britain established Australia as a penal colony, primarily to alleviate overcrowding in British prisons. Over time, around 160,000 prisoners were transported to the continent. Those who were uneducated were made to perform backbreaking labor under threat of corporal punishment. Some escaped into the bush seeking freedom and turned to crime to stay alive.

Known as bushrangers, they adapted to life in the wilderness, forming outlaw bands that robbed travelers and settlers alike, stealing food, weapons, ammunition, bedding, and other supplies. Many bushrangers had short careers that ended in shootouts or capture, and in some cases execution. But a few gained notoriety for their bold escapades and their ability to evade capture for long periods in the wilderness.

The most infamous bushranger was Ned Kelly, born around 1854 in Victoria. Kelly’s father—just like the Morgan twins’—was a criminal. He’d been brought from Ireland to Australia as a convicted thief. Kelly eventually committed an infamous string of robberies and bush escapes. He was captured, tried, and hanged in 1880.

Unlike Kelly, who killed three police officers, the brothers agreed to avoid undue violence—they wanted the money, not to harm anyone. They pledged to walk away from a job if things got “too hot.” After the Mernda robbery, Doug decided that he wanted an equal role in the next heist, to prove that he was as tough as his brother. The twins set their sights on another betting agency, this one in the town of Berwick, on the southeastern fringes of Melbourne. It would be the first and only time the brothers pulled a job together.

Doug still felt squeamish about carrying a gun, so he went to a local army surplus store and paid $59 for an imitation pistol. It didn’t have a bore—the hole through the center of the barrel—so he’d need to avoid pointing it at anyone, or they might realize it was a fake.

On the evening of May 30, 1977, right before the robbery, Doug strolled past Berwick’s police station, a hundred yards from the betting agency. A cop car was parked out front. He punctured the tires with a screwdriver. Then the Morgan twins barged into the betting agency, with Peter carrying a rifle and Doug the imitation pistol. “I don’t like to boast,” Doug told me, recalling the event, “but the manager definitely opened the safe door when I went along.” The brothers filled their bags with $916, ran outside, and mounted a pair of bicycles. Peter had painted the bikes black so they’d be less visible at night. They coasted down a hill away from the betting agency, met up with a railroad line, and pedaled along the tracks to a car parked a short distance away.

For their next crime, Peter drew up what he called a “double job”—two heists committed within half an hour of each other. The first would distract police and clear the way for the second. The twins would wear identical jumpers, like when they were kids, to fool the authorities into thinking that both were carried out by a single perpetrator.

Peter did his part, stealing $1,277 from a betting agency in Hastings, but Doug got cold feet and aborted his portion of the plan. Twelve days later Doug sought redemption, charging into a betting agency in Koo Wee Rup armed with the imitation pistol and a sawed-off shotgun, which he vowed he’d use only to fire warning shots.

A month later, Peter planned another double job. He robbed $1,567 from a TAB agency in Lilydale, only to discover afterward that Doug had balked again. Ten days later Doug struck his assigned target, a betting agency in Healesville, a small town in the fertile Yarra Valley, where kangaroos were often spotted lazing in the shade. When he entered the TAB, a customer was placing a bet. Doug told the employee behind the counter to let the customer finish up before turning over the agency’s cash.

After exiting with $1,080, Doug leapt onto a bicycle and rode past the police station. He stashed the bike in some hedges and disappeared into the bush. Doug hiked about ten miles to a rendezvous point with Peter, scratching himself on blackberry bushes and lying prone as cars passed along the highway. It was like a game of hide-and-seek, he told me, “except your friend is going to shoot you.”

The twins were young and immature, and they’d found a way to make cash far more quickly than they could lugging lumber and bricks around construction sites. Plus, there was a sense of adventure in it all. Doug remembers sleeping under a giant fern during a storm and falling asleep to the sound of rain. Peter was once scouting an escape route on his motorbike when a dozen kangaroos rushed past. “For about 20 seconds, I’m part of the kangaroo flock,” he told me. Peter also thrived on the rush he felt after a job. “You’re mainlining on adrenaline for six or eight hours,” he said. “That’s the most powerful drug in the world, adrenaline. And the cheapest.”

The police were at a loss to figure out who was behind the brothers’ capers. Despite Peter carrying a gun in his left hand and Doug in his right, nobody caught on that there were two robbers and not one. The twins were  “cleanskins,”  meaning that they didn’t have a criminal record. Nor did they have any questionable friends, gang affiliations, or links to Australia’s underworld.  “The only criminal we ever knew was our father,” Peter said. This kept them off authorities’ radar but also meant that they only had each other to confide in and rely on.

Peter was the planner, and a meticulous one. He kept a black book of potential jobs, with the locations of various TABs and banks, when they opened and closed, exit points, nearby police stations, and even coffee shops local law enforcement frequented. He gave each target a score based on its suitability. “Two ticks if the building was good, and maybe another tick if the getaway was good,” Peter said.

The twins decided not to do robberies in the summer months, because that was when Australia’s venomous snakes were about. If one of them was bitten, he’d have to turn himself in to avoid succumbing from the venom. They also didn’t use walkie-talkies, concerned that someone might pick up the frequency. Instead, they developed a way of communicating in code by flashlight. When one brother arrived at a rendezvous point and gave a signal in the darkness, the other would signal back if it was safe to meet.

The brothers never ate before a job. “You don’t want a full stomach when you’ve got to walk 20 kilometers,” Doug explained. To cut down on weight, they didn’t even bring water; they kept their mouths moist by chewing gum with flavored liquid in the center.

After a job, the tradition was to drive to Melbourne and eat at an all-night burger joint. They’d pick up the latest paper, which sometimes included news of their crime. Peter remembered one headline declaring that the police had the bandit surrounded and were expecting an early arrest. The twins laughed as they scarfed down hamburgers several towns away.  

The Mask

Victoria’s Armed Robbery Squad operated out of the Russell Street Police Headquarters in downtown Melbourne. A blond-brick skyscraper crowned with a tall metal radio mast, the building stood across the road from the Old Melbourne Gaol, where Ned Kelly was hanged. Nineteen investigators had been allocated to the squad, and they were spread thin. Detective sergeant Jimmy Louden, who led one of the squad’s six crews, was in charge of the investigation into the prolific TAB robber, known initially as the Machine Gun Bandit because the assault rifle he sometimes carried resembled an automatic weapon. By August 1978, John Beever and Patrick Brear were running lead on the case.

Beever and Brear started by revisiting each crime scene. The detectives drove long distances to talk to small-town cops and reinterview witnesses, paying close attention to physical details of the bandit and his routine. He usually struck at around 7 p.m., and police noticed that he hadn’t been very active during the Australian summer of 1977–78. The officers concluded that this was because the summer months brought more daylight hours, preventing the bandit from using darkness to his advantage.

The robber was hitting targets all across southern Victoria, from windy Great Ocean Road in the west to the farm-studded flatlands of Wellington Shire in the east. Beever and Brear were especially baffled by robberies in Dromana and Sorrento that had occurred within 30 minutes of each other. The coastal towns were 15 miles apart on the Mornington Peninsula, a narrow boot-shaped strip of land south of Melbourne known for its vineyards, sheltered beaches, and great surf. As the bandit entered the agency in Sorrento, he told a female staff member, “Sorry I’m late, but I just held up the Dromana branch.” Beever and Brear were unable to cover the distance between the two towns in the time that elapsed between the robberies. “We were dealing with more than just your run-of-the-mill offender,” Brear said. “We were looking for a very smart operative.”

Once the bandit’s MO was established, Victoria police launched a broad-based surveillance effort code-named Operation Rimfire. The objective was to monitor TAB agencies in areas where the bandit was operating, in particular between the hours of 5 p.m. and 7:30 p.m. It was an enormous allocation of manpower for small-town police stations with just a handful of employees. Officers attended briefings and manned stakeouts in shifts. They were instructed to wear civilian clothes, stay near a telephone, and maintain radio contact. Meal breaks were forbidden. After the bandit struck while an officer was using the restroom, officers were ordered to hold their water, too.

As the search dragged on, the police grew annoyed by the public’s lack of assistance. The leader of Victoria’s Armed Robbery Squad, detective inspector Tom O’Keeffe, told the press, “It’s not a Ned Kelly fight between the coppers and the villain. It’s not a game people can join in by watching on TV.” He warned that the bandit was “a potential psychopath,” and compared him to rapists and murderers. “It looks like it’s a challenge to him,” he said, “and we accept the challenge.”

Despite careful planning, close calls were unavoidable for the Morgan twins. During one escape, Doug encountered a roadblock on a bridge and had to slip into a swollen river to avoid detection. From under the bridge, he could see the cops above silhouetted by flashing lights. For a moment he considered yelling for help. He feared that the heavy bag of cash tied around his neck might drown him, but managed to reach the bank and drag himself ashore.

To stay ahead of police, the twins had to innovate. After one stickup in the bayside town of Edithvale, Peter experimented with a novel getaway method: a timber canoe. He built it himself, along with a paddle, to prevent the police from tracing it to a store. He navigated into foggy Port Phillip Bay with his stolen cash in a waterproof container, watching the lights of the police cars as they raced into town. Suddenly, the canoe started to sink—he hadn’t waterproofed it. Peter paddled frantically to shore, where he abandoned the vessel and hiked back to his car.  

One day, Peter was perusing a collection of novelty items at an agricultural show in Melbourne when he spotted a mask. It looked like the face of an ugly old man and had a mop of curly hair attached, long enough that it ran to Peter’s collar. He decided that it offered perfect cover. He came to see the mask as the part of his robbery kit that distinguished him as a serious professional criminal, and resolved not to let his brother use it.

That was fine with Doug, who used handkerchiefs and bandanas to cover his face during robberies. He had no interest in wearing Peter’s mask, which he tried on just once. “It was a piece of shit,” he told me. “Your vision was really bad out of it, so you didn’t have peripheral.”

Peter felt that his brother was an unreliable partner. Doug wasn’t balking at jobs anymore, but he was sometimes unavailable because of practice with his recreational football team. “I was full on,” Peter said, “whereas for whatever reason, Douglas became reluctant.” Peter planned TAB heists in Drouin and Keilor without telling his brother.

But TABs were beginning to feel too small-time for the kind of criminal Peter saw himself as. In early 1978, he decided to hit his first bank.

The Nickname

Because banks closed earlier than TABs, Peter knew that he risked being seen before the sun went down. This meant it was imperative that he get into the bush faster than usual. He decided to steal a motorbike to do so. One of Peter’s rules was to only steal from businesses, not individuals, so he went to a used-car lot, asked to test-drive a Honda 500cc motorcycle, and zoomed away without paying for it.

The next day, March 7, 1978, Peter rode the stolen motorbike to the State Savings Bank in Mirboo North, a tranquil farming town. He ran inside armed with a shotgun and ordered the manager to fill up a bag with money. He then escaped to a nearby pine forest, stashed the bike, and set off on foot. When he stopped to rest, he rifled through his bag of money and found a brand-new .25-caliber Browning pistol inside. It belonged to the bank. A staff member must have tossed it inside for some reason during the robbery.

The take was a hefty $15,098, and Peter planned to spend his share. While Doug sometimes used his portion of the loot to purchase sports cars, Peter preferred ski boats, motorbikes, and guns. Like their father before them, both men enjoyed betting on horses and greyhounds. Peter used this as a way to launder his money: He’d place a bet with stolen cash at one window, then claim his winnings at another, receiving clean bills in return. (Since the races didn’t always go his way, he figures that the method amounted to about a 20 percent processing fee.)

Peter also took up horse trading. He bought horses at country markets, transported them to his property, and sold some to recreational riders while keeping others for himself. It was an ideal cover for the robberies, justifying his frequent travel and surplus cash, and providing an explanation for how he spent his time. He’d even use the horse trailer to haul stolen motorcycles to robbery locations. Peter accumulated so many horses—he estimates that he bought and sold about 100—that he bought a farm in Nyora and moved his family there.

Several of Peter’s Thoroughbreds competed on the local racing circuit. As kids the Morgan twins idolized the Skelton brothers, who were among the best jockeys in New Zealand. Now, as an owner of racehorses, Peter had the opportunity to lift R.J. Skelton into his saddle before a race. “He called me Mr. Morgan,” Peter bragged to Doug. However indirectly, the robberies were earning him power and respect.

Peter claims that he hid his crimes from his family. He’d wait until his wife left for work—Pamela managed a hardware company—before washing the stolen bank notes, dunking them in water, shoving them in a stocking, and running them in the clothes dryer to remove any ink stamps the bank had marked them with. Like his father, he also rented a safe house in Essendon, gave the landlady a phony story, and kept a car at the property in case he needed to disappear in a hurry.

Doug’s son, Michael, told me that his mother once opened the trunk of their car and found it full of cash. “But Father was good at lying,” Michael said. “He said he’d won it at the races.”

The Morgan brothers treated their wives with coldness at times, and despite their fraternal competitiveness, they often opted to spend time with each other rather than their families. Doug’s wife was saddened by his absence and neglect; Peter’s wife finally left, taking their son with her, after Peter returned from a three-day heist and refused to tell her where he’d been. Peter spent the next day losing $7,000 at the racetrack. When his wife returned with their son and a new toy she’d bought for him, Peter bitterly blamed her for his losses. That toy had cost seven grand, he thought.

Still, the Pamelas stuck by their husbands even as their families grew: Doug eventually had a son and a daughter, and Peter had two sons. Just as Kay brought the twins along on jobs, Peter sometimes took his four-year-old to scout potential targets and police stations. One day the toddler was in the car with his grandparents when he said, “We need to go and look at the cop shop!”

“Why?” they asked.

Because, the boy said, Dad always liked to check them out.

After the Mirboo North bank heist, the twins targeted a string of betting agencies. Following one stickup, in the town of Torquay, Doug was fleeing in the darkness when a local service-station owner gave chase. Doug turned and fired his gun, which was loaded with buckshot. He intended it to be a warning shot and had aimed at the ground, but a pellet struck the man’s lip.

At around 7 p.m., Peter heard about the robbery on the radio and fell into a fury. “The shooting broke my rules,” Peter told me. “There was to be no violence.” Waiting in his Valiant Charger at the rendezvous point, Peter extended the barrel of his Jager .22 rifle through the open window. I’m going to kill him, Peter thought. The gun was loaded and cocked, with the safety off. He saw Doug walking toward the vehicle in the darkness, finishing what was a 15-mile hike from Torquay. Peter was about to pull the trigger when he thought: What am I doing? He put the gun back down on his lap.

In the wake of the shooting of the service-station owner, police reporter Geoff Wilkinson published a story headlined “Hunt for 14-Raid TAB Thief,” portraying the criminal as a “potential killer.” Wilkinson—who would later write Double Trouble, a book about the twins, with coauthor Ross Brundrett—also gave the robber a new nickname, based on his propensity for nighttime heists: the After Dark Bandit.

The Briefcase

Doug’s shooting of the man in Torquay brought to the fore some fundamental disagreements between the Morgan brothers. Doug had always considered himself the better carpenter, better with girls, and their father’s favorite. Doug felt that Peter now saw himself as the better bank robber and was intent on rubbing it in. For his part, Peter felt like his brother was just “along for the ride,” enjoying the fruits of his efforts while pulling fewer jobs and bringing in less money. This inspired Peter’s nickname for Doug: Parasite. He felt that Doug lacked commitment. “It was a business,” Peter told me. “Not a legal business, but it was still a business.”

Peter was meticulous to the point of obsessive when preparing for a robbery, scouting targets for hours at a time and repeatedly assembling and disassembling his rifle in the dark like a commando. As Peter saw it, Doug had never taken anything seriously in his life. In their teens, they’d been evenly matched in most sports, but Peter had the edge in track and field. During one race in New Zealand, Doug unexpectedly got out to a huge lead, and Peter exhausted himself catching up. Then, halfway through the race, Doug stopped and walked off the track. “It was all just a big joke to him,” Peter told me.

Doug’s lackadaisical attitude clashed with Peter’s desire to expand their criminal enterprise to include higher-stakes bank jobs. The last TAB Peter ever hit was in the small dairy town of Maffra. It was the second half of a double robbery; Doug had struck a betting agency in Heyfield 25 minutes earlier. Peter, wearing his mask, entered the caged area behind the TAB’s counter and collected the money from the cash drawers. But when the manager opened the floor safe, it was empty. “Where’d you hide it?” asked Peter, rummaging through a waste bin to see if any money was stashed inside. The manager just smiled. Reading the papers afterward, Peter concluded that after Doug’s Heyfield heist, the police had notified all TABs in the area that the After Dark Bandit was on the prowl. Peter was less annoyed by the measly haul—a mere $463—than by the feeling that he’d been outsmarted.

Two weeks later,  eager to show the police who was boss, Peter parked his motorcycle outside Heathcote’s CBC Bank, donned his mask, and ran inside carrying a sawed-off shotgun and a large bag. “I have to rob a bank because the coppers have got the TABs covered,” he told the frightened staff. He seized $15,106 in cash.  

Carrying the stolen money out of the Heathcote CBC, Peter spotted a man seated in a car wearing a blue Victoria Police uniform. Peter, still in his mask, dragged the man out of the car and frisked him for a gun.

“You’re a cop,” Peter said.

“No,” lied the off-duty constable, terrified.

Peter threw the man’s keys into a nearby field, then climbed onto his motorcycle and sped off down Heathcote’s main street.

Soon after, flush with cash from the bank heist, the Morgan twins went to the races at Ballarat, a provincial city in the gold-rich Central Highlands of Victoria. They drove Peter’s Valiant Charger, which he’d recently souped up to outrun the cops. “It was my pride and joy, obviously,” Peter told me. In the boot of the car was a briefcase containing two shotguns and thousands of dollars in cash.

Before the races started, Doug vanished. Peter couldn’t find him in the restroom or anywhere else he searched. He’d never known his brother to skip a race, so Peter panicked, worrying that the police might have nabbed him. He decided to leave, but walking through the parking lot he realized that the cops might be waiting at his car. He crept between vehicles, trying to remain unseen, until he came to his spot. The Valiant was gone.

Peter took a taxi back to his house, where he found his car parked with the door and trunk open. The briefcase was gone, and there was a note on the steering wheel: “Thanks bro.”

Doug had stolen the car by having a copy of Peter’s key cut the previous day. “My greatest job,” Doug told me. “I robbed the robber.”

For three days, Peter said, he “hunted Doug around Victoria prepared to kill him.” He drove to every motel he could find. “I’m looking for my twin brother. He looks like me,” he told each proprietor. “There’s been a death in the family, and I can’t contact him.”

Doug told me that he robbed his brother because he was fed up with Peter calling him Parasite. Plus, he wanted to prove that he could get the better of his twin. “I showed him who’s the real master,” Doug said.

A few days after disappearing, Doug called Peter. “We need to talk,” he said.

“You’re a scumbag,” Peter replied.

Still, the brothers agreed to meet. When they sat down at a pub in Melbourne, according to Doug, he handed over Peter’s gun and half the money from the boot of his car. (As Peter tells it, Doug had already spent it all, and slid him an empty briefcase.) Doug explained that he’d been at a motel in the town of Sale. Peter hadn’t checked it because it was next to a police station.

The incident strained the already volatile relationship between the brothers, yet they continued their criminal partnership. Despite a mutual hatred, they were the last remaining members of the original gang of four, and neither could simply walk away.

The Gum Tree

Robbing Peter made Doug more confident than ever. In the spring of 1978, he told his brother that he intended to hit a bank. Peter asked for specifics, but Doug simply said that he had it all planned out.

In fact, all he’d done at that point was pick a target: the National Bank in Warburton, an old gold-mining town on the Yarra River, surrounded by the lush green mountains of the Great Dividing Range. Doug had banked there a few years earlier, and once when he looked over the teller’s shoulder, he saw heaps of cash in trays—far more than he’d seen when working in a bank as a teenager. “It told me this was a good bank to rob,” Doug said.

Five nights before the heist, Doug stole a small Honda motorbike from a local garage. On October 17, he rode around Warburton for four hours, scouting his getaway route. As the afternoon shadows lengthened, he found a hill overlooking the bank and sat there for 20 minutes, counting the customers going in and out of the building.

Doug stepped into the bank dressed in a long oilskin coat, his face covered by a black stocking and a balaclava. He vaulted over the counter, shouting, “You probably know who I am. I am the After Dark Bandit!”  He announced that he’d shot people before, then he emptied the cash from the tellers’s boxes and locked everyone in the bathroom. He warned them not to contact the police, claiming that he knew where they lived.

After the holdup, Doug raced on his motorbike into the hills above Warburton. With the heavy bag of stolen money strapped to his wrist, he accidentally popped a wheelie that sent him swerving toward an oncoming bus, which he narrowly avoided hitting. He then doubled back over some dirt tracks he’d made that morning, forcing his pursuers to guess which direction he’d gone. After returning to the paved road, he puttered along for a distance before stopping. He threw the bike over a wire fence, covered it with branches, and set off on foot into the bush.

When he felt that he’d gone far enough to shake any pursuers, Doug took a rest against an enormous gum tree. “It was like a romantic painting,” he said. He opened his bag and counted the stolen cash: nearly $39,000. While some thieves might have considered the impressive haul ample reason to keep pulling jobs, Doug felt differently. “It was enough money to start a new life,” he recalled. “I could leave Australia. Maybe move to New Zealand or America. I could buy two houses in cash, maybe set up a business.”

He thought about his brother—blowing money on racehorses, doing jobs just to prove he could, and walking around like a movie gangster with the Browning pistol from the Mirboo North robbery tucked into a homemade holster.  Doug didn’t want to be like his brother, because he didn’t like his brother. If Peter was going to continue to define himself by robbing banks, Doug would take the opposite tack. He pledged to never do another holdup.

In the distance he could hear the thrup-thrup-thrup of a police helicopter searching for him. He looked up at the canopy of the gum tree. Its long branches and flowing leaves provided perfect cover.

Later, when Peter discovered how much Doug had scored, their biggest haul to date, he scoffed. “Beginner’s luck,” he said.

On March 14, 1979, Peter put on his rubber mask and darted inside the same Heathcote CBC he robbed the previous July. “Hello,” he cheerily greeted the staff. “Remember me?” He tossed a bag on the counter and told the tellers to fill it up. Peter then placed his sawed-off shotgun on the counter and caught one of the tellers looking at it. “This is your chance,” Peter said, daring them to grab the weapon.

He forced the customers into the storeroom. A few noted that the bandit had grown a pot belly, causing his shirt buttons to pop. In a subsequent news article headlined “The after-dark bandit casts a broader shadow,” journalist Lindsay Murdoch wrote, “Police say the bandit’s big spending of TAB and bank money is starting to show.”

Peter announced that he needed a getaway car, and ledger keeper Jan Murphy handed him the keys to her orange Datsun. He drove Murphy’s car to a small building in the countryside, where earlier that day he’d stashed his motorbike—an unregistered, customized machine with a top speed of 100 mph. Zipping away on the bike, Peter was free.

Doug thought that his brother was insane to rob the same bank twice. “He was like a bomb just waiting to go off, and the trouble is, the bomb was going to destroy my life as well,” Doug said.

Peter didn’t take his brother’s retirement all that seriously, and felt validated when, a few months after the revelation under the gum tree, Doug agreed to do another bank job. The heist was planned for the idyllic farming town of Heyfield. Peter gave Doug his motorbike and guns, and dropped him off about 12 miles from the target. Doug, who later said that he’d felt pressured into the job, yanked a few wires on the bike to render it inoperable, then spent the day sitting by a lake. When Peter found out, he was furious—about the broken bike and because his brother had pulled out of yet another robbery.  

The twins had always fought, but their confrontations were becoming increasingly violent. Doug remembered Peter once holding his hair and kicking him in the face with his boot; another time, he said, Peter tried to run him down with a car. Doug also recalled punching Peter in the face and ramming his head through a plaster wall at a construction site. During one fierce fight, Doug begged Peter to give up the robberies. “You have to stop,” Doug said. “You’re going to get us killed.”

By then the twins had stolen close to $100,000, but for Peter it wasn’t enough. His goal was to become “the big guy in domestic horses in Victoria,” he told me. To do that, he needed a sizable nest egg. If Doug continued to dig in his heels and refuse to pull his weight, Peter figured that it would take six more jobs to get where he wanted to be.

The Church

For detectives Beever and Brear, each new robbery felt like a failure of their investigative work. But it also added to the pool of knowledge about the After Dark Bandit. They realized that he was becoming greedier, favoring banks over betting agencies, and also more daring and reckless. He was hitting targets during the day sometimes, and he’d robbed Heathcote CBC twice in eight months.

Beever and Brear’s working theory was that the bandit was a drug addict or gambler—someone “not very strong on investments,” in Brear’s words, who was spending the money he stole, then pulling another job when cash got low. The detectives recorded the dates of each robbery and the amounts taken. Using this information, they discerned what they thought was a pattern and tried to predict when he would strike again.

Beever thought that the next robbery would fall on April 27, and he sent a telex dispatch the day before, warning police in county stations to be on high alert. “Regarding the offender sought for numerous armed robberies on TAB agencies at banks in country areas, it is anticipated that this offender will commit a similar offence in the very near future,” Beever wrote. He urged police to monitor banks and TABs “in particular within half an hour either side of closing time,” to be “discreet in the surveillance,” and to stay off their radios. “It appears that this offender has monitored police broadcasts in the past,” Beever wrote.

Brear suspected that the target would be Heathcote CBC for a third time. He couldn’t say why—it was just “a hell of a strong gut feeling,” he told me. Sitting at Russell Street Police Headquarters, with nothing pressing on the day’s agenda, Brear suggested to Beever that they drive from Melbourne up to Heathcote, park near the CBC Bank, and watch for the thief. Beever doubted that the robber would hit Heathcote a third time, however, so the detectives stayed put.

Still, Brear was so convinced that Heathcote was the target that he called senior constable Ray Koch, one of two police officers in the small town. Brear urged him to keep an eye on the bank, and Koch reassured him that he was standing guard.

Around 4:40 p.m., 51-year-old Koch was cruising down Heathcote’s main street in his squad car when he decided to do another pass by the bank before it closed for the day. Koch gripped the steering wheel with his big hands. He was a strong, stocky man; his friends knew him as a gentle giant who enjoyed spending time with his wife and four kids. A pillar of the tight-knit community, he could often be found trap shooting, duck hunting, or drinking beer with friends.

Clad in his blue police jacket and trousers, Koch drove up to the brick bank, where he noticed a figure on a side street. It was Peter, who on an impulse had indeed chosen to hit Heathcote a third time, because he knew the bank inside and out. For the previous two hours, he had stood at the edge of a nearby football field, watching Koch’s police car pass the bank every 30 minutes. “Like clockwork,” he recalled. Come 4:30, Peter decided to strike, figuring he’d have half an hour to rob the bank before the cop returned. He didn’t expect Koch to come back early.

Peter had just put his mask on and was walking toward the bank when Koch pulled up. Upon hearing the car door open, Peter ducked behind a small tree, pulled off his mask, and shoved it in his jumper. He’d hoped to appear as a passerby. But then he changed his mind; instead of trying to blend in, he’d take action.

Peter drew the Browning .25 pistol, which he’d come to regard as his lucky gun. It was the same model his father had used in the Eltham bank shootout, and Peter always kept it cocked and loaded. Koch, now out of his vehicle and clearly facing the After Dark Bandit, made for the far side of his car for cover, but Peter came at him and grabbed him by the arm. Koch tried to seize the Browning, and as the men wrestled, Peter’s gun hand slid under Koch’s armpit and the weapon discharged. Koch was hit in the back of the hip. He dragged Peter to the ground as he fell. When the two men hit the pavement, there was another loud pop. Intense pain seared through Koch’s body. (Peter has always insisted that both shots were unintentional.)

As Koch bled under his jacket, Peter hoisted him to his feet, grabbed him by the elbow, and walked him toward the bank. Peter was about to don his mask and enter the building when he turned to Koch. “I should finish you right now, because you’re the only person that’s ever seen my face,” Peter said. “But I won’t.” Then he pulled the officer into the bank.

Peter ordered the bank staff, who knew his routine by now, to fill up his bag with cash and open the safe. Koch, meanwhile, sat in a chair by the door, moaning with pain. Peter wanted to get out of there fast, lest Koch’s colleagues show up. He also wanted Koch to pull through.

“When we finish this, you can ring for the ambulance,” Peter told a young bank teller.

“What’s the phone number?” the teller asked.

“You idiot!” yelled Peter, kicking the teller’s backside.

Once again Peter needed a getaway vehicle, and once again ledger keeper Jan Murphy offered the keys to her orange Datsun. Lugging $11,100 in stolen cash, he left through the rear of the bank and got in the car, which was parked in the same spot as the last time he stole it.

Peter drove the Datsun down a side street, then around the back of the football field and into Heathcote’s scrubby fairground, where he’d hidden a black Yamaha motorcycle. Because Doug had sabotaged Peter’s personal bike, he lifted this one from a garage the night before. Peter ditched the car and got on the bike just as a police car pulled into the fairground. Behind the wheel was Fred Hobley, the other half of Heathcote’s two-man police force, who minutes after Peter fled the bank got the call that Koch had been shot.

Peter maneuvered into a ditch and then up an embankment and onto the road, with the cop in pursuit. Hobley lifted his police radio. “I’m chasing the motorbike,” he reported. Hobley kept losing sight of Peter on a windy dirt road leading into the forest, but he could follow the dust stirred up by the bike’s tires.

Peter saw a vehicle up ahead also kicking up a cloud of dust. He turned onto a narrower track, then slowed down. Behind him the cop car sped past, following the other vehicle’s trail.  

Peter puttered along slowly, drained from the adrenaline rush. After a few miles, he reached a spot where earlier that day he’d cut some tree branches to cover the bike and also stashed a bag of supplies—two cans of Coke, some blocks of chocolate, and a portable transistor radio. He grabbed the sack and started into the bush.

Later that evening, Doug was visiting his 17-year-old mistress, Wendy Breen. He’d been smitten by Wendy after she came to ride horses at Peter’s farm. “She probably went for the older man that had nice things, being young and from a working-class family,” Doug said.  Now, while spending time at her home, he heard a news flash on the radio that a policeman had been shot. He knew right away that Peter was responsible, and that the two of them were in deep trouble.

Doug had played a minor part in the heist that day, dropping off Peter and his motorbike outside Heathcote in the predawn hours. Doug rationalized that this wasn’t as bad as holding up a bank—he was only driving. Still, he’d told Peter that this was the last time he would help. Now he drove to his brother’s farm, grabbed some guns from Peter’s shed, and loaded them into his car. He told me he’d planned to use them to fire warning shots if he encountered police.

As part of the heist, Doug was supposed to pick up Peter at 2 a.m. at a rendezvous point: a Catholic church outside the small farming town of Axedale. Fueled by adrenaline, Peter made it there early and sat on the steps of the old church, waiting for his brother. The night air was frigid, causing him to shiver. He thought about kicking down the door of the church to warm up inside but decided that wouldn’t be right. It was a church after all. He turned on his transistor radio and listened to the news about the shooting and the massive police manhunt. The whole world was going to come down on his shoulders, he thought.

Two a.m. came and went with no sign of Doug. Unbeknownst to Peter, his brother had decided to wait until morning to head to the church, hoping that the police presence would diminish with time. En route, Doug spotted a roadblock. He knew that if the cops searched his car, they’d discover the guns he’d concealed under a newspaper on the passenger seat, so he stopped at a convenience store and bought a Coke. Then he got back in his car and hung a U-turn. According to Doug, if either missed the rendezvous, their plan was to return 24 hours later.

By 10:15 a.m., Peter was fed up with waiting. Eager to make it home for his wedding anniversary celebration, he decided to hitch a ride on a nearby road. A woman driving with her daughter gave him a lift into the town of Bendigo. “Retrospectively,” he told me, “I should have went bush.” Peter walked into a Woolworths to buy a different suitcase to carry the cash from the bank job. On his way out, he thought he was probably in the clear. He was only ten minutes from Bendigo’s railway station, where he could finally make his way home. That’s when constable Rick Hasty spotted him, pinned him against the wall, and arrested him.

Peter was shoved into a police car with three burly cops. They drove him a couple hundred yards to the police station and escorted him inside.

Peter calmly asked for a white coffee with one and a half sugars. “He was a cocky smart-ass,” Hasty told me. “Don’t let him put it over you that he was sorry for [what he did].” Hasty added, “He should have been fucking shot between the eyes.” So many policemen crowded in to get a glimpse of the After Dark Bandit that Peter “couldn’t see the walls,” he told me. “All I could see was blue.”

Brear, who’d gone to Heathcote the night before after hearing about the shooting, now arrived at the Bendigo station. He and a couple of other cops took Peter into a room for questioning. The men slid a list of suspected robberies across the table and asked him which were his. To their surprise, Peter admitted to nearly every one, 23 in total. He also volunteered that his first robbery was in Mernda.

One of the stunned cops asked him the date of the crime. Peter said that it was Holy Thursday 1977.

Peter then described his robberies down to the exact amounts stolen and the weapons used. “He was very cooperative,” Brear told me. “He offered no resistance to us at all.” Peter was following in the footsteps of his father, who’d freely confessed to his crimes after the Eltham robbery. “If you ever do something wrong,” Kay had told his sons, “at least be a man and accept the punishment.”

Ten hours after Peter’s arrest, once the police had searched his home and discovered that he had a twin brother, detectives Beever and Brear sat Peter down for a second round of questioning. They said that they believed his twin had been involved in the heists, too. Given their recent feuding, Peter had no intention of covering for Doug.

Yes, he told the police, his brother was his partner in crime.

When Doug saw his name and face on TV, he realized that his brother had ratted him out. He figured that it was Peter’s revenge for stealing his car and money at the horse races. “I don’t think I really trusted people after that,” he told me.

Doug suspected that the cops would be watching his home, so he spent the next few days moving from motel to motel with Wendy. The police already knew his face, of course, and they had a description of Wendy, which was circulating in the newspapers: a petite blonde, “last seen wearing blue jeans and a navy jumper.” Doug needed a car the police couldn’t trace, so he put a deposit down on a Land Rover, the first model he remembered his father driving. His plan was to head deep into the bush with Wendy and lie low for a while.

But first he took Wendy to the beach in Frankston, a lively seaside suburb of Melbourne with a golden sandy shore. Doug was watching the surf when he saw police officers coming down the beach, pointing at him. He bolted but didn’t make it far. Within moments, he collided with a police car and the cops piled on top of him.

The Prison

Justice for the brothers was swift. Doug pled guilty to robbing 17 TABs and four banks; Peter admitted to the same crimes, plus the two TABs he’d hit alone. A jury acquitted Peter of intent to cause grievous bodily harm to Ray Koch but found him guilty of the lesser charge of using a firearm to resist arrest.

The judge sentenced the twins to 17 years, but on appeal the state argued that they deserved more jail time. They’d left countless victims in their wake. There were the bank tellers and the customers who’d been traumatized by the brothers’ crimes. There was also Rick Hasty, who for the next 15 years wouldn’t speak to anyone about his terrifying encounter with Peter. He drank to forget, costing him two marriages, and moved to a cul-de-sac in the countryside, where he still lives today, often venturing alone into the Outback. Then there was Koch, who survived his injuries, but not without consequence. Doctors were in such a hurry to save his life they didn’t have time to scan the 32 pints of blood—donated by friends and Heathcote locals—his surgery required. Many suspected it had been infected with hepatitis, which took Koch’s life 16 years later. “So Morgan actually did kill him,” Hasty told me.

As a result of the state’s appeal, Doug’s sentence was increased to more than 20 years, and Peter’s to nearly 22. “The longest sentence from a robbery in Victorian history,” Peter boasted to me. Doug served almost 11 years, and Peter 12, both at Pentridge Prison, known for its strict security measures and notorious inmates.

While behind bars, Peter and Doug’s wives divorced them, and the brothers faced violence from fellow inmates and guards. Doug told me that there were times he wanted to kill himself but found strength by pretending he was a tough-as-nails John Wayne character. He also developed a mantra: “Hang yourself on Thursday.” Meaning give it a few days—by then you’ll forget what was so depressing.

During our conversations, both Peter and Doug expressed remorse for their criminal acts, attributing them to youthful stupidity. “I have a chronic guilty conscience of what I did, on all levels,” Peter said. Doug posts videos of himself on Facebook that often delve into his feelings of regret. He records them the moment he wakes up, which he says is when his thoughts are clearest. Some are strikingly raw and poetic, such as his memory of standing on a hilltop before a robbery, watching a town’s “streetlights flicker on, the smoke escaping from the chimneys, the people keeping warm, innocently going about their business.”

He concludes: “I never forgot sitting there on that hill and how peaceful the town was. But I was not a bringer of peace. I was a bringer of grief.”

Today, Doug leads tours of the old prison where he did his stretch, which ceased operations in 1997. Parts of the facility have been remade into the ritzy Interlude hotel, where guests stay in converted-cell suites and take a dip in the softly lit subterranean swimming pool. Doug told me that tourists often ask questions about the time he served: “What was it like?” “How did you make it through?” Doug might say something glib in the moment, but then chew over his response for days until he falls upon something closer to the truth.

Peter despises that his brother is a tour guide, calling him a “show pony.” But Doug told me that he doesn’t do it for the fame or the money. He says that he enjoys meeting people and talking to them. Often, after a tour, he’ll go to a chic bar inside the old prison called the BrewDog, where he’s served free beer, and swap stories with the people from his tours—locals, foreign tourists, even a cop once.

Doug likes to present himself as a loner. He’s had girlfriends since prison, but he told me that he never lets them spend the night. He took up painting behind bars and likes to capture scenes of isolation: a red mug in the corner of a white room, Ned Kelly seated alone in darkness, a tumbledown shack on a barren plain. The bush features prominently in Doug’s artwork, and he romanticizes his time alone there, running from the law.

But there are signs that he craves real community. After his release from prison, he got interested in charity work and became a Salvation Army volunteer. He still takes on construction jobs, even at the age of 70, because he enjoys mentoring younger carpenters. And he posts video diaries online, reaching into the ether for connection.

Peter told me that his parents were never affectionate. He recalled one time sitting in the back seat of the car with his mother, grandmother, and brother. “I pretended to be asleep so I could lean against my grandmother and get cuddled,” Peter said. “I got that from my grandmother, not my mother.” Perhaps somewhere in that Rosebud-like memory lies the origin of the Morgan brothers’ intense rivalry: Maybe as boys, Doug and Peter had to compete for scarce attention, affirmation, and love from their parents. It’s a rivalry that has lasted their whole lives. It didn’t surprise me, then, to hear that Peter, too, had tried his hand at painting, and was endeavoring to get a charity startup off the ground.

Both men were hobbled by leg injuries sustained during their nighttime bush escapes, but apart from a matching limp, the twins are no longer identical. Doug wears his brown hair long and has a tangled beard; Peter is mostly bald, with a neat white mustache. Peter, who retired from construction, told me that Doug’s Facebook videos are ruining the quiet life he tried to create for himself. Doug frequently portrays Peter as an egomaniac trapped in his gangster past. He points to Peter’s use of “ADB” in his email address, short for After Dark Bandit. Peter told me that he chose ADB because “AfterDarkBandit” was already taken—by Doug.

Peter claims that Doug was just his “gopher” and “sidekick” during the robberies, and yet Doug, because of his charity work, painting, and prison tours, has spent more time in the limelight in recent years than Peter has. Peter is planning to write a memoir, titled The Whole Truth and Nothing But the Truth. Doug, of course, is considering a memoir of his own.

The final competition between the Morgan brothers is over their legacy, as each man seeks to prove who was the better thief and who became the better man. Their feud has reached its climax; neither brother knows where the other lives.

On a cloudy day in Melbourne in December 2023, Doug led his son, Michael, along with Michael’s wife and son, on a private tour through Pentridge’s B division, where the ground floor has been preserved. Doug walked his grandson into a small, dimly lit cell. “That’s your whole life,” Doug said. “You lived there all day. How would you like that for being a bank robber?”

Michael was shocked by the tour. “I never expected it to be so barbaric,” he told Doug. “From the outside, I don’t know what I expected. It just wasn’t this. These old, tiny, shitty cells.” It was the first time Michael had been past the visiting area. As a kid, he relished prison visits with his dad. “They take you down the path in the building, down to the garden, and these big old metal doors open,” Michael remembered. “It was always joyful, because in the garden I got to see my dad. He’d always have a Crunch bar for me.”

Doug, too, felt joy when his son visited, but a sense of melancholy, too. He told me about the time Michael pulled a tee out of his pocket, because his new stepdad was teaching him how to play golf. “I look at it and I go, ‘Well, if I was still a free man, he would be playing football, but now another man is raising my son,’ ” Doug said. “That’s when I realized a lot about the cost of crime.”

Michael is a successful salesman and marketing manager. I asked him if he’d ever thought about how he’d managed to break the cycle of crime that started with his grandfather. He said that he never really considered a life on the wrong side of the law. Sure, he’d felt a little rebellious toward the police as a kid, having witnessed them ransack his home searching for Doug—much like what Doug had experienced when law enforcement came looking for Kay. But Michael also experienced the consequences of crime, the visits to Pentridge where he could see his dad but never leave with him. “You have to live it,” he said, “[seeing] your parent in prison.”

Then Michael smirked. “It’s too hard these days anyway,” he added. He meant robbing banks.


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Dead Reckoning

Dead Reckoning

Fourteen U.S. destroyers barreled down the California coast in a dense fog—until a wrong turn led to the largest peacetime disaster in American naval history.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 142


Robert Kolker is the author of the New York Times best-selling Lost Girls and Hidden Valley Road. He is a National Magazine Award finalist whose work has appeared in The New York Times Magazine, Wired, Bloomberg Businessweek, and New York magazine, and through the Marshall Project.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Darya Marchenkova
Illustrator: Harry Tennant

Published in August 2023.


1.

There is a noise that, for a Navy captain, may well be the worst sound imaginable—worse than the boom of cannon fire, the whistle of a missile, or the whoosh of a torpedo. That noise is the long, piercing scrape of metal against rock. It’s the sound, quite simply, of everything going wrong.

Edward Howe Watson heard that noise on September 8, 1923, at 9:05 p.m., while sitting in his ship’s quarters, directly beneath the bridge of the United States Navy destroyer Delphy. Watson was a 49-year-old naval commander—a privileged and pedigreed, blue-blooded son of an admiral, Kentucky born and Annapolis trained. A year earlier, he’d taken command of the Delphy’s entire squadron of 19 destroyers. This had been a promotion, a welcome sign of forward momentum in a long and varied Navy career. Privately, Watson told his wife that he’d have preferred a battleship. But he seemed just one promotion away from getting that too, and after that perhaps an admiralty, like his father before him.

The Delphy had left San Francisco that morning and spent the day speeding south along the coast of California. Thirteen more ships in Watson’s squadron trailed behind. The destination was their home port in San Diego. This was a training exercise—a speed trial, the sort of thing the Navy, under considerable budget pressures, hadn’t tried since the war. All day the destroyers maintained top speeds in challenging conditions: bad weather, massive waves, a civilian vessel requiring rescue. By late afternoon, no one on any of the ships could make out the coastline through the haze. Watson wasn’t concerned; he had one of the Navy’s best navigators for the Delphy’s skipper, and he was using dead reckoning—the time-tested technique of calculating location from a ship’s compass direction, estimated speed, and the amount of time traveled—to ensure that they were where they needed to be. Best of all, a rival squadron of destroyers, part of the same training exercise, were making worse time. Watson was winning the race.

By nightfall, the Delphy was coming close to the Santa Barbara Channel, with San Diego in reach by dawn. A few minutes before 9 p.m., Watson ordered a turn east toward the coast for the final approach into the channel. The entrance was a risky place for a squadron traveling at 20 knots—littered with rocks, reefs, and shipwrecks just beneath the water’s surface—but it was the shortest route, and using it all but guaranteed that Watson would win. The other ships would follow, and they’d all be home in record time.

That was when Watson heard the noise—first the scrape, and then a thunderous boom. In that flash of a moment, Watson knew. They were running aground. Careers would be destroyed, reputations and legacies wiped away—and, worst of all, lives could be lost. But he could not have known that what happened next would become the greatest peacetime disaster in the history of the U.S. Navy. That it would prompt a court-martial of 11 officers, also the largest of its kind in history. And that, in the aftermath, he would be forced to rethink everything he believed about the price of honor and the true meaning of leadership.

And that, even now, 100 years later, there would be no end to the arguments over who exactly was to blame.


The destroyers under Watson’s command were known as four-stackers, marked by a quartet of tall, identical cylinders arrayed neatly in a line down the ship’s center, like the bristles of a toothbrush. Each ship was 314 feet long and 32 feet wide, nimble and powerful enough to target German submarines during the First World War. But by the time Watson took command of Squadron 11 in 1922, the war was over, fuel was being rationed, and military funding had been slashed across the board. While four-stackers could carry as many as 131 men, budget cuts reduced the number on board to roughly 100. It was an unfortunate time to be rising in the Navy. America may have just won a war, but the nation’s reputation was fragile. Washington was a hotbed of corruption; President Warren Harding’s Teapot Dome bribery scandal had implicated naval secretary Edwin Denby. Now more than ever, the Navy needed a demonstration of confidence, of authority. And Watson needed the Navy, too, in his own way.

Watson had grown up amid privilege, his only care, perhaps, the burden of expectation. He was the eldest son of a powerful Kentucky family, a member of America’s brand of aristocracy. One of his great-grandfathers had served as governor, was a five-term U.S. senator, and advised two presidents. The family superstar was his father, John Crittenden Watson, who earned his place in history as a Union Navy lieutenant during the Civil War battle of Mobile Bay. In 1864, Captain James Farragut of the battleship Hartford led a squadron of ships into Confederate waters and shocked everyone around him when he ordered his fleet into a mine-strewn waterway, crying out, “Damn the torpedoes, full speed ahead!” Watson’s father was Farragut’s faithful aide-de-camp. He’d heard the captain say it, and quoted him for years afterward, codifying the legend.

Watson grew up with that story, which was also becoming the Navy’s story—the daring squadron commander defying all odds, cheating death, seizing his place in the world. He entered the Navy in his father’s shadow: The elder Watson went on to be an admiral, and often told the tale of how he’d been the one to lash Farragut to the Hartford’s rigging, so his body would be found if the ship went down. Between the younger Watson’s many postings—on the Amphitrite, the Maine, the Brooklyn, the Baltimore, the Richmond, the Prairie, the West Virginia, the Detroit, the Iris—his father would step in and offer plum assignments; Watson even went along as his father’s aide to the coronation of King Edward in London. He married well—a St. Louis socialite named Hermine Gratz, whose sister married a Rockefeller—and a life of ease awaited once his time in the Navy ended. But during the Great War, Watson only managed to take command of a battleship late in the effort, and he never saw combat. So when the destroyers of his squadron were given a chance to prove their worth, the opportunity couldn’t have come soon enough.

On Friday, September 7, 1923, Watson summoned Squadron 11’s commanders to a meeting. The ships were docked in San Francisco, where the crews were on shore leave. Watson announced that he’d lead them to their home port in San Diego on a training exercise, coupled with gunnery and tactical drills. Their orders, Watson said, were to travel at 20 knots, faster than any ship had been permitted in years.

For the first time since the war, these destroyers would do what they’d been built to do, although it would come with some risk. There was no telling what toll such an extreme pace would take on the ships’ turbines when sustained for 453 nautical miles. Watson shrugged off such concerns; that was what the exercise was for. Besides, Squadron 11 wouldn’t be the only fleet of destroyers bound for San Diego that day. Squadron 12 was going, too. This would be a race, and Watson intended to win it.

William L. Calhoun was ten years younger than Watson, in his late thirties, and a touch portly, with thinning blond hair. Like Watson, he had something of a pedigree: His great-grandfather was John C. Calhoun, the South Carolina senator who served as vice president under John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson. But unlike Watson, no one seemed to expect great things from Calhoun. He grew up in Palatka, Florida, and went to public school before scoring a spot at the Naval Academy. Calhoun once said that on his way out of town, a schoolteacher told him he wouldn’t amount to anything.

Calhoun proved that teacher wrong, working his way up from ensign to gunnery officer to chief engineer before switching to submarines, commanding a division of them during the war. He came home highly decorated in 1918, but endured several more humdrum postings before, in 1923, he was given command of a ship—a destroyer in Watson’s Squadron 11.

If the new job intimidated Calhoun, he didn’t show it. Aboard the ship, the young commander was something of a breath of fresh air, at least compared with his predecessor, whom many had found brusque. As a leader, Calhoun cultivated a mix of relentlessly demanding and personally appealing. The crew liked him straight away. They wanted to impress him.

Then, in September, came the orders from Watson. After paying his dues and biding his time, Calhoun was facing his first trial as the skipper of his own ship.


Eugene Dooman was in the lobby of the St. Francis Hotel in San Francisco when he spotted his old friend Edward Watson. It was September 7, the same day Watson had given his squadron their orders. Dooman was a 32-year-old career diplomat who’d been stationed at the American embassy in Tokyo for a decade. He’d met Watson during the three years the captain lived there after the war, serving as a naval attaché. Watson and Dooman shared a love of Japanese culture and a fascination with the country’s history and the traditions of its royal family. Now Dooman was at the start of a long leave back in America and glad for this chance meeting, because he was in a jam.

Dooman had brought something bulky and valuable with him from Japan—a heavy leather valise containing $3,000 in silver coins. This, oddly enough, would be his travel budget during his time away from Japan. Instead of paper money or a letter of credit, his bank in Tokyo persuaded him to accept silver; the bank would need to back up any large withdrawal with silver anyway, and if Dooman took it to America with him he’d save the bank freight and insurance. For his trouble, the bank gave him an extra $400.

Dooman hadn’t counted on the bank being closed when he reached San Francisco. Worse yet, it was a Friday. Dooman would be stuck with a burdensome valise filled with silver until Monday, and he was scheduled to leave on Saturday for his next stop, Los Angeles. But now, in the hotel lobby with Watson, a solution presented itself.

Watson told Dooman that he was taking his squadron to San Diego early the next morning, and he invited him along. It would require a little domestic diplomacy on Watson’s part: His wife, Hermine, had asked him to bring their nine-year-old daughter, Clifford, on the Delphy, while she accompanied some friends on a road trip to San Diego. But Watson never warmed to the thought of having along a young girl on a destroyer. With just one available cabin on the ship, Dooman was a convenient excuse for Watson to change the plan.

The diplomat said yes right away. The invitation neatly solved his problem. It would be easy enough to get a train to Los Angeles from the squadron’s destination of San Diego, and Dooman’s silver would be well protected during the journey. Watson cleared his guest through official channels, and Dooman arranged for a trunk with the rest of his belongings to be sent ahead to his hotel in Los Angeles.

The next morning at 7 a.m., Dooman, valise in hand, arrived at the San Francisco Navy pier. The diplomat was ushered aboard the Delphy and into the guest cabin, where he changed into a heavy tweed suit to block the wind while on deck. He intended to enjoy the trip.

Watson was coming up on 50 years old. This was a chance, maybe his last, to prove himself at sea.

For Watson, it was no small thing to run into a friend from Tokyo. Japan was Watson’s last posting before taking command of Squadron 11. His time there may have been the most successful of his career. Decades later, a colleague called Watson “one of the most likable and dynamic, intelligent and alert naval attachés we have had in any country.”

Watson arrived in Tokyo in 1919 with orders to monitor the country’s designs on expansion. Japan had been making strides toward imperialism, and Washington was determined to maintain U.S. influence around the world after the war. Watson’s predecessor left him with very little in the way of intel, forcing him to start with next to nothing. But after hosting parties for his Japanese counterparts, Watson discovered that he had a knack for eliciting information. His technique, as later described by an underling, was “telling them too much so that they could learn too little.” Japanese officers found Watson’s chattiness mystifying, and disarming. He produced memos full of policy insights—many of which proved especially useful leading up to an international disarmament conference Japanese officials attended in Washington in late 1921. And he exposed attempts by the Japanese to bribe Navy officers for information.

Watson was making a name for himself for the first time, excelling at a game his father, the illustrious Civil War hero, had never played—a modern, 20th-century pastime, built for an age of global politics. Beyond his canny way with people, Watson also had a knack for seeing around corners. He insisted that the U.S. counter Japan’s efforts to control the Pacific, and when Washington failed to follow some of his recommendations, he issued a dire prophecy. “If we know the minute details of Japanese plans for aggression,” Watson said in 1922, “we are in a position to thwart them while they are still in the planning stage… Otherwise we shall one day be confronted with a surprise that will hit us right between the eyes.”

Watson seemed well positioned for the life of a diplomat, proto-spy, and statesman. All that ended abruptly when he received a promotion to command a squadron of destroyers. His career lurched back onto a familiar track—his father’s trajectory, the family business. Not without some regret, he returned home. Watson was coming up on 50 years old. This was a chance, maybe his last, to prove himself at sea.

Now Watson’s two paths were converging, or at least bumping up against each other for a day. At the very moment he was called upon to show his stuff as a naval commander, he also had the chance to catch up with a trusted colleague from his time in the Far East. The timing was even more welcome given how, just a week earlier, Japan had experienced a once-in-a-lifetime catastrophe. The great Kanto earthquake—even today the most lethal natural disaster by far in the nation’s history—had laid waste to much of Yokohama and Tokyo, followed by typhoon-fueled fires and powerful tsunamis. More than 100,000 deaths were estimated, and Tokyo was under martial law. Many around the world, Watson included, were anxious to hear what had been destroyed, how many lives lost. On the water, he and Dooman would have time to talk about it all.

2.

Patches of sun broke through the San Francisco fog on the morning of Saturday, September 8, as Watson’s ships set off down the coast. Fourteen of the squadron’s destroyers would take part in the exercise, divided into three divisions, with Watson aboard the Delphy in front. The Delphy would handle navigation for all the ships. The others would follow the leader, just like many great Navy squadrons before them, including Farragut’s in Mobile Bay.

They hit a wall of haze at 8 a.m., but the gunnery exercises took place as scheduled. At 11:30 a.m., the crew of the Delphy spotted a lighthouse at Pigeon Point, one of several shore locations ships used for a visual fix. All seemed well. But this would be the last time that day anyone would be able to see land.

The weather was changing—first fog, then more haze. For the rest of the afternoon, the Delphy’s crew used dead reckoning to estimate its position. Lieutenant Commander Donald T. Hunter, the Delphy’s skipper, had taught navigation for two years at the Naval Academy. The California shoreline did not present much of a challenge. Based on the ship’s estimated speed of 20 knots and the typical currents, Hunter, working alongside the ship’s navigator, Lieutenant Laurence Blodgett, calculated their location and continued hurtling down the coast.

But a few hours passed and still no visibility. The Delphy had one more tool to assist with navigation: a radio device that allowed ships to request compass bearings from shore stations. Radio direction finding, or RDF, was still in its infancy—it would be the precursor to radar, which wouldn’t come to ships for more than a decade—but the technology had been a great help during the war, detecting the location of German submarines when they surfaced to send wireless transmissions. After the war, RDF had been slow to catch on. While a number of lighthouses up and down the East and West Coast were equipped with it, ships like the Delphy had only a clunky-looking circular antenna on board. Upon request, a lighthouse worker would use an RDF device to send a signal to the ship’s antenna, then contact the ship by traditional radio to provide a compass reading. If a lighthouse was, say, due east from a ship, a navigator could use that reading to calculate the ship’s position. The system was far from ideal. There was, in fact, no way to tell which side of the looped antenna the station had detected, which meant that every reading came with an opposite possible “reciprocal” bearing. A bearing of due east sometimes really meant due west; it was up to the navigator to discern which was most likely correct.

To many seasoned Navy officers, RDF seemed almost foolish. What navigator worth his salt would trust dubious readings from a lighthouse jockey and a loop of wire over his own calculations? Hunter, who’d once famously made his way into an Alaskan port through a blinding fog, usually had little use for RDF. But three hours was a long time to go without seeing anything, so at 2:15 p.m. Hunter had his crew contact the only RDF-equipped station along the route—the lighthouse at Point Arguello, at the edge of the rugged coast that jutted out 80 miles northwest of Santa Barbara.

A radioman at the lighthouse sent back a compass reading: 167 degrees. This suggested that the ship had already passed Point Arguello, which was obviously wrong; they hadn’t been on the water nearly long enough. Hunter asked for a repeat bearing and got a similar reading. Meanwhile, the crew still weren’t able to see anything on the shore to confirm their position. When Blodgett, Hunter’s second-in-command, suggested moving closer to the coast to improve visibility, Hunter said no—that would force them to slow down and scuttle the squadron’s speed exercise. Instead, Hunter questioned the lighthouse radioman, radioing back that they were north of Point Arguello. The radioman supplied the reciprocal reading. That seemed to produce reasonable verification that they were where they thought they were.

For consequential calls like this one, Hunter turned to Watson, his commander, for approval. For much of the day, Watson had stayed off the bridge; by at least one account, he’d spent that time in his quarters, in conversation with Dooman, stepping out every hour or so to sign off on Hunter’s decisions. Watson agreed with his captain that they were where dead reckoning placed them—that the RDF had to be wrong. They continued on, the Delphy in front, 13 destroyers following. But their location on the route was hardly a trivial concern. Point Arguello marked the spot where Watson’s ships needed to turn left into the Santa Barbara Channel. If they turned too soon, they risked running headlong into Honda Point.

Everyone on the ships knew about Honda Point—a hook of land jutting out from the coast a few miles north of the entrance of the Santa Barbara Channel. The shore along Honda Point is made up of sharp igneous rock and steep bluffs with few beaches. The waves are relentless, and boulders and reefs lurk below the waterline like booby traps. Its original name, Point Pedernales, was from the Spanish como un pedernal, or “like flint.” Some referred to it as the Devil’s Jaw.

Then, as if to demonstrate the hazards ahead of them, news came of a crisis in the channel. Another vessel—not a Navy ship, but a steamer called the Cuba—had run aground that morning in the fog along the rocky shore of San Miguel Island, at the channel’s southern boundary. The Cuba had been full of passengers; a hundred people were floating in lifeboats or had already made it to shore. One of Watson’s division commanders, Walter G. Roper, aboard the destroyer Kennedy, asked to join the relief efforts.

Watson refused. The squadron had its orders, and another ship had already been sent to the Cuba’s aid. Watson thought it best to stay out of the way of the rescue operation, along with the rocks where the Cuba ran aground. He and Roper argued about it over the squadron’s party line—which meant that other crew members on Roper’s ship heard the exchange—and finally Roper relented.

For generations, the Navy had allowed its commanders extraordinary leeway in decision-making. It was standard procedure not to second-guess the man in charge. This was the ethos Watson grew up with, his father’s credo. He believed that his squadron needed him to lead, especially as the weather got worse—fog, rain, buckling waves, and the coast nowhere in sight.

One of Watson’s ships, the John Francis Burnes, had dropped out of the exercise with a boiler problem. That was unfortunate, but for Hunter and Watson it was no reason for the rest of the squadron to slow down. At 4:27 p.m., with the fog even thicker, Watson ordered the remaining destroyers to assume a column formation, each boat following the one in front by sight, with just a few dozen yards between them.

At 5 p.m. the sun came out briefly, but Hunter still couldn’t make out the horizon through the haze. Watson’s column of ships continued on for three more hours, unable to tell exactly where they were, yet confident they were far enough south of Honda Point.

The clock was ticking: To wait any longer would risk the ship hitting the far side of the channel.

At 8:35 p.m., the Delphy received another compass reading from the Point Arguello lighthouse. This time it placed them well north of the channel entrance. Watson, summoned to the bridge after dining with Dooman, couldn’t believe it. How could they have traveled all day and still be so far from the channel?

The more Watson thought it over, the less he trusted RDF. They were again faced with a choice: trust the new technology, or trust dead reckoning. And once again, they had a solution available to them that made sense of the confusing information they’d received: the reciprocal compass reading. When they flipped the RDF compass point, yet again the Delphy was where dead reckoning placed it. Problem solved, it seemed.

The Delphy’s navigator, Blodgett, knew that there was another tool they could use to make sure the ship had reached the channel: a fathometer, which measures depth. A shallow reading would mean the Delphy was too close to the coast to safely turn. Blodgett wanted to do a depth sounding. Hunter said it wasn’t necessary. And of course, to do a sounding they’d have to slow down.

Watson affirmed Hunter’s conclusion. He agreed that they had passed Point Arguello. This meant that the clock was ticking: To wait any longer would risk the ship hitting the far side of the channel, repeating the Cuba’s mistake. And so at 8:45 p.m., the Delphy laid plans for a 55-degree course change to port—a left turn, straight into the channel. Watson returned to his quarters.

From the bridge, Hunter could see the lights of ten or more ships behind him in the dark. Maybe visibility wasn’t so bad after all? But then, just after the turn, the Delphy plunged once again into a thick fog bank. The men on board couldn’t see a thing.

Two boats behind the Delphy on the Young, William Calhoun still couldn’t make out the lights from Point Arguello. Perhaps the fog was too thick, or the Young too far from shore? But he did see the lights of the Delphy and the S.P. Lee, just ahead, and some of the other ships behind. So he continued to follow the leader.

Then came a jolt to the ship—not so much heard as felt, a slight trembling in the hull. At once, Calhoun thought they’d been rammed, but by what? He rushed to the bridge just in time for a second jolt. There was nothing slight about this one. The Young’s navigator had lurched out of the formation—technically the correct reaction for a ship running aground—only to slam into something harder.

Right away the Young started to list, its engine room filling with water through a gash in the hull. It took just seconds for the entire destroyer to lean about 30 degrees. Then the power went out. Between the darkness and the fog, no one could see a thing. By the time Calhoun ordered his executive officer, Lieutenant Eugene Herzinger, to pass the word to stand by to abandon ship, the ship was listing nearly 45 degrees. This meant that the lifeboats were no longer an option—they were completely submerged.

Calhoun was left with one narrow hope: that the Young could somehow settle against whatever it was they’d rammed into and avoid sinking entirely.

He crawled up to the ship’s port side, which had now risen out of the water. The hull was coated in oil, and so slick that the crew that made it up there before him now had nothing to hang on to. Some had fallen into the water, and there seemed to be no way of helping them. To follow them in would doom them all.

And so Calhoun retracted his own order to stand by to abandon ship and told everyone around him to spread the word to gather on the port side, and above all not to jump into the water. “Don’t leave her—she is on the rocks!” Calhoun cried. “She can’t sink. Stick and you’ll be saved!”


On the Delphy, Dooman was with Watson in the captain’s quarters when a noise came from beneath the ship. That scrape of metal against rock was unmistakable. Even he, a civilian, knew that they had hit bottom.

Then came the crash. The ship lurched, sending both Dooman and Watson toppling and shattering the glass of the portholes. Dooman was thrown against the window at his back. Drawers jumped out of cabinets, papers flew, everything not nailed down was suddenly somewhere else. Without a word Watson dashed to the bridge, leaving Dooman alone.

The bridge was in chaos. As far as Watson and Hunter were concerned, there was only one possibility: They’d gone too far ahead, hitting the same spot that claimed the Cuba, San Miguel Island. They’d soon learn how wrong they were. But in that moment, Watson ordered two radio messages to the other ships: “keep clear to the westward” and “nine turn”—turn to port, where he thought the others could still get to the channel.

The collision with the rocks had sent the bow of the Delphy high into the air. Waves swung the ship around so that it was now astride the beach, braced against a series of rock outcroppings. Each new surge sent the vessel into spasms, quickly rupturing the hull. Down-the-line ships had followed the Delphy’s lead. The S.P. Lee swung around to the side of the shore and halted. The Young was next, lurching sideways and sinking; it smashed into the shore just moments before the Delphy and was almost gone. Watson could only guess what was in store for the other ships—maybe the rocky shore would claim them all.

There was a more immediate concern, however. The waves slamming the Delphy repeatedly into the rocks had caused the fuel tanks to rupture. Hunter knew that the oil burners were still operational, making a boiler explosion all but imminent. He shut the master fuel valve from the bridge and ordered all crew in the engine room and the steaming fire rooms to lift the safety valves before coming up. By then the ship was pounding the rocks so violently that Hunter knew it was only a matter of time before it broke up and sank.

That was when Hunter asked Watson for permission to give the abandon ship order. Watson was quick to agree. But abandon for what? Oil from the Delphy was gushing into the surrounding water. The sea was a thick stew, with a five-inch slick on the surface, making swimming near impossible.

The men on the top deck with Hunter were desperate to get off the ship.

Back in Watson’s quarters, Dooman could hear the ship’s siren. He ran out on deck in time to see the Delphy’s searchlight beaming the water. He saw another ship crash, then another. He heard sirens and saw searchlights from those, too—ship after ship—and knew there had to be more behind them.

With men rushing everywhere and sirens wailing, a thought gripped Dooman: the silver. He stopped an officer, who told him that the lower part of the Delphy had flooded; this included the guest cabin where Dooman was staying. In any case, the silver was too heavy to carry if he needed to swim to safety. Dooman hurried back to Watson’s cabin. He sat down and waited, unsure of what to do next, or if he’d been forgotten completely.

The men on the top deck with Hunter were desperate to get off the ship. Some of the crew had braved the sludgy water and made it to an outcropping about 15 feet from shore; others became mired in the water, only to be pulled back onto the Delphy. Blodgett worked to set up a rope the men could use as a guide to the outcropping. Not everyone made it: Fireman Third Class James W. H. Conway and Cabin Cook Sofronio Dalida both died in the water.

Worst of all was the slow-motion tragedy of Fireman J. T. Pearson, who leapt overboard to help save three men in the water, shattered his glasses, and was blinded by the shards. Pearson cried for help and was pulled back aboard the Delphy. He was hysterical with pain and panic, and had taken in so much seawater and fuel that he fell to the deck. Blodgett held a flashlight as a pharmacist’s mate worked to remove the glass from Pearson’s eyes, to no avail. The ship was slick with oil, and equipment was flying everywhere, making it impossible to get Pearson onto a raft without endangering more lives.

Left with no other choice, Blodgett ordered a radioman to lash Pearson to the Delphy’s searchlight tower—what appeared to be a safe place amidships, forward of where the waves were breaking over the hull. They used a signal line that was tight enough to secure him, but not so tight that he couldn’t free himself if he regained his faculties.

The plan was to come back and evacuate him; that never happened. The waves raged into the night as, from the shore, the men of the Delphy could hear his repeated screams.


Calhoun didn’t know how long he had before the Young would sink. The ship had tilted fully onto its side in practically no time at all; Calhoun later put it at just 90 seconds from the moment they ran aground. Now his ship was sliced open on the starboard side, with just two feet of the port side still above the surface of the water.

With the port side now the Young’s deck, some 80 men gripped the smashed portholes of the ship’s hull. Many were barefoot and wore what they’d gone to sleep in; some were tied to one another with lines. They waited for rescue as the waves crashed against the ship.

Calhoun knew that he hadn’t time for his men to put on life preservers and file into lifeboats: Like Hunter on the Delphy, he was aware that the active burners could explode the boiler, igniting the oil in the water around them. He asked for a volunteer to extinguish the burners. Fireman I.T. Scott came forward, then rushed below.

Minutes passed and Scott didn’t return. Had he cut the boiler? Did he escape the ship? Calhoun had no way to know for sure.

Calhoun’s executive officer, Gene Herzinger, and Chief Boatswain’s Mate Arthur Peterson climbed up and out from a bridge window. Peterson found an axe and smashed the portholes, providing the crew with handholds as the sea inundated the deck. They were 100 yards from shore, too far to risk swimming amid the oily waves and jagged rocks.

Or was it? Peterson wanted to try. He grabbed a life preserver and some rope and volunteered to swim for a large rock nearby. If he could reach that spot with the line, the other men could use it to get there, too, and they’d be that much closer to shore.

They were working through a plan when the Chauncey came into view. Calhoun nearly panicked. All it would take was one strong wake to shove the Young off its perch on the rock. The Chauncey got close enough to hear the Young’s crew—Calhoun loudest of them all—shouting not to collide with their sinking ship.

The ship slammed into the tiny craft, threatening to crash on top of them.

The Delphy’s lights went out. Alone in Watson’s quarters, Dooman couldn’t see a thing. He’d have no choice but to abandon the valise. Dooman returned to the deck, frightened but also appalled to have been forgotten.

The ship was low in the sea, and water swamped the deck. Dooman saw some of the crew at the stern, which appeared to be angled higher than the rest of the ship. Higher seemed safer, so he made his way in that direction, pulling himself along by the torpedo rails as waves smashed the deck. When Dooman arrived at the back of the Delphy, he saw that the men had run a line between the ship and a large rock 40 feet from shore. He also saw how dangerous it was—some who’d attempted the crossing had been flung into the water—and he was afraid to risk his life.

Dooman decided to run back to the front of the ship, until an officer shined a flashlight in his face. “You’re the passenger,” the officer said. It seemed that Dooman hadn’t been forgotten after all. He asked the man for help, and with the help of another sailor they found a raft stored on deck. They threw it over the side and jumped in, only to realize that it remained lashed to the Delphy. They were stuck. The ship slammed into the tiny craft, threatening to crash on top of them.

Dooman had a small penknife attached to his watch chain. He handed it to the sailor, who hacked through the line. With some effort, the raft made it over the waves to the rock. From there they were able to walk to land when the tide receded. One by one, Dooman and the others reached safety.

Watson finally made it across the line at 11 p.m. With one exception—Lieutenant Pearson, blinded and lashed to the rigging of a capsized, disintegrating vessel—the captain was the last to leave his ship.


The Chauncey threw all its power into reverse, but it was stuck with competing mandates—to avoid a collision with the Young, and to avoid the cliffs of Honda Point. In the end it hit the Young: The undertow hurled the Chauncey’s stern up against the destroyer’s port propeller blades, which ripped into the Chauncey’s starboard hull.

Water gushed into the engine room, the ship lost power, and, in a final insult, a wave slammed the Chauncey onto a reef. Lieutenant Commander Richard H. Booth sent down an order to stand by to abandon ship and, like Hunter and Calhoun before him, began weighing strategies to get his crew to shore alive. Perversely, the collision was good news for the Young. Once the Chauncey was firmly stuck on the same reef, it shielded Calhoun’s ship from some of the most turbulent waves.

Better still, the Chauncey was fairly close to shore—about 25 yards—and was no longer at risk of sinking. Now all the crew of the Young needed to do was get to the Chauncey, which was about 75 yards away. Members of the Chauncey’s crew succeeded in dragging a pair of lines ashore and setting up as many rafts to ferry the men through the oily waves.

Once ashore, the survivors climbed a steep cliff to reach the mainland. A radioman on the Chauncey named Frederick Fish later remembered finding an unconscious crew member of the Young in the water and bringing him to land. Men from the Delphy were there as well, Fish recalled—“walking about in a dreamlike daze, stumbling and falling, cutting their hands and bare feet on the jagged edges of the cliff.”

Looking out at the water, Fish could see the Delphy smashed against a rock and observed its crew shuttle as many men to shore as possible. Before long, Fish heard “the cries for help of an injured man who was lashed there.” That was Pearson. Blodgett from the Delphy was on shore, and he told Fish what had happened—how Pearson was blinded and strapped to the hull of the Delphy. “His calls kept up through the night, and they still ring in my brain,” Fish recalled. “To hear a fellow creature calling for help and not be able to relieve him is the crudest torture possible to man.”

“Had he lost his hold,” Calhoun recalled, “he would have been in fuel oil and an angry sea, and would undoubtedly have lost his life.”

On the Young, holding fast to its sinking hull, all the remaining men could do was look on as the crew of the Chauncey worked to save themselves before setting up a line for the other ship. Finally, someone decided not to wait any longer. Peterson, the chief boatswain’s mate, had planned to swim for the rock between the Young and the shore before the Chauncey arrived. Now he was ready to swim to the Chauncey.

Peterson took three lengths of line totaling more than 100 yards, found a doughnut-shaped buoy, fastened the line to it, and slipped the buoy over his head. On Calhoun’s order, he dove into the frigid water and made it to the Chauncey in a matter of minutes. A crew member recalled hearing Calhoun shout that a swimmer was coming their way. Once Peterson had been lifted aboard the Chauncey, Herzinger followed using Peterson’s line. “Had he lost his hold,” Calhoun recalled, “he would have been in fuel oil and an angry sea, and would undoubtedly have lost his life.”

After Herzinger made it across, the Chauncey sent back a seven-man raft. Evacuations commenced—four men on the first raft, eight on the second, ten on the others. It took 11 crossings to get everyone who could be found off the Young. Calhoun made one last inspection before boarding the final raft. “I want to state that Providence put the Chauncey ashore in that place,” Calhoun later said. “It is absolutely certain in my mind that the loss of the Chauncey saved half of the crew of my ship or more.”

There was one additional consolation: Fireman Scott, who had volunteered to shut down the Young’s boiler, finally reappeared at about 10:30 p.m., when the lighthouse keepers on shore heard cries for help from the bottom of the bluffs—five surviving sailors, including Scott. He’d made it off the Young and into the water but was unconscious, and when he awoke he clung to a piece of flotsam; he’d floated for an hour before being hauled aboard a raft.

Calhoun knew that not everyone from his ship had made it. He wondered how many still flailed in the oil-coated water. And the engine- and fire-room crews deep inside the ship: had they been trapped down below, or were they pulled out by the undertow as the ship rolled? Those men—his men—had been 150 yards from shore with no way out of the ship.

On shore, when Herzinger mentioned to Calhoun that the losses were great, as many as 20 or 30 sailors, the young captain’s response was grave: “My God, I know—but we will not discuss it now.”


The rescue efforts were just getting underway as the remaining ships neared Honda Point, still following the leader. For some it was too late to change course. One after another, they smashed into the shore—a seven-ship pileup on the California coast—hitting rocks, reefs, and, in some cases, one another.

The officers of the Woodbury saw lights ahead of the other ships and assumed a man was overboard. They reversed engines, but not soon enough to avoid ramming a large boulder.

The Nicholas struck a reef, and the pounding surf spun the boat until it pointed out to sea. The oil, the rocks, and the darkness made lowering rafts impossible; the men had to wait all night for a lifeline from shore.

Then came the Farragut, named for the great Civil War hero. Lieutenant Commander J. F. McClain ordered a full stop, but reversing the engines doused the ship’s lights. Suddenly, it was dark again, and the Fuller, next in the squadron line, collided with the Farragut before hitting a pinnacle rock—the same one that had claimed the Woodbury.

The ships at the back of Watson’s column, the Percival and the Somers, had time and space enough to change course. The last division—the Paul Hamilton, the Stoddert, and the Thompson—never took the turn into the channel.


Along the shore, an entire community was mobilizing to help rescue the sailors still in the water. The ships’ sirens had woken nearby residents, who loaded their cars with blankets, hot coffee, and food, and rushed to the steep bluff. A fishing captain, Giacomo Noceti, bravely ferried his boat to the edge of the rocks and retrieved some 150 men with lines. A nearby rail station became a headquarters for relief workers, who brought aid in and shipped rescued sailors out. A passing train took the injured to Santa Barbara hospitals, and later that day another transported 38 officers and 517 enlisted men to the naval base in San Diego.

The Delphy snapped in two just five minutes after everyone except Pearson had evacuated. The ship’s searchlight tower leaned farther over with each barrage of waves, until it dragged the rest of the ship over and down. The section of the deck where Pearson had been tied up was pulled into the ocean. He was one of the Delphy’s three casualties that night.

How many were lost from the rest of the fleet wouldn’t be known for hours. Through it all, Watson checked on the injured, organized search parties, tallied his men, and reported back to naval headquarters. By morning, he was preparing to send salvage parties back to the ships and arranging for the care of survivors. Even Calhoun, grappling with unspeakable losses, would later praise the commander, stating, “I only hope that if ever I am faced with the tragedy that faced him that night, I’ll be half the man that he was: cool, calm, courageous, and thoughtful; never missing an opportunity to aid.” But in idle moments, alone with his thoughts, Watson seemed to Dooman years older.

When a search party returned with the body of Fireman Conway, who had fallen from a rescue line into the water, Watson approached the stretcher. He raised the blanket and looked down on Conway for a long moment. Then, silently, the captain unbuckled the sword he wore and laid it beside the body.

Was he thinking about all the men—some 300 or so, as he estimated early on—who might be dead because of the decision he’d signed off on?

Was he thinking about his friend Dooman, there only because of his invitation? Or his daughter, who’d been promised a spot, and how lucky it was she hadn’t been aboard?

Was he thinking about his wider family? His father and the legacy of the Watsons, that night on the Hartford in 1864 and Captain Farragut’s cry of “Damn the torpedoes!”? Did he sense any connection between that historic moment and his decision to push forward at all costs?

There would be time for him to mull these questions—to sift through everything that had happened—later on that night, in the weeks and months to come, and for the rest of his life.

3.

In the space of just ten minutes, the Navy lost more ships than it had during all of World War I. Seven destroyers ran aground, one after another, each with more than 100 men aboard. Some of them split in two on the rocks. They collided with one another. They hemorrhaged oil—some 300,000 gallons covering 800 acres.

Twenty-three sailors lost their lives: three on the Delphy, twenty on the Young. A miracle by some measures, a debacle by others. Of the men trapped inside the Young, most probably fought through smoke and gas, darkness and freezing water. None made it to shore. Those who didn’t drown immediately were caught in the ebbing tide and sucked out to sea.

The disaster was front-page news around the country. Some 10,000 people turned up for a memorial service in San Diego. A week later, hundreds of visitors from Santa Maria, Santa Barbara, and other nearby towns flocked to the cliffs above Honda Point to view the wreckage. Demand to visit the scene was so high that a special train was provided on Sunday. Many packed a lunch and remained on the bluffs all day.

The day after the disaster, Navy secretary Edwin Denby seized on the great Kanto earthquake as the explanation. It was because of the quake, he suggested—an act of God, with unthinkable ramifications an ocean away—that nothing went as planned on the water that day. It explained why the ships never really reached 20 knots. Usually, the current pushed ships south; on that day it pushed them north. “One of the destroyers was broken in two, and it seems as if she was carried bodily up and dropped,” Denby marveled.

Others blamed technology: that infuriating RDF, sending good sailors astray, undermining their expertise. “The theory was advanced by mariners,” The Washington Post reported, “that the compass bearings taken from a nearby shore station as guidance through the fog, had been transmitted erroneously.”

Yet to some the weather and the obscure compass readings only explained so much. The Navy scheduled an inquiry for Monday, September 17. Depending on the outcome, the next step could involve court-martials. That left a week for the press to point fingers. “There has been a peculiar reluctance on the part of officers responsible for full and prompt reports of what happened,” a New York Times editorial declared. “For the honor of the United States Navy and for the good of the service those who were responsible should be made to suffer for it.”

Among those who might bear responsibility, Watson was an ideal target. Not only had he been the one in charge, but he offered a newspaper-ready narrative: an admiral’s son, wealthy and connected, now facing utter disgrace. Watson and the ship commanders hunkered in San Diego, awaiting the inquiry in silence. Those close to Watson encouraged him to try and stop what was coming. His brother Loyall urged him to stand firm and defend himself. His brother-in-law, Clifford Gratz, wanted to leverage his family’s relationship with the Rockefellers to spare Watson and help stave off any embarrassment to the family. Naval Academy friends worked back channels, pleading for leniency. 

But there was one person whose opinion mattered more than any other. On September 16, retired rear admiral John Crittenden Watson, then 80 and in fragile health, wrote to his son from his home in Washington, D.C. “I knew the saving of all the lives possible would be the greatest comfort to you and our dear Hermine,” the elder Watson wrote. “Like both of you, our thought is that you were able to save not only your own life but to assist others.”

With its measured tone, the admiral’s letter spoke volumes. There was no assurance of his son’s guiltlessness—no proclamation that, faced with the day’s beguiling circumstances, he would have acted the same. The message was clear: A man’s fate mattered less than his reputation. The family’s honor rested with Watson now.

This was a search for scapegoats—but should the ships’ commanders have expected anything different?

Typically, Navy inquiries are confidential, as with a grand jury in a criminal case. But the press demanded that they be allowed to watch, and Denby relented. As the inquiry got underway, its public nature seemed more than anything to dictate what would become of Watson and his commanders. No one wished to give any impression that mercy would be shown to the men behind the worst peacetime disaster in Navy history.

Watson and his commanders wouldn’t be allowed to testify; as they were possible defendants in court-martial proceedings, anything they said could expose them to prosecution. Only one senior crew member of the Delphy was called to testify: Laurence Blodgett, Hunter’s second-in-command. “We were satisfied that the Arguello radio station was wrong,” Blodgett explained from the stand. “They kept giving our position north and to the west of Point Arguello, and when we could not make this check with our figures, we finally took the reciprocal of their bearings, which would show us already in the Santa Barbara Channel.” As soon as he finished, the prosecutor asked to add Blodgett to the defendant list too. His role in making navigation decisions transformed him, in the eyes of the court, from a bystander to a suspect. Off the stand he went; the defense never had a chance to cross-examine him.

This was a search for scapegoats—but should the ships’ commanders have expected anything different? Watson at least was desperate to have his say. Just days after the worst possible thing that could have happened on his watch came to pass, he was staring down what he considered another disaster. The men under his command—the ones who’d followed his lead—were about to lose their reputations and livelihoods. This could be why, on the inquiry’s second day, Watson made his first public comments about Honda Point. “The responsibility for the course of the destroyer squadron was mine, a responsibility which I fully realized,” he told a reporter for a news service, whose story would appear in papers around the country in the days to come. “But that decision was based upon 33 years of experience in the Navy, and made after due consideration of reports of our position from the Point Arguello radio station, which were confusing.”

It was part mea culpa, part dogged display. Watson continued on like this, switching from accepting blame to explaining why, given the weather and the cryptic RDF readings, anyone in his position would have done the same thing. “The condition of visibility, remember, was such that we were unable to get our true position from the stars. We were compelled to rely upon the radio station. I asked for our bearings repeatedly. From about 6:30 until 8 o’clock p.m., that most vital period in our lives, we were unable to get radio bearings from the station. I accept that responsibility. I made a naval officer’s decision. I was content the radio station was wrong. And that is why I gave the order.”

On September 22, Watson issued a similar statement to the court of inquiry and to the press: “The Squadron Commander hopes the responsibility for this disaster, which he considers entirely his own, may not descend upon the able and loyal subordinates who supported him on all occasions.” Watson was sacrificing himself, throwing himself into the prosecution’s line of fire. He also asked the court to waive its rule barring potential defendants from testifying—in effect, making himself more vulnerable to court-martial so that he could have his say now.

The court granted Watson’s request, and he was permitted to take the stand on September 24. “The responsibility was mine,” he said. “I was convinced that the station was wrong. But they were right.”

The court of inquiry’s president, Rear Admiral William V. Pratt, attempted to pick apart this blanket admission. “Do you feel,” he asked Watson, “that you can assume all of the responsibility that at times must fall on the shoulders of your division commanders?”

“I have no desire to assume their responsibilities,” Watson replied. “I simply want to make clear that I assume all of my own.”

Edward Howe Watson

Watson braced himself for a public flogging. So perhaps he was as surprised as anyone when the opposite occurred. Almost overnight, the squadron commander transformed—in the eyes of the public, at least—from the incompetent scion of a naval legend to a paragon of selflessness and sacrifice. More than one newspaper editorial used the word “manliness” to describe what he’d done.

“Capt. Watson has given a splendid example of the finest attributes of character overcoming the elemental instinct of self-preservation,” the Army and Navy Journal declared, while the San Diego Sun waxed on about Watson’s “heroic” soul. “He waits for no court martial. He relies not on lawyers. He seeks no avenue of evasion. He resorts to no subterfuge. Lest the blame rest on some innocent man, he takes upon himself full responsibility for his actions.”

Others around the country joined the chorus, taking Watson’s testimony as their cue to examine what true leadership really meant. “The heroism of captain Watson is of a different type,” declared the Santa Monica Evening Gazette. “It manifests itself after deliberation; after the weighing of consequences.” And this from the San Francisco Chronicle: “From the moment the ship struck, his bearing and speech have been that of a most remarkable example of real manliness under the most distressing conditions which an officer in his position can ever meet.”

The goodwill seemed to play a part in Watson persuading the other officers named as defendants to join him in testifying, so that they also would have the chance to recount what had happened that night. This was no small thing: By opening themselves to prosecution, these officers had to have faith that Watson’s contrition would reflect well on them. Admiral Pratt called their decision to testify “worthy of the best traditions of the Navy.” 

When the Delphy’s skipper, Hunter, testified, he also made sure to blame the technology, as Watson had. “I’ll have to admit that it was an error in judgment,” he testified. “But as contributing causes I believe … the fact that a bilateral radio compass is used there were partly responsible.” Hunter also floated the “possibility” that “abnormal currents caused by the Japanese earthquake” contributed to the problem. In response, the lieutenant commander in charge of the Point Arguello lighthouse took the stand, defending his compass bearings that night. In fact, the readings had been within a few degrees of accuracy the whole time, even if one of them had required a reciprocal adjustment.

Many of Watson’s other commanders said that they weren’t responsible for what had happened because they’d been duty-bound to follow the Delphy’s lead. The Navy’s sacred adherence to chain of command suddenly was on trial, too. Robert Morris, the commander of the division of ships immediately astern of the Delphy, said that they “could not possibly be held culpable in carrying out the destroyer doctrine of following their leader.” Rear Admiral Pratt asked Morris, “Does seniority take the place of common sense?” Morris replied, “They are supposed to be synonymous.”

Not every skipper had hewed so tightly to that edict. Thomas A. Symington of the Thompson, the last ship in line, said that once he’d noticed the confusion of lights and sirens ahead, he slowed down to take soundings. Leslie Bratton of the Stoddert said that he’d opted to violate the no-navigation order and asked the lighthouse for radio bearings himself, then steered his ship away in time to avoid disaster. Hardy B. Page, navigator of the Hamilton, said that he’d suspected there was a problem ahead and advised his commanding officer to get word to the division commander—a decision that helped the division’s three ships escape intact.

Finally, the board heard from Walter Roper—the division commander who a few hours before the disaster had jousted with Watson by radio about helping the Cuba. Roper was as flinty on the stand as he’d been that night on the water. “I’m not a desk man. My experience comes from hard knocks,” he said, a jab at Watson’s lack of experience and Hunter’s academy training. “There are too many book-learned and not enough practical men running the Navy.” In Roper’s view, those on the Delphy should never have assumed that the ship really was going 20 knots in such choppy water. The error, he said, was in putting “too much reliance on computation of speed by propeller revolutions.” In his experience, he said, he’d seen propellers indicate 20 knots when the ship was in fact going only 12.

Roper made a point of saying that he would have heeded the lighthouse. “I have gone into the most dangerous harbors in the world through impenetrable fogs, guided almost wholly by radio compass,” he said. His division had never turned left, he testified, because he never came close to trusting the Delphy. “I was positive we had not passed Point Arguello. I did not know the forward ships were turning. Could I have seen them, I would not have followed, but instead would have tried to stop them. My motto is ‘Never try to turn a corner until you have passed.’ ”

Rear Admiral Pratt asked Roper if he would have turned left had he been on the ship behind the Delphy. “Of course I would not,” Roper said. “ ‘Follow the leader’ is all right, but it should be tempered with common sense. When I was a boy, our leader once jumped off a barn. I stayed put—and walked down to pick him up. He had a broken leg.” The room erupted with laughter.

But the fact remained that Roper failed to speak up against Watson at the time. Had he been stinging from their quarrel over the Cuba? If he’d said something—one of many ifs that night—might the entire disaster have been avoided, and 23 lives spared?

“I am ready and anxious to take my medicine,” Watson said. “I don’t want an acquittal.”

On October 12, the court of inquiry made its determination. Never mind the weather and the radio; the Honda Point disaster, the court ruled, was the result of “bad errors and faulty navigation.” Faced with so much uncertainty, the ships should have slowed down to take depth soundings. Following the leader may have been a Navy tradition, but it shouldn’t trump reason.

Eleven officers were recommended for court-martial. Watson, Hunter, and Blodgett were charged with “culpable inefficiency and negligence,” and eight others with simple negligence. But the court seemed gripped by contradictory impulses. It issued a letter to Calhoun, the Young’s commander, commending him “for coolness, intelligence, and seamanlike ability,” and to Walter D. Seed, of the Fuller, for “great bravery in swimming … about seventy five yards, through a rough and turbulent sea … for the salvage of the crew.” Yet both also faced charges of negligence.

The court-martial proceedings took place in rapid succession during the month of November. All eyes remained on Watson. Would his penitence spare the others? On November 7, Watson doubled down with another public statement. “I am ready and anxious to take my medicine. I don’t want an acquittal. For me to be acquitted by this court would be bad for the naval service, to which both my father and myself have devoted our lives.”

Calhoun, at his trial, went out of his way to commend Watson. He testified that in his opinion no power on earth could have saved the Young and the other ships after the Delphy ran aground. Calhoun insisted that he had no reason to suspect the Delphy of any errors, and testified that he and the Young’s crew would not have done anything differently had they been at the front of the line—except perhaps take soundings.

Watson reciprocated as a witness at Calhoun’s trial. “Every man of the crew of the Young owes his life solely and entirely to Commander Calhoun,” he testified.

In his summation speech in Watson’s trial, Watson’s lawyer, Thomas T. Craven, noted how, at Honda Point, “fate was indeed stern upon this occasion.” If the Delphy had continued south for just a few more minutes before turning, the entire column of ships would have cleared the rocks. If they’d turned a few minutes sooner, the coast would have been more forgiving, resulting in less damage and fewer lives lost. How many Navy men, Craven asked, had made similarly small missteps and escaped the hand of fate? Watson, he suggested, was a victim of bad luck.

Calhoun was acquitted after 40 minutes of deliberation. Blodgett, the Delphy’s navigator, was also acquitted, as were seven other defendants. There were just two convictions: Edward Howe Watson and Donald T. Hunter would not escape official blame for what happened that night. But considering the scale of the catastrophe, their sentences were lighter than expected. Both Watson and Hunter were allowed to continue their military careers, but with lower ranking numbers, which virtually eliminated the possibility of promotion. Neither would command a ship again, but they would retain their ranks. And the careers of the other men would be saved.

“It is a very proper sentence,” Watson told reporters. “It is a fitting punishment. The loss of a few numbers could not be a sufficient punishment for an error as great as mine was. I am glad that the sentence is as severe as it is. It puts me very near the bottom of the list of captains, I guess. Needless to say, it does not make me happy.”

Watson had transformed from a villain to a hero with his admission in September. Now, in December, with his career intact, things changed again. Back Watson went, from hero to goat. Yet, by taking the blame, had Watson—no matter how gallant the gesture—simply given the Navy a smooth path toward putting the embarrassing episode behind it? And was the Navy now rewarding Watson for his contrition? After the loss of seven ships and 23 lives, how was it exactly that not one member of the Navy had lost their job?

“Just learned court-martial has been very lenient with everybody,” President Calvin Coolidge said. Navy Secretary Denby also made sure to grumble publicly that the “sentence in [Watson’s] case is inadequate.”

On December 29, the Army and Navy Journal reported, “The light sentence created almost as great a sensation at Washington as the disaster.”


Eugene Dooman’s escape from the scene at Honda Point occurred just before dawn after the wrecks, when a train to Los Angeles approached the local station where the relief efforts were headquartered. Watson told Dooman and a few others to board it. Hundreds of other men would be taking the San Diego train a few hours later. Dooman, like many in the squadron, was covered from head to foot with oil, so a conductor placed some newspapers on the seat, and off they went. In Los Angeles, Dooman was on his own again, delivered from the tragedy—and from the official narrative.

The available record from the court of inquiry and Watson’s court-martial includes just one mention of a civilian on the Delphy, but Dooman’s name never appears. In the years to come, as military and civilian historians researched the Honda Point disaster, the idea of a not-spoken-for witness to the disaster proved tantalizing. He was called the “mystery guest,” the “civilian,” the “phantom passenger.” Rumors circulated that he and Watson had been drinking that day (Watson and others denied this), or that Watson subsequently swore him to silence about what really went wrong that night. But while Dooman’s identity was never well publicized, it was never really secret either. In January 1924, he gave a long interview to an English-language paper in Japan, complimenting Watson’s performance on the night of the wreck and relating the tale of his own escape. Had the historians and writers seen that article, the mystery would have been solved.

After 30 years as a diplomat in Tokyo, Dooman came home to America after Pearl Harbor, retiring just a few years later, in 1945. It took until the 1960s for him to be located and asked about Honda Point. “I am not competent” to pass judgment on Watson’s decisions that day, he wrote one interlocutor in 1966. “That is to say, I cannot weigh the extenuating circumstances, but a disaster did occur and the man who made the decision had to assume responsibility.”

Dooman was asked why he was never called to testify in the inquiry, and what happened to the $3,000 in silver he’d brought on board. The answers, it turned out, were linked. The silver was sacrificed, Dooman wrote, in the name of discretion. The money had been found in the wreckage, he wrote, “but could not be claimed without the probability of being called as a witness in the court-martial, and Watson and his defense officer were afraid that my testimony might prove harmful to Watson, since I was with him when the ship struck.” By today’s standards, these actions would have constituted a cover-up. But every answer Dooman gave seemed to prompt more questions. Why had the Navy not asked him to testify? Did his job in the State Department play a part in that decision? Or was the Navy afraid that additional testimony from a civilian passenger would add yet more unwelcome intrigue to a debacle it wished would just go away?

Dooman wouldn’t say. But he and Watson remained friends for years. A few days after the disaster, Dooman explained, with the inquiry not yet begun, he’d paid a visit to Watson and his wife at their home in San Diego. (Some armchair historians, parsing the disaster’s themes of negligence and culpability, have gone so far as to wonder if the captain reimbursed Dooman his lost $3,000 in return for his discretion. If such a thing occurred, Dooman never mentioned it.) The Watsons would later visit Japan, in 1937, and dine with Dooman there. He curtly alluded to the price Watson paid for the tragedy, the toll it took on him. “After the disaster,” Dooman wrote, “he lost his zest for living and became very despondent.”

Just after the court-martial, Dooman wrote a letter to Watson, one of dozens sent by friends and well-wishers hoping to soften the blow. “Do you know what a splendid impression you have made on everybody,” the diplomat wrote from Washington, “not only those high in the Navy but the man in the street? I dined with Admiral Knight who said splendid things about you. I think you will appreciate even more, though, what I overheard in the cars the other day—‘Well,’ said one, ‘I don’t get this stuff about the compass, but as long as we have fellows in the Navy like this guy who took the blame we shouldn’t worry.’ ”

“There was nothing the fleet wanted that Uncle Bill wouldn’t get,” one commander would say.

William Calhoun was cleared of any blame for the Young’s tragedy; he was even commended for his cool demeanor during the rescue. But the loss of 20 men weighed heavily on him, and for a time it seemed foolish to assume that Calhoun would command a ship again. Eventually, however, his career righted itself. After serving on several ships, further instruction at the Naval War College, and a stint as an instructor at the Naval Academy, Calhoun returned to sea as commanding officer of the USS Rochester, and later the USS California. In 1938, he was promoted to rear admiral. The next year, he became commander of the Navy’s Pacific base in Honolulu and remained in that position through World War II. “There was nothing the fleet wanted that Uncle Bill wouldn’t get,” one commander would say.

Calhoun retired in 1946 a four-star admiral, after 44 years of active service. There was just one thing missing from his time at sea: He never saw battle. For that he’d be granted some satisfaction from the author James A. Michener, who’d been a lieutenant commander under Calhoun during the war. “Those of us who worked for Uncle Billy believed that he had played a major role in smothering the Japanese with matériel,” Michener wrote in his memoirs, “and the fighting admirals agreed.” In Michener’s Tales of the South Pacific—the Pulitzer Prize–winning basis for the Rodgers and Hammerstein musical—Calhoun is said to be the model for Millard Kester, a grounded admiral who finally gets to do battle at sea, leading an entire invasion force. And winning.

Calhoun died in 1963; he had married and was a grandfather many times over. In 1984, some 61 years after the disaster, a scuba diver and amateur treasure hunter exploring the California coast noticed something shiny on the ocean floor, churned up by a recent storm: a class ring from the Naval Academy. It didn’t take long to connect the ring to its deceased owner. The diver had hoped to make some money for a discovery from the site of the disaster. One collector offered him $1,500. Then a fellow diver let him know that Calhoun’s widow, Rosalie, was alive and living in Coronado, near San Diego. Her phone number was listed. He agreed to sell the ring to her for $400—the cost of the dive, he said.

Rosalie had never remarried. The ring, when the diver handed it over, stirred something in her. “It’s like part of him was brought back,” she said, filled with emotion for her lost husband.


On December 14, 1923, six days after Edward Howe Watson’s conviction in a Navy court-martial, his father, retired admiral John Crittenden Watson, died at 81. A fellow retired admiral, Colby M. Chester, wrote to the younger Watson that same day: “Your name was the last one uttered by your father, and I know how happy the Honda affair made him.” Happy that his son’s career was intact, perhaps. Or that the family name had, despite everything, retained some of its dignity. 

On January 10, 1924, Watson along with his wife and daughter moved to Honolulu, where he was stationed until his retirement five years later. In the 1930s, the Watsons lived in New York and then in Jamestown, Rhode Island, visiting Japan several times. In the years before World War II, Watson indulged his fascination with Japan, writing poems about historic Japanese figures. That other existence he might have led before Honda Point—the life of a sly and insightful Navy attaché, drawing out spies and supplying Washington with essential information about a potentially lethal foe—seemed to loom large for him.

In the late 1930s, Watson drafted a long policy memo about Japan to a friend at the Naval War College, still hoping someone would heed his warnings—“stuff that I have worked up during the past 5 years, since my retirement,” as he described it. “Perhaps it will help to save many hours to some fellow who is doing a bit of research work on the subject. Dispose of it as your judgment dictates. Either in the files or by burning.”

Watson died of heart disease in a Navy hospital on January 7, 1942, a month to the day after Pearl Harbor proved his point. His family later said that they thought the attack had hastened his death. Honda Point was not mentioned in any of his published obituaries.

Watson had pursued a life of significance, of honor. At Honda Point, the son emulated the father, following the traditions of leadership codified by an entire generation—and those same traditions contributed to the disaster. But after the worst happened, and the nation had judged him, he chose to preserve his character. In doing so, he acquired a different kind of significance, one he hadn’t expected.

In his papers, there is a letter from Watson’s father written on October 1, 1923, just after Watson had publicly accepted responsibility for the error that cost the Navy seven ships and 23 lives. In its tone, the letter was far warmer and more effusive than the one that had preceded it. “I cannot express in any words how proud we are of you and of your devoted wife,” the father wrote.

In the letter, Watson’s father offered his son a gift. He said that a relative of the late Admiral David Farragut had written to him “to express his confidence in you,” and sent along a precious keepsake: a makeshift tourniquet the elder Watson had made aboard the Hartford during the Civil War, “just as we were about to pass up the Mississippi by the Confederate batteries.”

Farragut had given this rag—a relic of John Crittenden’s most glorious moment in the Navy—to his own son “to use in case of a wound.” Now it seemed that someone else had a better use for it. “When I wrote him I know you would love to have it, he sent it to me,” Watson’s father wrote. “I will hold it for you until you come East. All of us join in ever much love to all three of you.”

And so Edward Howe Watson was offered a tourniquet—a message from father to son. His son was wounded and needed care. His son was worthy of greatness. His son was a Watson. And in court his son had not shirked from his duty to do what the father never had to do: go down with his ship.


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The Titanic of the Pacific

The Titanic of
the Pacific

A tale of disaster, survival, and ghosts.
By Tyler Hooper

The Atavist Magazine, No. 138


Tyler Hooper is a journalist who resides in Victoria, British Columbia. His writing has appeared in CBC, Vice, and the Vancouver Sun, among other publications. He is the host and producer of the podcasts The Missing and Unexplained and True to the Story

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Kyla Jones
Illustrator: Yiran Jia

Published in April 2023.


ONE

It was a warm winter’s day in San Francisco, and the city’s main port, the Embarcadero, bustled with activity. Men dressed in waistcoats, blazers, and homburg and bowler hats smoked their pipes and fidgeted with their mustaches. Women in elegant blouses and skirts so long they touched the ground sheltered from the sun under broad-brimmed hats trimmed with feathers, ribbons, and flowers. Children clung to their mothers and watched wide-eyed as crewmen hauled more than 1,400 tons of cargo and freight—canned goods, fresh fruit and vegetables, crates of wine—into the forward hatch of the steamship Valencia, soon to depart for Seattle.

Frank Bunker and his family stood in the crowd waiting to board the ship. Today, January 20, 1906, marked the beginning of a new chapter in Bunker’s life. In his late thirties, with dark, neatly parted hair and a clean-shaven face, Bunker had recently accepted a prestigious job as assistant superintendent of the Seattle school district. He had built his reputation as a bright young teacher and administrator in San Francisco—one newspaper touted him as being among “the best educators in the state.” Seattle presented an exciting new opportunity. It was one of the fastest-growing cities in the country, with a population that had exploded from 3,553 people in 1880 to more than 80,000 by 1900. Bunker hoped to leave his mark on the city’s school system.

Seattle was thriving for one reason: gold. With the discovery of bullion in the Yukon and Alaska in the late 1800s, Seattle became known as the “gateway to gold” among prospectors looking to head north and make it rich. In a few short years, the frenzy had transformed Seattle from a frontier town into a metropolitan hub. Real estate, shipbuilding, and other economic sectors were booming.  

Industry was why F. J. Campbell, his wife, and their 16-year-old daughter were traveling to Seattle on the Valencia. Campbell was of average build, with a finely groomed mustache. He had been employed as an agent by the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company in Alameda, just across the bay from San Francisco, until he struck up a friendship with an employee of the Singer Sewing Machine Company, who convinced him that they could start their own machine business in Seattle. Eager to chase his fortune, Campbell quit his job, packed up his family, and secured passage north.

The Bunkers and Campbells were among the roughly 100 passengers booked on the January 20 journey. Originally, a ship called City of Puebla was scheduled to carry them to Seattle, but the vessel’s tail shaft had snapped on a recent voyage, so the Pacific Coast Steamship Company commissioned the Valencia in its place. The iron-hulled ship boasted three decks, a single smokestack, and two masts, as well as a 1,000-horsepower engine that allowed it to reach a cruising speed of 11 knots. The ship looked sleek, with a bow stretching 100 feet long. Because the Valencia was designed to run the warm Atlantic waters between New York and Venezuela, however, it could be challenging to guide through the notoriously volatile seas of the Pacific Northwest, where it had been sailing for the past several years.

Tasked with getting the Valencia safely to port was a crew of more than 60, led by Captain Oscar Marcus Johnson. A man of slender, rigid frame, Johnson came from a family of mariners. Born in Norway, he had traveled to America as a teenager. He started as a common seaman and worked his way up. Now 40, Marcus had been married to his wife, Mary, for five years. The couple resided with their three-year-old daughter on Powell Street, which connected San Francisco’s main fishing wharf to Market Street. Mary worried about her husband when he went to sea; she looked forward to the moment when she could wave to him from their front window upon his return. 

Mary wasn’t the only woman on Powell Street anxious for her husband’s well-being. Among the Johnsons’ neighbors were the Valencia’s fourth officer, Herman Aberg, and his wife. According to Mrs. Aberg, not long before Herman departed on the trip to Seattle, a fortune-teller arrived at their doorstep, knelt, and laid out what the Seattle Daily Times later called “ancient grease-covered cards.” The fortune-teller predicted that Herman would soon be shipwrecked, leaving Mrs. Aberg a widow. Herman laughed. Mrs. Aberg begged him not to go on the journey, but Herman went anyway.

Mrs. Aberg would describe the unheeded premonition later, when Herman did not return to Powell Street, meeting his end in the cold, cruel ocean hundreds of miles from home. It would prove just one haunting detail in a story full of them.

The fortune-teller predicted that Herman would soon be shipwrecked, leaving Mrs. Aberg a widow. Herman laughed. Mrs. Aberg begged him not to go on the journey.

A person prone to superstition might be forgiven for thinking that the Valencia was cursed. Built in 1882, the ship was fired upon the following year near the island of Curaçao, and again four years later, this time by a Spanish warship just off the Cuban coast. During the Spanish-American War, it was leased to the U.S. Army and used to transport troops to the Philippines as part of an unofficial effort to aid rebels who, like their Cuban counterparts, were vying for independence from Spain. When the conflict ended, the Valencia’s owners put it to work transporting gold-crazed passengers to and from Alaska and the Yukon, but the ship’s luck didn’t change in the new environment.  In March 1898, during its maiden voyage to Alaska’s Copper River, rough seas and poor food quality almost led to a mutiny. In February 1903, another steamship rammed into the Valencia a quarter-mile from Seattle’s harbor, nearly wrecking it. And in 1905, Captain Johnson ran it aground just outside St. Michael, Alaska; the crew had to move 75 tons of cargo onto another vessel before they could free the Valencia.

It is impossible to know if this legacy was on Captain Johnson’s mind after passengers finished boarding the Valencia and the ship sailed away from the Embarcadero, past Yerba Buena Island, and through the Golden Gate to the open ocean. Though Johnson occasionally commanded the Valencia, taking the ship up north during the summer months, he had only taken the route to Seattle as captain of a different steamship, called Queen. The trip required sailing through the Strait of Juan de Fuca, part of the stretch of ocean between southern Oregon and the northern tip of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, where hundreds if not thousands of ships had wrecked by the early 20th century, earning it an ominous moniker: Graveyard of the Pacific.

The region’s unpredictable weather and ocean currents often pushed ships toward the wet, rugged, foggy coastline, creating a navigational nightmare. The farther north a ship traveled, the worse the conditions tended to get, particularly in winter. Unlike the Atlantic coast, which had numerous harbors where ships could shelter during storms, the shore of the Pacific provided little refuge. Between San Francisco and the Strait of Juan de Fuca, a distance of approximately 660 nautical miles, there were maybe ten harbors that could be used by ships the size of the Valencia, if conditions were favorable. If a vessel was in distress, running aground on a sandy beach was rarely an option, as there were few such beaches to speak of. Meanwhile, of the 279 U.S. coastal lifesaving stations, only a handful were on the Pacific.  

Johnson and his crew planned to keep the ship between five and twenty miles of the coastline for the duration of the voyage. They hoped to reach the Cape Flattery lighthouse on Tatoosh Island, marking the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca, within 48 hours. They hoped, too, for calm seas. In November 1875, the steamship Pacific sank 80 miles south of Cape Flattery in under an hour, taking as many as 300 souls to their deaths.

The first day of the Valencia’s voyage was uneventful; the ship steamed smoothly into the starry night. By roughly 5:15 a.m. on Sunday, it had traveled 190 miles and passed the lighthouse at Cape Mendocino, the westernmost point in California. It was the last time the people aboard would have a clear view of the shore until they reached Washington State. Upon passing Cape Mendocino, it was typical for a ship’s captain to chart a course to the Umatilla lightship, 477 miles north. The lightship was at a critical junction in the voyage to Seattle, a beacon signaling that Cape Flattery, and a ship’s necessary turn eastward, was just 14 miles away. 

As the Valencia steamed up the coast, the weather worsened. On Sunday afternoon, the wind shifted from a northerly breeze to southeastern gusts. Gray clouds gathered over the ocean, and as the sky became hazy, the seas grew heavy.

At 5:30 p.m., Johnson noted in the Valencia’s logbook that the ship, then ten miles offshore, had passed Cape Blanco on the Oregon coast, meaning that it had traveled 335 miles from San Francisco. However, second officer Peter E. Peterson would later say that no one on the ship’s bridge could see the Cape Blanco lighthouse, perched atop 200-foot chalky-white cliffs.

The sun briefly appeared on Monday morning, but conditions declined as the day went on. Peterson later said that visibility reduced to the point that he could see only a couple of miles into the distance. It was evident that Captain Johnson was starting to feel anxious. That evening, around 8 p.m., he asked Peterson, “When do you think we are going to make Umatilla lightship?” 

Peterson was an experienced seaman who had worked for the Pacific Coast Steamship Company for nearly a decade. He had started as a sailor on the ship Pomona, where he lost a finger. By 1906, Peterson knew the route from San Francisco to Seattle well, having traveled it more than 100 times, including on the City of Puebla as second mate.

Now Peterson studied the Valencia’s log, an instrument trailing behind the ship to help estimate its speed, and concluded that they had traveled 307 miles beyond Cape Blanco. In theory that meant the ship was only 13 miles away from the Umatilla lightship and should pass it sometime around 9:30 p.m. However, Johnson and first officer W. Holmes believed that the Valencia’s log was overrunning by approximately 6 percent—in other words, they thought that the ship was traveling slower than the log showed. It’s not clear why Johnson and Holmes held that belief, though Johnson’s previous experience in the area may have held a clue. He had commanded ships in the area during spring and summer, when northerly winds prevailed. In winter the opposite was true; winds from the south propelled ships up the Pacific coast at higher speeds.

Peterson told the captain that he trusted the log, given the weather conditions and his knowledge of the ocean at this time of year. If anything, he suspected that the log was underrunning. But he did not press the point. This was Peterson’s first trip on the Valencia; he had joined the ship’s crew at the last minute, to replace an officer who had been transferred to another vessel. Peterson knew virtually none of the men on board, save for a few servers, two cooks, and a fireman. He had never worked with any of the other officers, and it was a violation of the accepted order on any ship to defy the captain. Later Peterson would say that he took no part in the calculations required to plot the Valencia’s course—that was Johnson’s and Holmes’s responsibility. 

By 9 p.m. on Monday, the Valencia’s log showed that the ship had traveled 652 miles, which would have put it very close to the Umatilla lightship. However, Johnson was adamant that the lighthouse was still some 40 miles away. Privately, Peterson believed that the Valencia was likely past the lightship, nearing the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca.

Around this time, Johnson ordered a course change that would bring the ship closer to the coastline. He also told the crew to gauge the depth of the ocean beneath the ship every half-hour by taking sounding measurements. To do this, the men dropped an 1,800-foot cable into the water until it hit bottom. At 9:30 p.m., the crew detected a sounding of 480 feet. An hour later, they measured 360 feet. The shallower water likely meant that the ship was getting closer to land.

By 11 p.m., the ship was moving dead slow, just four or five miles per hour. Johnson was sure the Valencia was approaching Cape Flattery. The captain stood on the bridge, waiting to hear a fog signal bellow from shore. No sound came.

Peterson later claimed that Johnson and Holmes had discussed taking the vessel west and waiting in the open ocean until daylight to figure out their exact location, but Johnson never gave that order. Instead, the Valencia continued chugging east. The sounding measurement at 11:15 p.m. was 240 feet. At 11:35 it was 180. Ten minutes later, the ocean’s depth was just over 140 feet. 

These were not the expected readings for the area where Johnson thought the ship was—the water was getting too shallow too quickly. Panicked, he changed course again, plotting a northwest route. Soon after, Peterson spied a dark object on the ship’s starboard side. He ran across the bridge and pointed it out to the captain.

When Johnson saw the dark silhouette, he cried out, “In the name of God, where are we?” He ordered Peterson to direct the crew to turn the ship “hard to starboard.” Peterson sprinted to the telegraph to issue the instruction.

The ship turned sharply, but it was too late. Just a few minutes before midnight, the Valencia collided with a rocky reef. 

TWO

Frank Bunker could not sleep. That evening on the saloon deck, he had seen the ship’s crew conducting depth measurements. After Bunker retired to his quarters, he could still hear the deep whir of the sounding cable being lowered into the sea every half-hour, then every 15 minutes or so. The noise kept him and his wife, Isabel, awake in stateroom number 26. As midnight neared, Bunker noticed that the intervals of sound were getting shorter—he remarked to Isabel that the Valencia must be entering shallower waters.  

Just as Bunker finally began to doze off, the room shook violently. The commotion startled Isabel and woke their two children. Bunker jumped out of bed and put on his coat and trousers. As he rushed for the door to inquire what had happened, another tremor tossed his wife and children to the floor.

Half dressed, Bunker stepped onto the deck. The dull glow of the ship’s lights illuminated the scene before him. Crewmen ran frantically from the vessel’s bowels to the bridge, while various passengers in their nightclothes looked on in either bemusement or concern. Bunker asked a group of people what was happening. They said that the ship had struck something but didn’t think it was too serious.

By then, Johnson had ordered the crew to investigate whether any water was leaking into the cargo hold, which would mean that the ship’s hull had been breached by the reef. Initially the crew found only a few feet of water midship. But soon the ship’s carpenter reported seven feet in the hold as well as in the crew’s mess room.

The Valencia’s fate was sealed: It was sinking, and there would be no saving it. If the ship drifted out to deeper waters, the hold would fill in a matter of minutes, and everyone aboard would surely perish. Johnson looked at Peterson. “I am going to beach her,” the captain said. He wanted to lodge the ship firmly amid the rocks to buy time.

Johnson ordered the crew to put the ship in reverse at full power. The Valencia’s propeller sliced through the frigid 43-degree ocean water. As the ship’s stern slammed into the reef, the bow became submerged in the sea. One after another, waves cresting at ten feet crashed over the vessel.

In the darkness, the captain and crew could not see land, but they knew it must be close. Reaching it was now a matter of survival. The Valencia carried six lifeboats; two of them were wooden, while the rest were made of metal. The ship also had a workboat and three rafts—one made of wood, and two made of tule, a buoyant reed material. Taken together, there was enough space to transport everyone on board to the invisible shore.

Johnson ordered all crew on deck to prepare the lifeboats for launch. Peterson turned to run to his station, but when he reached a set of stairs he slipped and slammed his head against the deck.

The Valencia’s fate was sealed: It was sinking, and there would be no saving it.

Anxious voices outside his cabin roused F. J. Campbell from sleep. Half awake and half naked, Campbell slipped out of bed to see what the fuss was about. Outside, people rushed to put on life preservers while the crew lashed lifeboats to deck railings. Campbell ran back to his cabin, got dressed, and hurried to his wife and daughter’s quarters, where he helped them put on their life preservers before shepherding them to the deck.

Frank Bunker and his family were already there. “Take on the boats!” Bunker heard a crew member yell. The passengers did not know what to do. There had been no lifeboat drill since leaving San Francisco. People shoved one another as the crowd heaved toward the lifeboats.

Just then, the water pouring into the ship shorted out the electrical system, plunging everything into darkness. It was impossible to differentiate crew from passenger. Adding to the pandemonium were the rain and wind, which made it difficult to hear instructions.

When Frank Richley, the firemen’s mess boy, reached the lifeboats, he found a distraught cluster of passengers, including the Campbell family. Richley took Mrs. Campbell’s hand and helped her into the boat. The Campbells’ daughter was hysterical and sobbing; Richley picked her up and handed her to her mother. Mr. Campbell followed his wife and daughter, fighting other men for space in the boat. If he’d had a gun, Campbell thought, he would have waved it around to stop people from crowding one another.

Fifteen people climbed into the Campbells’ lifeboat, which was near capacity. As it was lowered down the ship’s side, foam-capped breakers slammed it against the Valencia’s hull, forcing Campbell and the other men to push the oars against the ship to avoid the small boat being smashed to pieces. Eventually, they reached the ocean’s surface, and the men managed to free the boat from its rigging.

Johnson, observing from the bridge, ordered a searchlight aimed at the lifeboat. Frank Richley watched as the light pierced the cloak of night. Men struggled with the oars, battling to keep control of the boat as waves sucked them away from the ship. 

On the Valencia’s deck, Frank Bunker heard a crew member cry: “For God’s sake, give the women and children some chance!” The man then picked up one of Bunker’s children and motioned for the family to follow him. They crossed to the ship’s starboard side, where a lifeboat was hanging from its davits.

The Bunkers piled into the boat with other passengers, as well as Richley. As it descended toward the sea, the boat swung wildly. Bunker thought they might all be tossed into the freezing water. The ordeal was so terrifying that a man and a woman on board decided to get back onto the Valencia. The woman jumped from the lifeboat and clung to a ship’s railing before being pulled onto the deck; the man managed to grab a pulley and haul himself up.

Once the lifeboat reached the water, Bunker placed his two-year-old son, his namesake, under a seat so the oars would not strike him. Then he and the other men aboard worked to free the boat from the Valencia’s keel. Richley, the only crew member on the boat, paddled frantically. “Let’s get her out to sea!” he yelled.

Some distance away, Campbell caught a glimpse of the second lifeboat clearing the Valencia. He and the other men on his boat could not get the tholepins, used to secure the oars to the sides of the craft, to lock into place. Left to the mercy of the waves, the boat moved in fits and starts toward what appeared to be a rocky shoreline, slowly emerging from the darkness.

Alongside the Campbell family was passenger Albert Willis, a 17-year-old Navy seaman. Willis had just completed his training in Pensacola, Florida, and had been assigned to the USS Philadelphia, anchored in Bremerton, Washington. Though he appeared young, with blond hair and boyish features, his experience at sea made him an asset. As Willis watched the other men struggle with the oars and tholepins, he noticed a small object bobbing in the water on the boat’s floor. It was the plug for the drain hole in the bottom of the boat. Without it in place, the boat would soon sink.

Willis grabbed the plug and jammed it into place, but he could not stop water from coming in. He tried to make a seal around the plug with his fingers, but the effort was futile. Before long a shadowy breaker threw the boat against a rock, and the passengers spilled into the frigid sea.

Campbell tried to hold on to an oar, but another passenger grabbed his leg, pulling him underwater. The two men struggled with each other and the undertow. Finally, Campbell felt the man’s grasp break. The stranger washed away in the icy water.

Still wearing his life vest, Campbell managed to kick his way to the surface. He let each wave push him closer to shore, clinging tightly to one rock and then another whenever the water receded. Campbell was exhausted and fighting for his life. It had not yet dawned on him that he had seen neither his wife nor his daughter since capsizing.

Unlike the men in Campbell’s lifeboat, Bunker and his fellow passengers managed to secure their oars. They pulled hard, trying to position the boat so it would ride the waves and not be rolled by them. Just as they seemed to gain control, Bunker looked over his shoulder and saw a large swell headed straight for them. It collided with the lifeboat, tossing the occupants into the sea. 

When Bunker surfaced, he swam toward the white hull of the overturned lifeboat. He could not find anything to grab onto, so he jammed his freezing fingers into a tiny crack in the wood. Soon another wave struck the lifeboat, righting it. Bunker managed to pull himself in; there was so much water in the boat that it was only inches from sinking. He was shocked to find his wife sitting exactly where she had been before the boat flipped. Either Isabel’s life preserver had gotten caught on the bench, keeping her in place as the boat rolled, or she had climbed back into the boat before her husband.

Isabel told Bunker to search for their children. He frantically scanned the nearly submerged boat. He plunged his hands into the water, trawling along the floor until he felt a life preserver. He pulled hard and found that the vest was still attached to his son. The boy was not moving and did not look to be breathing. Bunker laid him across his lap and started chest compressions to get the water out of his lungs. Suddenly, the boy coughed and cried. It was a moment of relief, cut short by the fact that Bunker’s daughter was nowhere to be found.

Isabel turned to her husband and said that she was so cold—she was not sure how long she could hold on. A dark shape jutted into the sky ahead of the boat’s bow. “There is land,” Bunker said to his wife. “If you can hold on a few moments longer, perhaps we will be on the beach.”

As Bunker consoled her, he heard a cry for help from the side of the boat—it was Frank Richley, still in the water. Bunker pulled him into the boat. The four survivors huddled together as the sea pushed them toward the looming bluff. Bunker tightened his grip around his wife and son, bracing for impact when they reached the shore. They hit rocks and the boat stayed upright, but only for a moment. Another wave slammed into the craft, plunging the occupants into the ocean once again.

Bunker was dragged out to sea by the undertow, then hurled against the rocks by the incoming waves, a pendulum of movement that was sure to kill him if he did not get to land. He managed to grab hold of one a rock and inch his way up the surface on his belly. He grasped for sand, dirt, land. He tried to stand, but his life preserver felt as heavy as a block of concrete—it was waterlogged.

Bunker mustered the strength to break the strings of his vest, then crawled forward on his hands and knees. He had made it to a beach. It was pitch dark. Then he heard someone call out.

Campbell had reached the beach, too, and pried himself out of his life jacket. Once free he stared out at the Valencia. It was only a few hundred feet from shore. The proximity was jarring. So too was the fact that Campbell had no idea where he stood. He could only assume he was on the coastline of Washington State. But where exactly? How far from civilization, from help?

Campbell was one of seven men to survive the first lifeboat’s capsizing. The others were George Billikos, a fireman on the Valencia, who lost his shoes in the water; Albert Willis, the Navy seaman, whose pants snagged on a rock when the boat rolled; and Yosuki Hosoda, Mike Stone, Tony Brown, and Charles Samuels, all passengers. Only Bunker and Richley survived from the second boat. All the women and children in both vessels were lost.

The nine men cried out in the dark and followed one another’s voices. They converged at the base of an 80-foot cliff, the silhouette of which Bunker had seen just before he lost his wife and son. Rain pelted the men, all of whom were hypothermic. They packed together to keep warm. The roar of the ocean was incessant.

At one point, Bunker staggered away from the group toward one of the lifeboats, which had reached the shore and sat overturned. An inkling of hope spurred him to search it. He crawled underneath, but no one was there. What he did find was a can of oil. He brought it back to the group and poured the contents over a lifejacket. Someone produced a match, but it was wet. The men gave up on the idea of a fire.

In the distance, above the ocean, a red bolt shot through the sky. The streak was followed by a loud bang. Sparks arced toward the heavens, illuminating the Valencia, stuck in the rocks below. The waves were pounding the vessel, flooding it, breaking it apart. The men realized that the Valencia’s demise would not be quick.

In the light of the distress flare fired from the ship, the survivors on shore could just make out the contours of the ghostlike figures on board waving their arms. Before the men could wave back, the sky went black.



When Peter Peterson recovered from his fall, the Valencia was in chaos. The ship’s remaining lifeboats launched one after another to catastrophic failure. A panicked passenger cut the aft tackle of one of them. “Like a shot the stern of the boat fell to the water’s edge, leaving the bow hanging in the air,” Frank Lehm, the Valencia’s freight clerk, later wrote of the scene. “The occupants were spilled out like pebbles from a glass and fell with shrieks and groans into the boiling surf…. The next wave swept them away, and where the glare of the searchlight played on the water we could see the white, terrified faces of the drowning people flash by with the look of deathly fear such as is seldom seen.”

Peterson made his way to his lifeboat station, where he and other crew members helped eight men and three women into a boat. Peterson jumped into the vessel to steady it at the same moment someone shouted to lower it down. Off-kilter, Peterson clung to some mesh wire on the edge of the ship. Just as he thought he might lose his grip, a fellow sailor grabbed him and pulled him to safety on the Valencia. The lifeboat was lowered into darkness, only to be overtaken by the sea.

All told, as many as 60 people died in attempts to get the lifeboats off the Valencia. By Tuesday morning, several hours after it hit the reef, only two rafts and one lifeboat remained on the ship, along with roughly 60 passengers. For now, the crew ceased trying to launch the remaining vessels. Everyone was cold, tired, and hungry. They needed rest. They would try again at first light.

According to one account, some passengers grew desperate and leapt overboard; whether they had been hopeful or suicidal, none survived. Children cried out for parents they could not find. Eventually, amid howling wind and biting rain, survivors seeking refuge from the elements assembled in the dining saloon, where kitchen staff prepared sandwiches. Many people went without food, however, as most of the ship’s provisions sat submerged in the rising water belowdecks. 

On the bridge, Captain Johnson tried to keep his composure. He still did not know where the Valencia was. He could not surmise if either of the first two lifeboats had made it to shore. He watched as relentless breakers engulfed the forward components of the ship: the pilot house, the chart house, and, soon enough, parts of the bridge.

Johnson and the crew decided to set off emergency flares, hoping someone, anyone, might come to their aid. One of the flares misfired, mangling Johnson’s hand. Another shot into the black sky, revealing a cliff. There was land, and not far. Some of the Valencia’s passengers thought they saw figures on the beach and frantically waved.

THREE

Early on Tuesday, January 23, with the faint gray hue of daylight creeping over the horizon, Frank Bunker and the other eight men on the beach decided to move. They could not stay where they were without food and water, and they needed to determine their location.

Bunker tried to find a path leading away from the beach, to no avail. The only way out would be to scale the steep bluff. Bunker found a promising stretch of rock, dotted with roots and ferns he could grip while climbing. He began to ascend and made it far enough up that he decided the route was safe, then went back down to inform the other men.

They waited until the sun rose to climb. Bunker led the way, showing the group where to place their hands and feet. He positioned himself at one particularly difficult spot to assist each man as he passed. The last to take Bunker’s hand said that there was a tenth survivor on the beach, one who must have escaped the Valencia on another lifeboat. He appeared to have gone insane and refused to climb the bluff. Bunker told the others to wait for him at the top while he investigated.

He descended to the beach and scanned until he found the man. His face looked like he had been raked against the rocks as he washed to shore. He was delirious; there was no way he could climb. Bunker laid out two life jackets, eased the man onto them, and left him there, then ascended the bluff.

Bunker described what the men saw at the top as “terrible brush, a frightful place.” The ground was laden with mud, rocks, and roots, and thick with salal bushes. In a surreal moment, fueled by hunger, exhaustion, and hypothermia, one of the men thought he saw pieces of paper on the ground. Bunker told the men that if this was so, they must be “near civilization.” When they finally reached down and picked up the paper, they discovered that it was chunks of snow.

In time the men spotted a telegraph cable and a corresponding trail running along the coastline. Now they faced a choice: They could follow the crude path and seek help, or remain near the beach in the hope that the Valencia’s remaining crew could get a line to shore, which the men might need to secure for the people stranded on the ship to be towed to safety.

A debate ensued. Bunker was adamant that the men go find help; he was not convinced that the Valencia could get a line to shore. Frank Richley disagreed. “Let’s stay by here and see what we can do for the ship,” he said. George Billikos, the fireman, also wanted to stay on the bluff. According to Billikos, Bunker said that no one had to follow him, but that he had lost his wife and children, and now he was going to save himself.

All the men except Billikos followed Bunker into the brush. Even Richley went. Billikos stayed behind at first, but alone, freezing, and without shoes, he quickly changed his mind. He would take his chances with the others. He hurried to catch up.

Bunker tried to find a path leading away from the beach, to no avail. The only way out would be to scale the steep bluff.

For the people on the Valencia, dawn finally brought the shoreline into focus. The sight of land, however, offered little reprieve. They could make out no features to help them identify their location, and no signs of life—no structures, paths, or people. They saw only ridges, trees, and shrubs. “Taken as a whole, it would be hard to find a place so comparatively near to civilization yet practically so inaccessible and isolated as the place where the Valencia went ashore,” a report later stated.

Swimming to shore was all but suicide, a fact made clear by the bobbing corpses of passengers who had fallen or leapt into the sea. “The bodies of the drowned, which by that time, must have numbered full sixty, were seen floating around the beach and dashing up against the iron-bound cliff, which loomed so close to us,” freight clerk Frank Lehm wrote. “The bodies were caught by the waves, thrown against the rocks, and then caught by the undertow and drawn back.”

It seemed that the only hope for those still aboard lay in the remaining lifeboat and two small rafts. Around 8 a.m., boatswain Tim McCarthy approached Captain Johnson and said that the ship would not last much longer—the ocean was simultaneously devouring it and taking it apart at the seams. Johnson ordered McCarthy to gather volunteers to take the last lifeboat to shore, where the Valencia’s crew would aim a Lyle gun, a short-barreled cannon that fired a projectile with a rope attached to it. Once the volunteers on the shore had secured the rope, passengers and crew would evacuate the ship—they would slip one by one into a harness known as a breeches buoy and be pulled ashore.  

This was McCarthy’s second outing on the Valencia, but he had more than 15 years of experience at sea. He grew up fishing off Gloucester, Massachusetts, and had “sailed in steamboats and steamers and everything that has floated,” according to later testimony. McCarthy was not a physically imposing figure—he was wiry and of average height—but he was confident and commanded respect from the crew. 

When McCarthy asked for volunteers to join him on the lifeboat, one of the first to raise his hand was Charles Brown, who since 1891 had worked on English sailing ships and American coasting vessels. McCarthy asked sailor John Marks if he would come, too. Marks replied, “I’ll go anywhere.” In all, six men set off on the mission.

The sea had become even heavier throughout the morning, and it would require finesse to get the small vessel into the open water without capsizing. The men took their places and locked in their oars. McCarthy sat in the back, ready to steer, and studied the waves. They would need to break away just as a swell passed the ship.

One wave rolled by, then another, then another. On McCarthy’s command, the men oared the boat away from the Valencia’s hull. A wave caught them, and while they managed to keep the boat from tipping over, one of the oars snapped in two. McCarthy urged the men to row hard, and when they cleared the Valencia’s bow, they let out a yell of triumph. McCarthy quickly silenced the elation—they still had to get to shore. “Go to it for all you are worth!” he cried, and the men leaned into their oars.

On the Valencia, Peterson and other crewmen moved the Lyle gun to the aft of the ship, which offered the best position for getting a line to shore. The crew tied a rope to the projectile, primed the cannon, angled its barrel, and ignited the fuse. The first attempt failed, as the line chafed against the box and broke. A second line was prepared, and a loud boom echoed through the ship as the projectile launched into the air, arcing over the beach. It landed on top of the bluff. There it would wait for McCarthy and his crew.

Not everyone was confident that the men would succeed in reaching land, much less in securing the line. Fireman John Segalos (or Joe Cigalos, according to some reports), a Greek immigrant who had come to America to make money to support his aging mother, looked at the roiling sea and convinced himself that he could swim to the beach with a rope line and secure it from there. He took off his coat and vest. In his pocket was a small knife; he would need to cut the line he was carrying if it snagged on debris or, worse, a corpse. “I have to die sometime,” he said. “I might be dead, or I might do something.” Then Segalos looked to the sky. “God help us!”

He tied an end of the line around his waist and told one of the ship’s engineers to pull on the rope if he disappeared beneath the waves. When he saw his chance between swells, Segalos dove. The shock of the freezing water sent the air rushing from his lungs. He flailed his arms, surfaced, and swam, dodging rocks and logs.

People gathered at the Valencia’s railing and watched as Segalos struggled to get to shore. He did not make it far: The line around his waist became entangled, so he cut it. Segalos then turned and tried to make his way back to the ship, but a large log slammed into his head. Someone threw him a buoy, and passengers pulled him aboard.

Segalos was rushed to one of the few dry bunks left on the ship and given whiskey and fresh clothes. “It seemed to suck the life out of me,” he said of his experience in the sea, “and time after time, as I tried to make the shore, I found myself getting weaker and weaker.”

Another crew member also tried to make it to the beach, but he too had to be rescued. Now all the survivors could do was wait and see if McCarthy and the other men in the lifeboat could make landfall and find the line shot from the Lyle gun. But hope was fading fast: The boat was no longer in sight.  

“The bodies of the drowned, which by that time, must have numbered full sixty, were seen floating around the beach and dashing up against the iron-bound cliff,” freight clerk Frank Lehm wrote.

The lifeboat did not capsize. Rather, it traveled several miles north as the men aboard fought with the ocean to make a safe landing on shore, away from crashing breakers and jagged rocks. McCarthy and his crew still believed that they were somewhere along the coast of Washington State, and they kept heading north in the hope of finding the Cape Flattery lighthouse. After several hours, they were soaked, tired, and breaking or losing oars one after another—still there was no sign of the lighthouse.

Eventually, they spied a beach that looked suitable for landing. The men angled the boat toward shore and peeled off their heavy life jackets. “If we should happen to hit the beach,” McCarthy said, “be ready to jump before the boat turns over and kills us.” For once there was good luck: The men paddled in unison, crested a wave, and slid onto shore. McCarthy looked at his watch, which miraculously was still ticking. It was five minutes after one on Tuesday afternoon.

The men knew they needed to head south if they were to get to the Valencia and secure a line for the survivors. They began to walk, sticking to the coastline at first, but a large waterfall and cliff soon hindered that plan. They turned inland and tried to carve a path through thick bramble but gave up after about 100 yards. Back on the beach, they decided to go north, clambering over driftwood and rocks, only to encounter a fast-moving river. When McCarthy waded into the water, his foot got stuck in the mud, and the group thought better about trying to cross. Back to the lifeboat they went.

Then through the fog one of the men spotted a telegraph line at the beach’s edge. They followed it until they came to a cabin—a decrepit shack, really. As the men examined the structure and its surroundings, one of them called out, “I think there is a trail here!” They followed the path, bushwhacking their way through overgrowth. After a few minutes they came across a white signpost nailed to a tree. “Three miles to Cape Beale,” it read in big black letters. The men looked at one another, confused.

They were not in Washington. The Valencia had traveled farther north than Captain Johnson believed—the reef it struck was just off the southwestern coast of Vancouver Island. McCarthy’s party had made landfall at a place called Pachena Bay, and Cape Beale was the lighthouse closest to the wreck. There, perhaps, the men could find help. They set out northward, using the telegraph line as their guide.



In 1889, the Canadian government began installing more than 100 miles of telegraph wire from the city of Victoria up to Cape Beale. Before then lighthouse keepers and people living in small villages along the coast had no easy way to communicate with the rest of the world; local First Nations communities were still using dugout canoes to get from place to place with whatever information needed to be shared. No one had any way of calling for help in an emergency, including a ship in distress.

The telegraph wire was strung between trees, and a telephone line was added in 1899, when the technology was still in its infancy. Linemen were hired to maintain it. Each lineman was responsible for a 25- or 30-mile stretch of wire. The job was arduous: Linemen were tasked with navigating the rough trail that followed the wire and repairing sections downed by storms or fallen tree. They waded through waist-high rivers, crawled through steep gorges and ravines, used homemade ladders to reach high portions of line, and avoided bears, wolves, and cougars as best they could. When necessary they took refuge in huts built along the trail.

As McCarthy’s group set off, they had no idea that Bunker, Campbell, and other survivors from the Valencia were following the telegraph line, too, several miles to the south. That party’s progress was slow. At least two of the men had no shoes. One had a badly sprained ankle. Albert Willis was nursing an injured finger and what he thought might be several broken ribs. Meanwhile, the trail was hazardous, littered with rocks and logs slick from the winter rain. Thick brambles and dense underbrush snaked through the woods. To the west was a steep drop to the sea that a man could easily tumble off if he tripped or was pushed by the wind. The constant sound of waves crashing into the jagged rocks was a stark reminder that death could be imminent.

After crossing four gullies, early Tuesday afternoon the Bunker party descended a steep part of the trail that led to an expansive beach. They were grateful to be walking on flat ground. Eventually, they came to the Darling River, swollen with winter runoff. On the opposite side they saw a cabin. The telegraph wire ran straight through it.

After surveying their options, the men realized that there was no easy way to cross the river—they would have to swim against the current. One man would go first with a rope and secure it on the far bank so the others could use it for support as they crossed. Bunker volunteered. He tied a rope around his waist and dove into the raging river. The men on the shore watched, praying that the torrent wouldn’t carry him away. Bunker made it across and secured the rope, and soon the others joined him.

Together the men staggered toward the cabin. They burst through the door and were elated at what they found: a stove, benches, rolled-up blankets stored in the rafters, a couple of coats, a can of moldy beans, some bacon, lard, an axe. And a receiver, designed for both telephony and telegraphy. Bunker rushed to the receiver, hoping that the device worked and that someone was on the other end.

FOUR

Around 2 p.m. on January 23, David Logan received a message at his home in the remote settlement of Clo-oose. Logan was one of Vancouver Island’s first telegraph linemen. The message he received was a plea for assistance. The sender relayed that a ship had wrecked traveling from San Francisco to the Puget Sound, that 50 people had drowned, and that perhaps 100 people remained on board. The sender also indicated that a band of survivors were sheltering in a cabin.

Logan called the Carmanah Point lighthouse telegraph office, located four miles south of Clo-oose. He told the lighthouse keeper about the message, and the keeper agreed to send his son, Phil Daykin, and another man north to meet Logan so they could form a search party and find the shipwreck.

Meanwhile, at the Cape Beale lighthouse, the keeper’s wife, Minnie Paterson, also received Bunker’s message, though she struggled to understand it, perhaps due to damage in the transmission line. Not long after, Paterson heard her large Scotch collie bark, followed by the scurry of her children’s footsteps as they ran for the yard. Paterson, who was eight months pregnant, got up to see what was causing the commotion. Through a window, she saw six weary figures approaching the lighthouse. It was McCarthy and his men.

Paterson made her way to the door as her children sprinted toward them.

“You are the shipwrecked crew,” Paterson said in greeting. “I was so sorry we could not connect with you.” 

McCarthy appeared baffled. “What do you mean?” he asked.

“Were you not trying to talk to us from further along the line?”

McCarthy realized that if Paterson had received a message, there must be other survivors. Perhaps passengers and crew on the first two lifeboats had made it to shore. “We are off the Pacific Coast Company’s boat Valencia that was wrecked along here. I don’t know exactly how many miles it is,” McCarthy told Paterson. “I want you to telegraph to Victoria or Seattle to get assistance.” 

Paterson escorted the men into the lighthouse. She fiddled with the receiver, trying to reach the men in the Darling River cabin, and finally established a connection. On the other end was Bunker. He relayed that he had lost his wife and children and that there were nine men in his party—seven passengers and two crew. He said they were in bad shape.

Paterson assured McCarthy and the other men at the lighthouse that their fellow survivors would be rescued. Then she turned back to the receiver and started wiring another message. This one would let the world know about the disaster unfolding off the coast of Vancouver Island.

McCarthy realized that if Paterson had received a message, there must be other survivors. Perhaps passengers and crew on the first two lifeboats made it to shore.

At around 3:30 p.m., Captain James Gaudin, a marine agent for the Canadian Federal Department of Marine and Fisheries, was at his desk in Victoria, preparing to go home early, when he received a telegram from Cape Beale that made him jolt from his seat. “A steamer has been wrecked,” it read. “About one hundred drowned. Nine have reached the telegraph hut. Will wire particulars later.” 

Gaudin knew the schedules of the ships passing through the area, and he knew that the Valencia was late to reach its destination. This wasn’t necessarily an anomaly—ships ran behind all the time. Now Gaudin wondered if something disastrous had happened.

A second message confirmed his fears. “Steamer Valencia ashore in [a] bad place,” it read. “About 110 people on board. Rush assistance. Six men have just reached here. Between 50-60 drowned.”

Gaudin picked up his telephone. He would not be going home anytime soon.

As word of the wreck spread, three ships set out to reach the Valencia: Czar, a tug boat; Queen, the steamship sometimes commanded by Captain Johnson; and Salvor, a wrecker helmed by H. F. Bullen. Bullen assumed that the Valencia’s remaining passengers and crew had already abandoned the ship, and that the Salvor would do what it was built to do: gather valuables and usable materials from the wreckage.

All three vessels were en route by Tuesday evening, traveling west through the Strait of Juan de Fuca. They would need most of the night to reach the Valencia, but as the ships got closer to the open ocean, they were battered by strong winds and seas. The crews decided to wait until dawn before forging ahead. The next morning, the three vessels convened at the Carmanah Point lighthouse, where they were informed that the wreck was roughly 11 miles northwest, near Seabird Rocks. The Salvor, Czar, and Queen continued up the coast.

Just after 8:30 a.m., Herbert Beecher, a local mariner who had volunteered to be on the Queen that day, placed a spyglass to his eye and squinted down the barrel. He scanned the fuzzy horizon until his eyes made out the Valencia, lodged fast on a shallow reef. The bow faced the ocean, and the stern was pointed toward the nearby shore. Breakers crashed over the decks. Survivors had lashed blankets in the rigging for shelter and confined themselves to the last bit of the hurricane deck not yet submerged in the ocean. Plumes of smoke appeared. Beecher was ecstatic: People were alive and needed rescuing.

The Queen was too big to get close to the wreck, so it drifted a couple of miles offshore as the Czar slowly maneuvered through shallower waters to assess the situation. The Czar’s crew reported back to the other vessels that they saw no signs of life. The Queen’s captain, N. E. Cousins, later claimed that he tried to dispute this report, describing what Beecher had seen through the spyglass. But there was either a miscommunication or a misunderstanding, because at 10:15 a.m. the Czar and the Salvor both vacated the area.

The Queen remained where it was, and the mariners aboard began discussing rescue options. They could deploy the ship’s lifeboats, but Cousins worried that the vessels would not make it through the mist, wind, and ten-to-fifteen-foot seas. As the weather worsened, Cousins went to his quarters to put on his oilskin coat. Someone came to the door and told him they had spotted another ship: City of Topeka, a larger vessel in the same fleet as the Queen and the Valencia, had steamed through the night from Seattle to reach the scene.

Cousins made his way to the bridge just as the City of Topeka pulled alongside his ship. Cousins shared what he knew with J. E. Pharo, the assistant manager of the ships’ parent company who was aboard the City of Topeka, and Pharo told him to return to Victoria. Pharo may not have wanted another vessel out of commission, since that would cost his company money. The Queen was instructed to load passengers and embark on a scheduled trip to San Francisco.

Cousins did as Pharo told him. Meanwhile, the City of Topeka steamed toward shore, looking for the Valencia. With scarcely any visibility, the ship went up and down the coast, even reaching as far as Cape Beale, until finally someone spotted a dot floating in the sea.

Plumes of smoke appeared. Beecher was ecstatic: People were alive and needed rescuing.

The ocean had consumed most of the Valencia’s cabins. The last of the food was gone. During the night, some passengers stripped off their clothing to make a torch, a tremendous sacrifice considering the cold. They dipped the garments in kerosene and set them ablaze, hoping to attract attention. No one came.

Sometime Wednesday morning, the foremast rigging gave way, plunging 20 to 30 people into the icy water. A few were lucky enough to be pulled back on board. A slew of bodies were swept away from the ship and crushed against the rocks close to shore.

Then, around 9 a.m., a familiar shape was spotted, the contour of a ship in the distance. A wild cheer broke out. Two smaller vessels soon appeared, coming nearer the wreck than the first. None of the vessels got close enough to establish contact. Passengers waved blankets from the rigging. Some suggested setting off the Lyle gun to attract attention. The fuse sparked, the gun went off, and smoke poured from the barrel.

Captain Johnson stood on deck and watched the three ships sit idle in the rain and fog. He instructed the remaining crew to take the two rafts still on board and load as many people as possible into them. Johnson would not be going anywhere. He knew that his responsibility was to stay aboard the Valencia until the very end, whatever that entailed.

Those onboard were stunned when none of the surviving women would get in the rafts. They believed that with ships in sight, rescue might be imminent. If it wasn’t, the women had little reason for hope. Many had watched their husbands and children die. They preferred to stay where they were. Some began to sing “Nearer, My God, to Thee,” a hymn that in just a few years would become famous for reportedly being the last song sung aboard the Titanic.

Men readied the rafts. The first group to leave consisted mainly of crew members, including chief cook Samuel Hancock. After clearing the ship around 10 a.m., the men rowed toward the distant vessel—only one seemed to remain—but then lost sight of it. Hancock knew there was a northerly current and told the men to keep the shoreline in sight.

Peter Peterson stood on the Valencia’s deck, watching as the topmast came crashing down and the hurricane deck finally caved in. It was now or never—the last raft needed to leave the ship. Captain Johnson tried to change the women’s minds. “This is the last chance,” he said. One replied, “We might just as well die on the ship as die on the raft.”

Approximately 20 male passengers and crew, including John Segalos, who had tried to swim a line to shore, squeezed into the raft. Johnson told Peterson to go, too. Once in the water, the men used large pieces of wood to paddle.

The men aimed for shore, until a mess boy cried out. He could see smoke in the other direction. Soon they spotted a large black hull cutting through the water, then two large masts. They heard three loud whistles pierce the air. It was the City of Topeka.

The captain of the City of Topeka sent a lifeboat out to meet the men in the raft. The survivors were in a ghastly state, their skin purple and numb. A crewman tossed a line to Segalos. Peterson began to lose consciousness as the lifeboat towed the raft toward the ship. He could barely keep his head above the waves washing over the raft. The last thing he remembered before blacking out was pulling alongside the City of Topeka.

The survivors were rushed to the ship’s doctor. After being examined, they were given whiskey, dry clothes, and warm blankets. “If we had been an hour longer on that raft, I believe every man would have gone insane,” Joseph McCaffrey, a passenger on the Valencia who was picked up by the City of Topeka later said to a newspaper reporter. “One could tell by the looks in the eyes of his companions that reason was fast departing. Just touch one of the men and he would growl like a trapped animal.”

During the night, some passengers stripped off their clothing to make a torch, a tremendous sacrifice considering the cold. They dipped the garments in kerosene and set them ablaze, hoping to attract attention. No one came.

The raft carrying Hancock and a handful of other men drifted north, farther than intended. It passed Cape Beale and entered a bay dotted with islands. Everyone aboard was hungry, injured, and exhausted. One man died, likely from exposure; the others threw his body overboard. Two men, perhaps driven mad, jumped into the sea. When the survivors finally beached on Turret Island around midnight, one man attacked Hancock and attempted to eat him. The others subdued the man, who curled up on the ground and never got up. The next morning, a survivor named Frank Connors seemed to go insane, according to Hancock, and ran off into the trees in search of a lighthouse he believed he saw.

In total, only four men who washed up on Turret Island survived. Hancock and firemen Max Stensler and George Long would be rescued from the island on January 25. The following day, Connors would be found wandering nearby.

Down south, the survivors resting with Minnie Paterson at the Cape Beale lighthouse waited to be rescued, as did the Bunker party, huddled in the cabin on the Darling River. Meanwhile, the search party consisting of David Logan, Phil Daykin, and Joe Martin was approaching the Valencia’s location. The trio had hiked several miles, sleeping on the ground overnight and using a damaged canoe to cross a swift-moving river. At a rocky outcrop, they spied a line of rope suspended in the trees and, suspecting it had been fired from a Lyle gun, followed it to the edge of a cliff. Down below, just offshore, was the Valencia.

The scene was brutal. Bodies of the dead littered the shore. People still clung to the ship’s wreckage, flinching when icy ocean spray hit them. When the survivors spied the three men on the cliff, they cheered and hollered. But the search party was ill-equipped to help. The line from the Lyle gun had snapped. The men could not find a path down to the beach. There seemed to be no way to reach the ship.

Just after noon, the ocean swallowed the Valencia. A massive wave swept over the ship, and Logan, Daykin, and Martin watched as dozens of people fell into the sea. Some of them, hugging pieces of debris, were swept into the abyss, while others were caught in the waves and dashed against the rocks. Two clung to the aft mast, the only part of the ship still visible, until they could no more. Logan, Daykin, and Martin stood by, helpless. “The end of the Valencia,” Canadian author Richard Belyk would later write, “was a theatre of horror.”

Eventually Logan, Daykin, and Martin left the cliff and hiked three miles to the Bunker party’s cabin. When Logan spotted one of the survivors, who had emerged from the hut to greet them, he shouted over the rushing of the Darling River. The men needed to use the telegraph to send a message to Cape Beale: The Valencia was gone.

FIVE

In the days following the sinking of the Valencia, debris kept washing to shore. So did corpses. All told, an estimated 126 crew and passengers died in the wreck, including every woman and child on board. David Logan, First Nations communities, and the crew of a ship called Grant scoured Vancouver Island’s beaches at low tide, collecting waterlogged bodies and preparing them to be shipped to Victoria and Seattle.

While other survivors journeyed home, Frank Bunker stayed behind to help with the search. His wife and children were never found. Nor were F. J. Campbell’s wife and daughter. Captain Johnson’s body was lost, too. Fourth officer Aberg, whose wife had believed a fortune-teller’s claim that her husband would perish at sea, was among the dead who were found. He wore a blue sweater and a monogrammed ring, and he was identified by survivors.

When possible the dead were sent home by ship to loved ones. Some were left where they were found because the terrain made retrieval too difficult. Others were in such an advanced state of decomposition that they were impossible to move. Among the bodies recovered, many could not be identified because of bloating, or because waves and rocks had smashed their features. A coroner’s description of one reads, “Height 5 feet 11 inches. Weight 200 pounds or more. Reddish moustache. Laced shoe, No. 10. Striped shirt, blue and white. Dark vest, with Union label. Black tie. Black socks; Flesh coloured underwear. Grey and black trousers. Long hands. Dark Hair. Features unrecognizable. Taken to Hanna’s, Undertaker. Coffin marked ‘XIII’ at foot and on lid.” 

The unidentified were buried along the coast in unmarked graves. At one site, on a beach near Tofino, large crosses marked their final resting places. Eventually, a funeral service would be held at the Grand Opera House in Seattle for some of the dead. A 50-piece band played “Nearer, My God, to Thee,” a senator delivered remarks, and a poet recited original verse. Then a procession of more than 300 people followed a funeral car drawn by six white horses to Mount Pleasant Cemetery, where more than a dozen unidentified bodies from the Valencia were laid to rest beneath a shared monument.

The tragic news of the Valencia’s demise raced across the continent. It made the front pages of newspapers in Canada and the United States. The horrific details fueled public outcry. Families and friends of those who had perished wanted answers: How could so many people die so close to shore? Soon politicians in Ottawa and Washington, D.C., were being grilled.

Both governments commissioned reports to determine what had gone wrong and what could be done to prevent future tragedies. The Canadian inquiry was headed by marine agent James Gaudin, who had received a telegram about the wreck from Minnie Paterson at Cape Beale. By March 20, 1906, the probe had reached its conclusion. Ultimately, the commission blamed Captain Johnson, who was found to have “made a grave error of judgment in attempting to make the entrance to the Strait in such weather as prevailing at the time without exhausting every means of ascertaining his position.”

The American inquiry also found that, given Johnson’s uncertainty about the Valencia’s position, he should have taken the ship out to the open sea until he could safely chart a course to Seattle. “Such action Captain Johnson failed to take,” the report stated, “and upon his improper navigation in this respect must rest the primary responsibility for the disaster.” (Johnson was not the only person whose reputation was sullied by the wreck. J. E. Pharo, assistant manager of the Pacific Coast Steamship Company, submitted his resignation even before the U.S. report found it inexcusable that he had ordered the steamship Queen to leave the scene of the wreck, where it might have participated in a rescue operation.)

Both government reports made recommendations to improve maritime safety, including better lights and foghorns at key points along the West Coast. “If such a terrible disaster must occur, it must be regarded primarily in the nature of a lesson for the future—a lesson not to be disregarded,” the U.S. report stated, “and if the government, acting upon this lesson, shall make all reasonable provisions within its power for the safeguarding of this coast, the victims of Valencia will not have perished in vain.” The Canadian government urged that new vessels built to travel the region include watertight compartments belowdecks. It also called for building more lighthouses on Vancouver Island, equipping them with rescue boats, and clearing a lifesaving trail along the coast so shipwrecked survivors could reach shelter and assistance.

Before those changes could be made, Minnie Paterson became famous when another ship, a 168-foot sailing vessel called Coloma, foundered just off Cape Beale. With the telegraph line down, Paterson set out on her own in rain and wind, hiking several miles through marshes, streams, and vegetation, to find help. The Canadian government awarded her a silver plate for her efforts. She died of tuberculosis five years later.

John Segalos, the fireman who tried to swim to shore and was later picked up by the City of Topeka, was awarded multiple medals for his bravery on the Valencia, including one from the Seattle chamber of commerce. In time, though, his life fell into disarray. In 1928, after relocating to the East Coast, he was robbed and assaulted, and his cherished medals were stolen. He died, almost destitute, at the age of 76. For his part, Frank Campbell shared his witness account of the tragedy, then disappeared from the historical record, his fate lost to time.

When Frank Bunker finished looking for bodies from the Valencia, he continued on to Seattle to begin his job with the city’s public schools. He did not stay long—Bunker returned to California and served as superintendent of schools in Berkeley until he lost a bitter school board election. He then headed east, became a professor of school administration in New York, and published several books. He later opened one of the first junior high schools in America.

Bunker remarried in New York, but he never had more children. The specter of his son and daughter, lost in the Pacific, must have been ever present as he devoted his life to education. “I have no children now,” he said many years after the wreck, “but I know nothing as dear as a little child.” Bunker died in 1944.

Over time the wreck of the Valencia became more than a cautionary tale. To locals on Vancouver Island, it evolved into a ghost story. As early as 1906, witnesses reported strange occurrences near the reef where the ship sank. A local Nuu-chah-nulth man, Clanewah Tom, claimed he saw a boat full of skeletons in a coastal cave a few hundred yards from the wreck. Mariners described glimpsing a phantom ship with wraithlike figures clinging to its sides floating just offshore.

In 1933, captain George Alexander MacFarlane found the lifeboat Tim McCarthy and a few other men used to get to shore in a farmer’s field in the Alberni Valley of Vancouver Island. MacFarlane removed the nameplate with an axe and kept it in his home. In 1956, it was donated to the Maritime Museum of British Columbia, where it remains today, along with other remnants from the wreck. 

Most of the Valencia, however, still sits where it sank. The reef and rocks that doomed the ship can be seen from the West Coast Trail, the name given to the 75-kilometer path that the Canadian government carved along the shore to improve rescue operations in the wake of the Valencia disaster. The trail, now primarily used for hiking, traces the old telegraph line that Bunker, Campbell, and other survivors followed to find refuge.

The wreck occurred near kilometer 18 of the path. On the bluff overlooking the sea, which Bunker and other survivors scaled, there are two red Adirondack chairs. For the unknowing it is a peaceful spot, a place to rest and watch the waves crash against the rocks below. But reminders of the past lurk just below the breakers: plates from the ship’s hull, a section of the engine, a propeller and its shaft. Under the weight of the ocean, pieces of the Valencia rest in their shallow grave.  


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True Grit

True Grit

When a storm surge swept dozens of wild horses and cattle from the coast of North Carolina, no one expected there to be survivors. Then hoofprints appeared in the sand.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 132


J.B. MacKinnon is an award-winning journalist whose work has appeared in The New Yorker, National Geographic, and The Atlantic, as well as the Best American Science and Nature Writing anthologies. He is the author or coauthor of five books of nonfiction, and an adjunct professor of journalism at the University of British Columbia, where he teaches feature writing.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: J. Patrick Patterson
Illustrator: Luis Mazón

Published in October 2022.


The wild horses all have names. Ronald, for example, and Becky and Clyde. The names sound mundane, even for horses, but each is something like a badge of honor. For years now, the people of Cedar Island, North Carolina, have named each foal born to the local herd of mustangs after the oldest living resident who hasn’t already had a horse named for them. Every island family of long standing has this connection to the herd.

Cedar Island, located in a pocket of North Carolina known as Down East, is what passes for remote in the continental United States these days. Though it’s only 40 miles as the gull flies from the Cape Hatteras area, with its tourists and mortgage brokers, its restaurants with names like Dirty Dick’s Crab House, Cedar Island remains a place with only a scattering of people and businesses, where you can’t be certain of finding a restaurant meal—not so much as a plate of hush puppies—on a Sunday evening. Upon arrival you might not notice that Cedar Island is an island at all. Crossing the soaring Monroe Gaskill Memorial Bridge, which connects it to the mainland, what you pass over is easily mistaken for another of the region’s sleepy, curlicue rivers. In fact, this is the Thorofare, a skinny saltwater channel connecting the Pamlico Sound to the north and the Core Sound to the south. The Pamlico is one of the largest embayments on the U.S. coastline, while the Core is narrow and compact. Cedar Island stands between them, and all three are hemmed in by the Outer Banks.

I’ve just written that Cedar Island separates two sounds, and on maps this is true. Reality is less decisive. Swaths of the small island are sometimes underwater, depending on wind, tide, and season—in particular, hurricane season.

The shifting, amphibious nature of Cedar Island was never more apparent than on the morning of September 6, 2019. Under the whirling violence of Hurricane Dorian, maps lost all meaning. The Pamlico and Core Sounds joined to become a single, angry body of water, shrinking Cedar Island to a fraction of its acreage. It was no longer separated from the mainland by the thin blue line of the Thorofare, but by nearly six miles of ocean.

Most of the 250 or so people living on the island were safe, their homes built on a strip of not-very-high high ground precisely to weather the wrath of hurricanes. The wild horses—49 in all—were in much deeper trouble.

There were also some cows. The cows did not have names.

Few cows in America live longer than six years; many are slaughtered much younger. A Cedar Island cow, on the other hand, stands a good chance of living into its teens, and might even see its 30th birthday.

There is no such thing as a truly wild cow. While Cedar Island’s cattle range more or less freely, the technical term for them is feral—they are the descendants of escapees from domestication. The island’s mustangs are feral, too, but while visitors often come to Cedar Island solely in hopes of seeing the Banker horses, as the area’s herds are known, next to no one makes a special trip to photograph the “sea cows.”

The cows are striking to look at, though. While they vary in color, many have a bleached-blonde coat, blending in with the pale sand and the glare of the sun on Cedar Island’s hammerhead northern cape, where both cattle and horses roam. Tourists are happy to see the cows, just not as happy as they are to see the horses. Here and across America, a mustang—mane flowing, hooves pounding the earth—is an embodiment of beauty and freedom. Cows are not.

For Cedar Islanders, the cows are part of what makes their home distinctive, a fond and familiar part of the community and its history. In fact, the cattle have been on the island far longer than the mustangs, who were transferred from the more famous Shackleford Banks herd three decades ago. But the relationship people on the island have with horses is different than the one they have with cows, in much the same way it is for people nearly everywhere.

“This used to be horse country,” said Priscilla Styron, who has lived on or near Cedar Island for 30 years and works at its ferry terminal. “Everybody rode, they had pony pennings, they had all kinds of stuff. Everybody was always riding horses.” As for the cows, there was a time not so long ago when an islander might round one up from the beach, take it home to graze and fatten up, then butcher it for meat.

As Hurricane Dorian approached Cedar Island, no one troubled themselves about either kind of animal. One islander, who called himself a “simple country boy” and asked not to be named, scoffed at the idea that wild creatures would brook being corralled and taken off-island to wait out the storm. Not that anyone thought that was needed, according to Styron. “They usually protect themselves. You don’t have to worry about them,” she said. “They can sense more than we can.” Cedar Island had never lost more than one or two members of its wild herds to a storm—and Down East sees more than its fair share of those.

In 2019, there were perhaps a couple dozen cattle on the island—no one knew for sure, because no one was keeping count, not even residents who were fond of their bovine neighbors. For at least some of the cows, Dorian was nothing new. Few cows in America live longer than six years; many are slaughtered much younger. A Cedar Island cow, on the other hand, stands a good chance of living into its teens, and might even see its 30th birthday. A cow that was 20 years old in 2019 would have had close encounters with at least ten hurricanes: Dennis, Floyd, Isabel, Alex, Ophelia, Arthur, Matthew, Florence, and two named Irene. The herd could look to its elders for guidance.

Biologists only recently recognized that cows have complex social behaviors, involving depths of comprehension that we might not expect of animals stereotyped as grungy, placid, and dull-witted. A feral herd, for example, will organize nurseries by dividing calves into age groups, each usually overseen by one adult cow while the rest go out to graze. For this to work, the sitters need to understand that their role is to look after calves that are not their own, even if it means settling for low-grade fodder while others enjoy greener pastures. The calves have to grasp that they are under vigilance despite their mothers being out of sight.

No one documented how the cows responded as Dorian approached, but Mónica Padilla de la Torre, an evolutionary biologist, can give us a good idea. “They usually are not afraid of storms. They like storms,” Padilla said. “They like to be cool. They like shade. They appreciate when the rain comes.”

Even before the hurricane loomed on the southern horizon, the herd likely began to move—with that usual cattle slowness, that walking-on-the-moon gait—toward shelter. In the era before hurricanes were tracked by satellites and weather radar, cows were a useful predictor that one was coming. The migration, Padilla said, would have been initiated by the herd’s leaders. Cattle violently clash to establish a pecking order, and once that’s settled a benign dictatorship ensues. Leaders are granted the best places to eat and the best shade to lie in, and they make important decisions—like when to retreat to high ground in the face of a storm.

For Cedar Island’s cattle, high ground was a berm of brush-covered dunes between beach and marshland. There the cows grazed, chewed cud, and literally ruminated, passing rough forage through a digestive organ, the rumen, that humans lack. Far from appearing panicked, the herd was probably a bucolic sight, from the Greek word boukolos, meaning “cowherd.”

A close observer, Padilla said, might have noticed subtle differences among the animals: mothers that were watchful or unworried, calves that were playful or lazy, obvious loners or pairs licking or grooming each other. Padilla once spent several months studying cow communication—I found the urge to describe this as “cow-moo-nication” surprisingly strong—by memorizing the free-ranging animals she observed via nicknames like Dark Face and Black Udder. (She didn’t realize at the time that the latter was a perfect punning reference to the classic British TV comedy Blackadder. What is it about cows and puns?) On Cedar Island, Padilla said, there wasn’t simply a herd that was facing a storm. There was a group of individuals, each with its own relationships, including what Padilla doesn’t hesitate to call friendships.

Dorian arrived in the purest darkness of the first hours of September 6. Three days prior, it had ravaged the Bahamas with 185-mile-per-hour winds, tying the all-time landfall wind-speed record for an Atlantic cyclone. Some observers suggested giving it a rating of Category 6 on the five-point scale of hurricane strength. It had weakened by the time it reached North Carolina, but it was still a hurricane. Thick clouds blacked out the moon and stars; Cedar Island’s scattered lights hardly pierced the rain. Passing just offshore on its way to making true landfall at Cape Hatteras, the hurricane lashed the Pamlico and Core Sounds into froth and spray and sent sheets of sand screaming up the dunes. The scrubby canopy under which the cows likely took shelter, already permanently bowed by landward breezes, bent and shook in the teeth of the storm. A 110-mile-per hour gust on Cedar Island was the strongest measured anywhere in the state during Dorian’s passage.

When the eerie calm of Hurricane Dorian’s eye passed over the island, dropping wind speeds to only a strong breeze, there seemed to be little more to fear. There was still the back half of the storm to come, but Cedar Island residents, both human and not, had seen worse. Even in the off season, the North Carolina shore has hurricanes on its mind. If you see footage of a beach house collapsing in pounding surf, chances are it was shot on the Outer Banks. Drive around Down East and you’ll see many houses raised onto 12-foot stilts; in some homes, you reach the first floor by elevator. Maps show that much of the Outer Banks, including most of Cedar Island and huge swaths of mainland, will be underwater with a sea-level rise of just over a foot. Residents aren’t rushing to leave, though. A hardened sense of rolling with the punches prevails.

Yet with Dorian, something unusual happened as the center of the storm moved northward. At around 5:30 a.m., Sherman Goodwin, owner of Island’s Choice, the lone general store and gas station on Cedar Island, got a call from a friend who lived near the store. A storm surge was rising in the area, the friend said. Fifteen minutes later, as Goodwin drove through the dim first light of morning, the water was deep enough to splash over the hood of his Chevy truck, which was elevated by off-road suspension and mud-terrain tires. “It came in just like a tidal wave,” Goodwin said. “It came in fast.”

By the time Sherman and Velvet, his wife—“My mother really liked that movie National Velvet,” she told me—reached their shop, they had to shelter in the building. Velvet saw a frog blow past a window in the gale. A turtle washed up to the top of the entryway stairs. “It came to within one step of getting in the store,” Sherman said, referring to the water. A photograph shows the gas pumps flooded up to the price tickers.


To understand what happened on Cedar Island that morning, imagine blowing across the surface of hot soup, how the liquid ripples and then sloshes against the far side of the bowl. Dorian did the same thing to the Pamlico Sound, but with a steady, powerful wind that lasted hours.

The hurricane pushed water toward the mainland coast, which in the words of Chris Sherwood, an oceanographer with the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS), is “absolutely perfect” for taking in wind-driven water. The Bay, Neuse, Pamlico, and Pungo Rivers all flow into the Pamlico Sound through wide mouths that inhale water as readily as they exhale it. Much of the rest of the shoreline is an enormous sponge of marshes. What accumulated in this series of reservoirs was, in effect, a pile of water held in place by the wind.

People who know North Carolina’s sounds are aware of the tricks fierce wind can play. Coastal historian David Stick once noted that, during a hurricane, half a mile of seafloor in the lee of the Outer Banks can be left exposed as sound water is pushed westward. When that happens, a bizarre phenomenon can occur: A storm surge can come from the landward side, striking offshore islands in what’s sometimes called sound-side flooding. Scientists know it as a seiche (pronounced saysh).

When Dorian’s eye passed the Pamlico Sound, the seiche the storm had created began to collapse. Then winds from the southern half of the hurricane, which blow in the opposite direction from the storm’s leading edge, drove the water back the way it came. In a sense, the seiche was also running downhill; the ocean tide was falling in the predawn hours, while the hurricane, still pressing down on the Atlantic, forced water eastward, leaving behind a depression. These forces combined to send the seiche pouring out of the Pamlico Sound east toward the Atlantic, nine feet above the water level in the ocean.

The avalanche of seawater was truly vast, equal to about one-third of the average flow of the Amazon River, by far the highest-volume river on earth. The Amazon, however, meets the sea through a gaping river mouth. Dorian’s sound-side surge was trying to reach the open Atlantic past what amounted to a levee of Outer Banks islands with just a handful of bottleneck channels between them. At the southern end of the Pamlico Sound, there was an added obstacle: Cedar Island.

The water didn’t go around the island. It washed right over it.

The surge left nearly as quickly as it arrived, carrying on to the Outer Banks, where it hit the island of Ocracoke with a wall of water higher than anyone there had ever seen before. Once Dorian passed, floodwaters began receding. On Cedar Island they left thick, greasy muck in buildings and debris on the roads, but no serious injuries were reported. More than a third of the buildings on Ocracoke were damaged, but there were no known deaths.

The first news of losses from Cedar Island’s herds of horses and cattle came as soon as the ocean had calmed enough for islanders to go back to sea in their boats. “That’s when they saw a lot of them,” Styron said. “You know—floating.” That Cedar Islanders do not wear their hearts on their sleeves about such things is strongly conveyed by an anonymous source’s reaction when I asked how people felt about the dead animals. After an uncomfortable pause, he said, “You can pretty much guess that.” Then he added, “Mother Nature allowed them to be here, and I guess Mother Nature can also take them away.”

If anyone witnessed what transpired with Cedar Island’s feral herds, they haven’t said so publicly. Most likely, though, no one saw it, since the surge came without warning in the darkness, and the horses and cows often roamed far from people’s homes. The animals would not have been sound asleep in the predawn—feral creatures, like wild ones, are more vigilant through the night than human beings tucked tight in their homes. Still, they may have dropped their guard, sensing that they’d survived another hurricane.

Then suddenly, the sea moved onto the land. Nine feet of water covered the beaches. It drowned the marshes where the cattle fed on sea oats and seagrass, and flowed over the lower dunes. We know from Padilla’s research what the scene must have sounded like: high-pitched, staccato mooing—cows’ alarm calls—ringing out in the humid air, the bawling of calves competing with the howl of wind and surf. In waters rising at startling speed, mother cattle would have raced to find their young, as bovine friends struggled not to be separated.

Twenty-eight horses were swept away. No one knows exactly how many cows were carried off—four of them managed to remain on land, and locals would later estimate that between 15 and 20 were taken by the flood. The water likely lifted the animals off their hooves one by one, first the foals and calves, then the adults. They disappeared into the tempest.


The islands known collectively as the Core Banks, located southeast of Cedar Island, are nearly 40 miles long and rarely a mile wide. On maps they look like a skeletal finger pointing ruefully toward the North Atlantic. Like most barrier islands they’re low—about eight feet above sea level on average, with the highest dunes cresting 25 feet—and the whole of them are protected as the Cape Lookout National Seashore. Hurricanes always roughhouse barrier islands, but on the morning of September 7, 2019, the day after Hurricane Dorian hit, it was clear that this storm had been a beast of a different order.

Ahead of the cyclone, North and South Core Banks was broken by a single passage, Ophelia Inlet. After the storm, there were 99 additional channels through the islands—the banks had been sliced into 101 pieces. It didn’t seem right to call these cut-throughs inlets. They formed as outlets: The seiche that poured over Cedar Island then collided with the barrier islands, and when it did, it bored right through them. “We had never in the collective memory of the park seen a sound-side event like we saw after Hurricane Dorian,” said Jeff West, superintendent of Cape Lookout National Seashore. “I did take quite a ribbing about the fact that I lost 20 percent of the park.”

West was on the first maintenance boat to sail from Cedar Island for the Outer Banks. Docking at a Park Service site a few miles up North Core Banks, he began driving an ATV along the beach. Fifty feet later he reached the first cut-through and, wading into it up to his neck, found an animal carcass. He didn’t take the time to determine whether it was horse or cow. “Sometimes large fish find them tasty,” he told me.

Cape Lookout staff would eventually locate the bodies of nearly two dozen dead horses and cattle, along with deer and seabirds. Most were arrayed along the open-ocean side of South Core Banks, likely having passed through Ophelia Inlet before washing up on the beach. The most far-flung horse and cattle carcasses were found near Cape Lookout Lighthouse, about 30 miles from where the animals first washed into the sea.

Cape Lookout workers buried the bodies that the tides didn’t take away.

Most of the media coverage of Dorian’s aftermath focused on the damage on Ocracoke Island. The first report about Cedar Island’s lost herds mentioned only that horses had drowned; the cows had to wait for follow-up articles. It was a blip in the news cycle, soon forgotten as Democrats in Congress sought to impeach Donald Trump.

A pressing question: Can cows swim? Yes, they can. Think of the Wild West, where cowboys guided their herds across deep rivers to fresh pasture or to market. The Cedar Island cattle had been seen swimming, too. One regular visitor described “little bitty calves” lining up to make a crossing to Hog Island, just southeast of Cedar Island in the Core Sound. “I’m like, ‘Don’t go. You’re not gonna make it. It’s a quarter-mile swim,’ ” he said. The calves made the trip with ease.

But it’s one thing to cross a narrow channel in calm seas, and quite another to swim through a hurricane. Only the sunniest optimist could have hoped for survivors from Cedar Island’s herds. “I’m thinking the way the wind was blowing, it was extremely hard to keep your head above water, swimming when you have waves crashing over,” said Pam Flynn, a retired kindergarten teacher and a Down Easter since 1972, who went looking for surviving animals. “I feel like their last few moments were torture and pain and fear. It was heartbreaking.”

A month passed. Wind and waves quickly filled in the channels created by the storm, but what was formerly the southern end of North Core Banks lingered on as a separate island: Middle Core Banks, which would stand alone for two years. One day in early October, members of a Cape Lookout resource-management team hopped on their all-terrain vehicles for a routine sweep up Middle Core Banks—almost daily, they’d search for sea turtle and bird nests in need of protection from the fond American pastime of driving on beaches. This time they spotted something else: the tracks of some large animal or other. They were too big to belong to a deer, and, with two toes instead of a hoof, could not have been made by a horse. They had to be the prints of a cow. A Cedar Island cow.

“Initially,” West said of being informed about the prints, “I did not believe it.”

Then the resource team sent him photos of the tracks, and West knew he had to see this survivor cow with his own eyes.

“It just renewed my faith that there are good things in life, something at the end of the rainbow,” Flynn said. “You know, a little sign that we’ll be OK, we’ll get through this and go on.”

West grew up on a ranch near Temple, Texas, and had experience tracking cattle. It seemed like he might need it. In the days after the prints were discovered, the cow that left them proved elusive; to West’s knowledge, no one from the National Park Service had yet seen it. Cedar Island cattle are often active at night, moving swiftly like pale apparitions, and although Middle and North Core Banks are so narrow in spots that you can walk from the sound side to the open Atlantic in three minutes, much of the land is a labyrinth of ponds, marshes, and fly-infested thickets. Additionally, resource crews had spotted hoofprints on small adjacent islands—despite the recent seagoing drama, it appeared that the cow was now making short water crossings too. “No fear of swimming, none at all,” West said, with admiration in his voice.

In the end, he found the animal by accident. West had taken a boat out to Long Point on North Core Banks, home to a cluster of rustic wooden cabins that, in more ordinary times, the Park Service rented to visitors. Dorian’s storm surge had razed two heavily fortified structures that provided electricity and treated water to the wind-battered huts. And there it stood, chewing grass—a dune-colored cow among the dunes, with a coat like gold sand blown onto white sand. It was well muscled, a little heavy, basically an ordinary cow.

“ ‘I’ll be damned. There is a cow here,’ ” West recalled saying aloud. “Nothing like your own eyes seeing it.”

At the sight of West, the cow’s eyes got big. Then it ran away.

West knew that he would need to relocate the cow, both for its own sake and to preserve the wild habitat of the park. For the moment, though, the Cape Lookout staff were too busy assessing and repairing Dorian’s damage to deal with a wayward bovine. Meanwhile, rumors of the survivor began to trickle out as visitors returned to the Core Banks and saw tracks. Pam Flynn and her friend Mike Carroll were among them. “We kept going back and back,” said Flynn, until they lucked into a sighting. “We were so excited to see those cows.”

Not one cow, then, but cows: three in all. There was the classic bleached-blonde that West had seen; another one with large, light-brown spots, like a map of the ancient continents; and a pale young adult, possibly the spotted cow’s calf. Somehow they had survived, found each other, and formed a compact herd. “It just renewed my faith that there are good things in life, something at the end of the rainbow,” Flynn said. “You know, a little sign that we’ll be OK, we’ll get through this and go on.”

On November 12, the Charlotte Observer broke the story of the survivor cows, and a media circus ensued on Cedar Island. One unfortunate local figure, wrongly described in the press as the cattle’s owner or caretaker (they have neither), had reporters knocking on his doors and chasing him up his driveway. On television especially, the tale of survival was presented as a quirky good-news story. The Virginian-Pilot would go on to call the cows “the cattle that enraptured a nation.” 

The hook of the story was its element of surprise: We see cows as stupid, physically awkward, mildly comical brutes, not heroic fighters. The media made heavy use of puns, of course, giving the life-and-death story a chuckling, children’s-book quality. Hurricane Dorian had come ashore “like a cattle rustler in the night” and “corralled” the animals. The cows’ survival was an “udder miracle.” An awestruck Raleigh News and Observer tweeted, “Four miles on the moooooove? Who knew cows could swim that well?”

To estimate how far the cows had paddled during their ordeal, journalists seemed to have measured the shortest distance between Cedar Island and the Core Banks using digital tools like Google Maps. Most put the swim at four miles; NBC preferred the precision of 3.39 miles. But when Alfredo Aretxabaleta, an oceanographer working with the USGS, saw one of these straight-line measures, he spied a problem. “During a storm, I just don’t think that’s the path they would take,” Aretxabaleta said. He suspected their journey was longer—much longer.

Aretxabaleta studies the trajectories of objects adrift, using computer models of wind, tides, and currents. He sometimes throws trackable equipment into the sea to float where it will; the science has been jokingly called driftology, but it has repercussions for our understanding of how climate change could affect coastal erosion, where oil spills and other contaminants might flow, and where to carry out maritime search and rescue work. “In a way,” Aretxabaleta said, “the case of the cows is a kind of search and rescue.”

Coincidentally, Aretxabaleta grew up in Spain’s Basque Country, on a farm where the cattle took dips in an irrigation pond. (His assessment: “They are not good swimmers.”) After Hurricane Dorian, Aretxabaleta in his spare time began to model the probable trajectory of the Cedar Island survivor cows once they were swept out to sea. What emerged was far different from the image of cows taking the shortest route across the Core Sound.

In the context of Aretxabaleta’s model, the sea, in the gray pall of first light as the cows are carried away, is a chaos of riptides, breakers, and blowing spray. With the cows’ eyes only inches above water, land is quickly lost from sight among swells as high as ten feet; from the perspective of a single cow, it’s nearly impossible to keep eyes on the rest of the bobbing herd. Each is fighting not so much to swim as to remain afloat. The currents and tides, made stronger by the force of the storm, are in charge.

The animals are first pushed rapidly southeast along the coast of Cedar Island, then into the center of the Core Sound, where they’re gradually drawn close to the powerful outflow at Ophelia Inlet. But as the tide changes from ebb to flood, Ophelia no longer sucks the animals toward it, but pushes them away. With the ocean now flowing into the sound, the herd are swept back to the north. At last the tide switches again, and Core Sound has many dozen new channels through which to send water back to the Atlantic. Like in a tub with many holes, though, it’s the large ones that have the most pull. Any animals still alive are drawn again toward Ophelia Inlet.

The prospect of passing through any channel would be a fearful one. Surfers sometimes dig cut-throughs between the sea and fresh water that has pooled behind dunes; the flow generated in such canals can resemble a river rapid, with waves large enough to surf. The Core Sound is not much calmer. After the cattle are washed off Cedar Island, the wind doesn’t drop below gale-force for seven hours, and white-capped waves linger much longer. Though the Core Sound has shallow areas such as sandbars, Aretxabaleta accounted for them in his simulations and says it’s unlikely that any cow found footing for long, if at all, during its journey.

His model explains how the cows and horses that were found dead on South Core Banks ended up where they did, flushed through Ophelia Inlet and then strewn to the south by the open Atlantic. By his estimation, none of the survivor cows swam four miles on a straight-line path. In fact, Aretxabaleta said, the probable routes taken by the cows, whether living or dead, range from 28.5 to nearly 40 miles. At the low end, that’s considerably greater than the distance across the English Channel. It’s more than ten times what swimmers complete in an Ironman triathlon. By Aretxabaleta’s measure, the absolute shortest period a cow would have been in the water is 7.5 hours; the longest is 25 hours.

“If it had been humans, it would have been incredible—I mean, like Robinson Crusoe,” he said. “The fact that those three cows survived is something close to a miracle.”

Suppose we didn’t settle for miracles, much less the “udderly miraculous.” Suppose we refused to consign the three cows’ survival to fate and chance. There are other factors we might consider, each of which drifts toward reckonings with how humans interact with bovines.

The first possibility is that the Cedar Island cows were able to endure their ordeal because they were a breed apart, not metaphorically but literally. Blood type and DNA tests suggest the feral horses that live on Cedar Island are likely descendants of Spanish colonial horses, which first came ashore in the United States with Juan Ponce de León in 1521. The cows may have Spanish colonial blood too; no one knows, though, because their genetic makeup has yet to be studied. What’s certain is that cattle have been abandoned or shipwrecked along North Carolina’s coastline since at least 1584. The Cedar Island cattle could have more than four centuries of heritage.

Spanish colonial cattle are different from the commercial breeds that predominate today. “They’re long-lived, they’re good mothers, they’ll eat things other cattle won’t,” said Jeannette Beranger, senior program manager at the Livestock Conservancy in Pittsboro, North Carolina. “And they’re smart. The locals will tell you, ‘Be careful. They’ll eat your lunch!’ ”

They are also notoriously tough. In the days before the Civil War, Spanish-descended Pineywoods cattle, for example, were known for heat tolerance, disease resistance, and a capacity to live in landscapes too harsh for commercial breeds. The rugged nature of the Pineywoods cows resulted in a markedly different relationship between them and their owners than we see in today’s industrial agriculture. Some ranchers had so much respect for their cattle that they would not tolerate the use of dogs to harass the animals during roundup. Others felt it unfair and demeaning to confine the cows with fences.  It was only in the 1950s, with commercial feed and motorized equipment used to clear and mow pastures, that the Pineywoods herds began to fade, though a small number of farmers in the Deep South breed them to this day.

Phillip Sponenberg, a veterinary scientist who has spent 50 years searching for the purest-blood remnants of Spanish livestock in the United States, sees signs that the Cedar Island cows share at least a trace of that ancestry. “Some of them are basically white, but they have dark ears, eyes, noses, and feet. That’s a fairly unique color pattern and, in North America, often of Spanish origin,” he said. Some of the Cedar Island cattle also have horns that twist like a Spanish colonial cow’s.

Several experts I spoke to suggested that the fact that any cows at all survived the Dorian surge is clear evidence that they aren’t ordinary cattle. Most agreed that no modern breed would have made it through such a disaster. In this there is recognition of how we’ve degraded cattle as animals, turning them weak and needy. It also feels too convenient. It allows us to duck a more uncomfortable possibility, which is that these animals that most of us readily eat may have made it through the storm by drawing on the same internal resources that humans do in extreme circumstances. Not just a hard-wired survival instinct, that is, but a fierce desire to live—one strong enough to sustain hour upon hour of mortal struggle.

Pain and stress, and especially their severity, may be more challenging to recognize in cows, since as prey animals they evolved to avoid outward signs of weakness, which can attract predators. Cows are stoics; they tough it out.

I should pause here to say that I eat beef. I put cows’ milk on my cereal. I have leather shoes and belts in my wardrobe. Still, like many other people, I recognize that rearing and slaughtering cattle raises issues that are ethically complicated, contradictory, and sometimes deeply weird. None of this, however, is what led me into the terrain of cow psychology. Instead, I simply wanted to know why one cow might survive swimming through a hurricane while another might not.

Remarkably for an animal domesticated thousands of years before the dawn of civilization, the scientific study of cows distinct from their roles as livestock is mostly a recent pursuit. When Mónica Padilla de la Torre reviewed existing research on cow communication more than a decade ago, she was surprised to discover that almost nothing had been done on the subject—which is why she started from scratch, watching cattle through field binoculars like a Dian Fossey of the rangelands. “I think we have a moral responsibility to know these animals that we have lived with for so long,” she said.

For a 2017 paper, Lori Marino, a biopsychologist, reviewed every study she could find on cow psychology. Again, the trove was not impressive. There’s a lot to learn about these animals,” said Marino. “There is resistance to coming to terms with who they actually are, their cognitive and social and emotional complexities.”

The problem, of course, is that those complexities could upend our relationship with the species. Marino describes the prevailing way we think about cows as an ideology, one that frames them as dull creatures that are fine with their lot in life, even if that life includes crowding, untreated lameness, being burned with a red-hot iron, and having their calves taken away—practices common in modern industrial farming.

In Marino’s review of the available research, however, she found that cows are “very sensitive to touch,” and that they respond to injury or the threat of it in ways similar to dogs, cats, and humans: by avoiding causes of pain, by limping, groaning, and grinding their teeth, and by evidencing higher levels of stress hormones in their blood. On the other hand, pain and stress, and especially their severity, may be more challenging to recognize in cows, since they evolved to avoid showing signs of weakness, which can attract predators. Cows are stoics; they tough it out.

Though data on cow psychology is limited, I still found it surprising. It was somehow troubling to learn that cows readily recognize one another and are able to distinguish cattle of any breed from other sorts of animals. Cattle are able to navigate and memorize physical mazes with flying colors, outperforming hens, rats, and even cats, and leading researchers to conclude in the study that “the problems were too simple.” When cows were tested in more complex mazes, one in five succeeded at the toughest challenges, and could recall how to navigate the maze when retested six weeks later.

Here we enter territory more meaningful to the question of how those three cows might have survived swimming through a hurricane, since mastering mazes involves not just intelligence but also motivation. It’s true that only one in five cows solved the difficult mazes, but that may be because they dislike being alone and are fearful of places with many potential hiding places for predators, such as a maze. Throughout the tests, some of the cattle, despite a food reward for completion, appeared to resist, give up, or become fearful. Others were bolder and more curious. “This may,” the researchers reported, “suggest the possibility of the involvement of personality.”

With cows, some of the clearest expressions of apparent personal motivation are found in near-death escapes from slaughterhouses. In one of the most famous examples, a 1,050-pound cow broke loose from a Cincinnati facility in 2002. After jumping a six-foot fence, the cream-colored bovine was seen on a nearby side street, was subsequently spotted on a major parkway, then finally escaped into a wooded city park. Over the next 11 days, it evaded the SPCA, traps, tranquilizer darts, even thermal imaging from a police helicopter, before finally being captured.

The animals we eat are nameless, yet escaped cattle that make the news are often rewarded with names. Once that happens, they are unlikely to be returned to industrial production. In this instance, the cow was dubbed Cincinnati Freedom, and lived out her days at a rescue shelter where she was standoffish with people but bonded with three other slaughterhouse escapees. When “Cinci” was dying in 2008, her cohorts attacked the car of an attending veterinarian.

The prevailing ideology, to borrow Marino’s term, has been to explain away cattle’s responses to the world around them as exclusively innate or instinctive. By this standard, when the herd of cows was swept off Cedar Island into a violent ocean, survival would have been determined by luck and physical strength.

If individual cows have personalities, perhaps not as complex as our own, but no less singular, then that assessment may need to change. Once the storm had washed the herd into the ocean, some of the cattle, stricken by panic, would have quickly succumbed to water inhalation or exhaustion. Others, dragged farther and farther from land by the powerful currents of the seiche, might gradually have lost the spirit to fight on. But is it conceivable that three would keep going, drawing on exceptional mental toughness to push their bodies far beyond anything they’d endured before, in order to survive?

“I would use ‘willpower,’ ” Marino said. “I wouldn’t hesitate to use that term.”

No one will ever be certain exactly what the cows went through. Did the two that were later seen ashore together also make the swim that way? We don’t know. But we can hypothesize that the cows in the water would have tried to stay together. Studies show that even being able to see another cow reduces their stress. Together, they may have faced calamity with less fear. Perhaps that alone made the difference.

We can picture the three cows desperately blinking their eyes against the waves and the wind-driven spray, enduring the creeping cold in their bodies, the gradual ache and depletion in their muscles, the thirst and hunger after what may have been hours at sea, the maddening whine of the wind. Then finally seeing, or perhaps first smelling, land once again. Hearing the roar of the fearsome inlets and fighting to avoid being sucked into one.

Their hooves making contact with the sand.

Scrabbling to gain footing.

Surging onto the land as the water rushed between their legs, then dragged back toward the violent ocean.

Finally walking free, with a feeling like profound relief to be alive.

The question of what happened next can perhaps be told through another tale of animal survival. When Hurricane Fran struck in 1996, the storm surge that hit New Bern, North Carolina, flooded the offices of an auto salvage business to a depth of 16 inches. Inside was a junkyard dog named Petey, who stood ten inches tall. After the flood retreated, Petey’s owner found his dog alive but exhausted. When he saw that Petey was soaked with muddy, oily water up to its neck, he surmised that his pet had dog-paddled inside the building for as long as eight hours to survive. Here’s what animals do after such an ordeal: Petey slept for two days straight.

Though little used this way today, we do have a word for bovines that roam free like mustangs. They are mavericks. The term has roots in one Samuel A. Maverick of Texas, whose unbranded cattle got loose into the landscape around 1850. In one version of the story, the force that scattered his cows was a hurricane.

It’s fitting, then, that on November 21, 2019, it was the duty of six cowhands—complete with lassos, chaps, and spurs—to track down the three mavericks on North Core Banks. One of the men carried a rifle loaded with tranquilizer darts and Jeff West drove a Park Service ATV next to the cowhands astride their horses. The plan had always been to get the cows home, said West. That fact had not prevented fierce debate from breaking out online.

“Some people thought we should just kill them, be done with it,” West said. “Some people complained, ‘Why are we spending taxpayer dollars on this?’ Heard that more than once. Some people said we ought to just leave them alone, let them exist out there on the banks.”

Many assumed that the cows had survived only to be sent back to owners who would fatten them for slaughter. On the Cape Lookout National Seashore’s Facebook page, a theme emerged that the cows deserved to live; through baptism by flood, they had transcended their place in the scheme of things. “If they have to be removed then take them to a sanctuary. They deserve life. Do not turn those babies into meat after what they’ve survived!” wrote Misty Romano. Don Riggs of Asbury, New Jersey, wrote, “Really? Why not just bypass the farm and go straight to the slaughterhouse?” Judy Cook of Oak Island, North Carolina, simply declared the cows “as cool as the horses.”

Modern views about cows are messy. Many of us, if not most, seem capable of holding somewhere in our heads the idea that cows are sentient beings that we should have compassion for, but also of suppressing that idea enough that we allow them to suffer cruel conditions along the way to being killed for our benefit. Jessica Due, senior director of rescue and animal care for Farm Sanctuary, an organization devoted to ending the agricultural exploitation of livestock, tells a story that exemplifies the ways this can play out. The sanctuary has been called more than once by the same man to come and rescue an animal from a slaughterhouse. The man is the owner of the slaughterhouse. He calls on those rare occasions when a cow gives birth while being processed. This is where he draws the line; he strongly prefers not to kill these mother cows. Otherwise, he oversees the deaths of cattle on an almost daily basis. 

Curiously, just as research is emerging in support of the idea that cows are something more than most of us thought they were, they are also under scrutiny as environmental polluters. Cattle are blamed for producing 9 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions, including their famously methane-heavy belching and flatulence. Cows swimming in a hurricane: It could be a Hokusai print for our times. As a result, progressives and vegans look forward to a future with far fewer cows—to save the planet, to protect the animals from our cruelty, or both at once. Many in the industrial beef industry, meanwhile, remain reluctant even to concede that cows are meaningfully sentient. In the 10,000 years of human-cow relations, it’s possible that cattle have never had as few supporters as they have today.

Stephen Broadwell, the leader of the cowhands trotting down North Core Banks nearly three months after Hurricane Dorian, is one of those supporters. Broadwell is russet tanned and often wears a cowboy hat, but that is where the stereotypes end. He was raised in corn, tobacco, and soybean country, where North Carolina’s Piedmont Plateau meets the Coastal Plain. Yet he dreamed of being a rancher. “It’s one of those things—I guess it’s born into you,” he said. At the age of 13, he took a summer job on an 80,000-acre ranch in southern Colorado, and that was that. He was a cowboy.

After graduating early from high school, he earned a veterinary assistant’s degree and soon hired on at 3R Ranch Outfitters in the foothills of the Wet Mountains southwest of Pueblo. It was his immersion in an approach to ranching that attempts to mimic natural systems. “Our neighbors were thinking that we had this magical paradise for a ranch around them, and it was just the management practices they’d put in place years ago,” Broadwell told me. “That really got my motor going.”

The company he runs today, Ranch Solutions, might best be described as a holistic ranching consultancy. Broadwell will come to your property and do pretty much anything you need, including building a house from scratch and putting your first cows out to pasture. He has one rule, however: He will not help you raise more cattle than your land can sustain. He has photos of his team riding through the lush, knee-high grass of a client’s property. It’s a field that had already been grazed, but with the cattle moved off before it was eaten to the ground. The pasture was fertilized by manure and supplemented by cover crops that rebuilt nitrogen in the soil during winter, leading to grassland that sequestered more carbon. A cattle ranch, as Broadwell would have it, is an ecosystem.

The claim that holistic management can achieve this state is hotly contested, but research has lately suggested that yes, cattle can live and die without contributing to climate change. (And let it be noted that there is a strong pot-calling-out-the-kettle factor here, given that the average American human’s carbon footprint is twice that of the average American cow’s.) But we need to raise fewer of them, graze them in ways that mimic natural systems, and keep them off land better suited to food crops.

The future of cattle farming, in other words, may look a lot like the Cedar Island herd. Here are cows that can survive heat that would wither modern breeds, in a landscape where nothing we farm will grow. Here are cows adapted to eat what almost nothing else can. “It’s what a billy goat would not want to eat,” Broadwell said. Here are cows that are disease resistant, drink brackish water, defend themselves from predators, and generally require very little in the way of carbon-intensive coochie-cooing. They are the kind of cows that in the past demanded our respect, and one day might again.

“I grew up with stories from my older relatives about working cows in the river breaks”—steep cliff and canyon country—“and how they were more like deer than cows,” said Jeff West, remembering his youth in Texas. “We ran some cows out in North Fort Hood military reservation, and we only messed with them one time of year, during the roundup. Some of those cows were pretty feisty. But not like these Cedar Island cows. I’ve never run across any cows like these cows.”

When Ranch Solutions and West arrived on North Core Banks for the roundup, they had a plan to haze the survivor cows out of the marsh grass, which grows in muck that’s sometimes deep enough to swallow a horse to its belly. Then there was the chaparral. “Thick is a poor word to describe it,” West said. “It is intolerable of somebody passing through.” It took a long time to locate the cows, and then to work them out into the open so that each could be shot with a dart. Sedated, two of the three became pliant enough to be led back to a trailer that had been ferried to the island.

The final cow, the first to be found after the hurricane—alone—did not become pliant. She fled north, managing to hole up in especially dense and convoluted terrain. The team could just see where she was hiding, and managed to hit her with another dart. Then they waited, sure she would gradually go to sleep. She did not. At last the cowhands tried approaching her.

“And she took off,” West said.

Just up the coast was the Long Point camp where West had first spotted the cow a few weeks after the storm. The buildings still stood empty. Wind sucked and blew between weathered wooden walls. Screen doors creaked on rusty hinges. Hooves squeaked in the sand. It was in every way like the setting for a Spaghetti Western shootout. When one of the riders saw a clean line of fire, the crack from his gun echoed among the shacks, then faded into the roar of the tumbling surf.

With three darts’ worth of sedation flooding her system and blood trickling down her pale coat, the cow somehow ran again. She ran out of the camp. She ran up the beach. After half a mile, she couldn’t run anymore. Then she walked. “It was O.J. Simpson all over again. It was the slow-speed chase,” West said. “It was me and all the cowboys at a walking pace, going along until that cow stopped.”

When she finally did, she stared them down. “Like, ‘Try me,’ ” West said. The cowhands closed in, and one last time she managed to run. Then they got ropes on her and brought her down.

From there the job got easier. With the sun on the horizon, they worked a tarp under her prone body and sledded her down the beach. She came to while walled in by the trailer, her fellow survivor cows beside her. Given hay and fresh water, all three refused it.

The next morning, Ranch Solutions ferried the cows back across the Core Sound, drove to Cedar Island’s northern cape, and backed onto the beach. It was Broadwell who did the honors of swinging open the trailer’s gate. The cows stared at the sudden possibility of escape. They made cautious steps toward the opening. Then they burst from their confines. They ran—galloped—down the sand. Heads up, ears forward, they seemed instantly to sense that they were home and free.

On Cedar Island, the return of the cattle brought a sense of normalcy. When I asked one shopkeeper how islanders felt about the cattle now, she responded instantly. “Fiercely protective,” she said. No one I spoke to on Cedar Island knew of anyone who’d witnessed the three cows’ reunion with the remaining herd—the four animals that hadn’t been swept away by the storm in the first place. But according to Padilla, it likely involved muzzling, low and gentle moos, and gamboling. It might also, finally, have involved grief.

People who’ve looked closely at this issue, such as Barbara J. King, an emeritus professor of anthropology at the College of William and Mary and the author of How Animals Grieve, think the blow would have struck hardest when the survivors came home to find the herd decimated. They might have searched the range for missing herd mates and bellowed in an effort to make contact. King, choosing her words carefully, said, “The potential is incredibly strong for the awareness of loss and feeling of distress that would meet my criteria for grief.”

Yet home also brought a different kind of surprise. The cow that had fought so hard to avoid capture by the cowhands turned out to be pregnant. Could that have played a role in her survival? If a cow has a will to fight for its life, might it also fight for the life of its unborn calf? “Biologically, it wouldn’t be strange to assume that,” Padilla said. “She wants the calf to survive.”

Two months after being returned to Cedar Island, the pregnant cow gave birth to a healthy calf, as blond as the dunes. It was born, as if to mark what it went through in utero, with one brown eye and one blue. The calf was not given a name, but the mother was: Dori. The name is not an allusion to the character in Finding Nemo who sings of how, in hard times, we must keep swimming, swimming, swimming. No: She is named after Hurricane Dorian.


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The Ghost Hunter

The Ghost Hunter

For hundreds of years, there were rumors of a shipwrecked treasure on the Oregon coast. But no one found anything, until Cameron La Follette began digging.

By Leah Sottile

The Atavist Magazine, No. 99


Leah Sottile is a journalist whose work has appeared in The Washington Post, The New York Times Magazine, Playboy, The California Sunday Magazine, Outside, The Atlantic, and Vice, among other publications. She lives in Oregon.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Designer: Ed Johnson
Fact Checker: Tekendra Parmar
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Illustrator: Peter Strain

Published in January 2020.

Prologue: The End

The story goes like this: Sometime around the year 1694, a ship wrecked near the foot of a mountain in Oregon. The area’s indigenous people named the peak Neahkahnie (knee-ah-kah-knee), “the place of the god”—a wide, tall mountain that appears to rise out of the Pacific Ocean like a giant climbing out of a bathtub. Its shoulders are cloaked in a dense forest of spruce and cedar, where elk find refuge in mists and leave hoofprints in the mud. For more than three centuries, the Nehalem-Tillamook people have told the tale of a ship that crashed there, a devastating collision of man and nature.

The ship was a Manila galleon, a “castle of the sea,” dispatched across the vast Pacific Ocean from the Philippines to Mexico and carrying the finest goods known to man: ivory statues, delicate china, exotic spices, golden silk. To lose a galleon was to experience death hundreds of times over: hundreds of men and boys foundering in inky black water, hundreds of hearts ceasing to beat, hundreds of lungs inhaling water. It also threatened the life of an economy. Only one or two galleons sailed east for Acapulco each year, packed with thousands of pounds of treasure. The cargo was traded for silver, which was brought back to Manila and then traded to the Chinese emperor. When the galleon wrecked near Neahkahnie, its cargo likely plunged into the ocean. Sculptures of virgins and saints spiraled down like white torpedoes. Blocks of beeswax plummeted like boulders. The ornate blue and white porcelain never stood a chance against the coast’s sharp rocks.

A huddle of malnourished sailors were said to have emerged from the water, dragging a heavy chest over the beach toward Neahkahnie. By some accounts, the sailors then murdered an African slave who’d helped carry the chest, dumping the man’s body in a hole with the treasure before covering it with earth. The wreck reverberated for generations, the stories of treasure repeated and retold, rephrased and revised, evolving with each telling: The galleon wrecked in an epic battle with two other ships. The survivors, once ashore, were slaughtered by tribal people.

But what really kept the tale going was the wax. Sergeant John Ordway of the Lewis and Clark Expedition wrote in 1806 of Native people trading in beeswax some 50 years before bees even arrived on the West Coast. Galleons carried wax molded into huge blocks and stamped with shipping numbers; Catholics in the New World fashioned the stuff into church candles. There was so much wax on the beach near Neahkahnie that early European homesteaders made a business out of mining it from the dunes. Still today, every time a slow morning beach walker unearths another brown knob of beeswax from the sand, the legend takes a new breath. If there’s wax from the shipwreck, why couldn’t there be treasure buried on the Oregon coast, far beneath the dirt and sand?

And so the story wends its way into new ears and new hearts. The possibility takes on a new shape. The bounty could be a chest filled with gold. Priceless artifacts from the Spanish empire. A pile of sparkling jewels.

It’s almost too much to resist.

Chapter 1: Rich Stuff

I first heard about the legend of the treasure in the spring of 2018. My friend Doug Kenck-Crispin, host of the Kick-Ass Oregon History podcast, and I were at a Japanese teahouse in Portland when he slid a packet of photocopies across the table toward me. The packet read “Tales of the Neahkahnie Treasure” and included a black-and-white photo of a large stone with some kind of code carved into its surface.

He told me that the Oregon coastline around the town of Manzanita was dotted with bits of beeswax and broken porcelain, the purported remnants of a galleon wreck. Native people once made arrowheads out of shards of china. Early white explorers made references to “redheaded Indians” in the area—were they the offspring of the ship’s survivors? Chief Kilchis, one of the last free Tillamook leaders, was rumored to be a descendant of a galleon crew member.

Some people believed that “marked stones” like the one in the photo Doug showed me were once meant to help triangulate the location of the buried treasure. But the stones were eventually moved from their original locations on and around Neahkahnie. So, while people assume they mean something—that they were placed by someone, at some time, for some reason—no one knows what. (Some scholars believe that they were actually put on the coast by Sir Francis Drake during his circumnavigation of the globe, aboard the Golden Hind, in the late 1500s.)

People have scoured the Oregon coastline trying to find the galleon’s riches for more than 150 years, ever since homesteaders arrived, heard the tale of treasure, and began digging. Doug told me that people were likely still out there looking.

My eyes went wide as he talked. How had I never heard this before? I grew up in Oregon in the 1990s, and like anyone raised in that place and time, I’d been obsessed with The Goonies, the 1985 film about seven Oregon kids who discover an old pirate map and set out to find the treasure. The Goonies was my sick movie, my “Mom, I’m bored” movie, my Saturday afternoon movie, watched over grilled cheese and tomato soup. Most of it was shot on the Oregon coastline: the spiraling wet roads of Ecola State Park, Cannon Beach’s mammoth Haystack Rock. The Goonies is a tale of good trumping evil and honor besting greed, a story that made me think kids understood how to find truth in a way that adults somehow forgot along the way.

What Doug was saying made me think that maybe, in a sense, The Goonies was real—maybe there was an actual Oregon mystery to be solved, one that took the right sort of person to crack it wide open. I left that day clutching the packet of papers Doug had given me, sure that I needed to know more.

Doug suggested I talk to another writer who’d become obsessed, a man named J.B. Fisher, who’d recently written a book called Echo of Distant Water, about one of the strangest missing-person cases in Oregon history. We met on a perfect Portland day, when the clouds and the Willamette River seemed to merge and it was hard to tell if the rain was coming from the sky or the ground. We shook off our jackets inside a coffee shop, and Fisher told me that he, too, had felt compelled to learn more about the galleon. But he’d barely begun his search for answers when suddenly he stopped. Someone who knew a lot about treasure hunting on the coast told Fisher about another writer who’d come sniffing around.

“He was met with an untimely death, a head-on collision,” the man said, suggesting that perhaps the accident had been caused by supernatural forces. Fisher thought the message was clear: Stay far away from the Neahkahnie treasure.

The wreck reverberated for generations, the stories of treasure repeated and retold, rephrased and revised, evolving with each telling.

The 362-mile Oregon coastline, stretching from Washington State to California, is entirely public land. Thanks to a 1967 law, everyone has the right to “free and uninterrupted use” of the state’s beaches. But for several decades, if you wanted to dig for riches in the sand, you had to request a treasure-trove permit. The first person to file for one was a man named Ed Fire, who made his initial request in 1967. In a photograph accompanying a front-page news story from May of that year, Fire stares with dark, fierce eyes into the camera, holding up an L-shaped hunk of metal he’s uncovered somewhere. In the background, his wife—a handbag slung over her arm and a kerchief covering her hair—holds open a book. The photo caption reads, ambiguously, “[She] shows the page in the book on the treasure which has given her husband his clues as to its location.”

Fire told reporters that he would dig only during the week, when fewer people would be around to stare. He was both private about his search and ostentatious; he would use an enormous bulldozer on a pristine beach to aid in his hunt but insist that no one watch as he did it. He told state employees that God was telling him where to look.

For 22 years, Fire hunted and hunted and never found anything of value—nothing he disclosed to the public, at least. He argued and quibbled with state employees over his right to rake up the land around Neahkahnie. “It is my every intention to execute my rights as an individual to do what I feel is right and my feeling is that what I am doing on the beach is beneficial,” he wrote in a 1968 letter to the state land board. To Fire, it was beneficial to dig for “gold, silver, precious ores, jewels” that could be worth millions. Two decades later he remained empty-handed, and he’d become outraged with Dave Talbot, the state parks administrator, over delays in obtaining a new permit. “I will not evaporate into thin air and disappear,” he wrote to Talbot. “I have finally unlocked the secret of what took place on the Oregon coast all those years ago. I will fight for that permit come hell or high water.”

Fire was hardly alone in his search. From 1967 to 1999, when the state’s treasure-trove system was repealed, effectively closing the door on digging on state land, more than a dozen people filed permits to search for the fabled galleon bounty. The applicants were all men in the sunset of their lives. Geriatric Goonies. And most claimed to be blessed with some special, secret knowledge. Their claims are chronicled in a set of boxes stored in a closet at the state parks department—boxes filled with letters written by men who said they’d been touched by God, men who claimed to know, without a shadow of a doubt, where the treasure was.

In 1983, L.E “Bud” Kretsinger—a trucker-hat-wearing Manzanita tavern owner with a beach-ball belly—told the Oregonian that he and his digging partner would soon unearth the treasures of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba. (It’s unclear how he got that idea into his head; several seekers assumed that biblically significant items might have been on board the galleon.) “We figure it’s a trillion dollars’ worth of loot, not counting the Biblical stuff,” Kretsinger said. Later that year, he inflated the story, telling a Tillamook Headlight-Herald reporter that he was digging for “ancient scrolls written by Moses himself.” He convinced himself he might even find the Ark of the Covenant.

The state, though, was always getting in his damn way—they revoked his permit for failing to comply with the rules and for causing environmental damage. “It’s very frustrating,” Kretsinger said. So, without a permit, he dug a 14-foot hole in Oswald West State Park. He came up with nothing.

In the late 1980s, Bill Warren, a Frank Sinatra impersonator from California who performed under the name Michael Valentino, focused his sights on the Neahkahnie legend. By March 1989, Warren was calling state officials several times every day over his application for a permit, which was crawling its way through the bureaucracy. He demanded that the people he wanted to speak to be pulled out of meetings. “Who the hell do you think you are?” Warren asked a secretary who answered his calls. “You are a public employee and do not have the right to tell me who I may or may not speak to. Do you understand, little girl?”

“This happens more days than not,” the secretary wrote in an interoffice memo.

In 1989, the State Land Board placed a moratorium on issuing any more permits until a few things were cleared up: The legislature needed to figure out a plan for who would keep the bounty if one were ever found. And then there was the fact that issuing permits conflicted with protections for archaeological sites. Fire called this “a deliberate plot” to steal the treasure.

If Fire and the other men who’d recklessly pursued the mythical riches had little regard for Neahkahnie’s environment or the people tasked with protecting it, they had even less for the people who’d lived there since long before the galleon’s wreck. “Neahkahnie Mountain is a very special place in Tillamook traditions,” said Robert Kentta, cultural-resources director for the Confederated Tribes of Siletz, which is made up of 27 tribal bands, including the Nehalem-Tillamook. When hunters dredged and shoveled along the coast in search of wealth, they were pillaging lands that the tribes considered sacred. “All the digging and things that went on on the mountain, looking for treasure, have had an impact on it as an important cultural place,” Kentta said.

For generations, many Oregonians had indulged that Goonie side of themselves, allowing every single bit of wax and porcelain to restart the song of buried riches. That’s the thing about being a kid—childhood is marked by impulsivity, shortsightedness. And it can be forgiven. But when grown men applied that mentality to Neahkahnie, they closed one eye to the truth of the place: They were digging up someone’s home, which once contained every treasure its inhabitants needed.

Here’s the thing I realized about The Goonies: It’s a story where, in the end, wealth brings happiness. Jewels are salve for the world’s problems—foreclosure, gentrification. The final scenes of the movie tell aspiring Goonies to take note: Adventure itself is only good if it turns up something of value. Your spirit and cunning are, in isolation, frivolous things to be tucked away in an attic, just like Mikey’s dad did with that dusty old map. Had they found nothing, Mikey and Chunk and Stef and Data merely would have worried their parents sick for a day.

Kentta warned me that prioritizing the tantalizing prospect of riches over the true story of a wreck and its aftermath could have consequences. There have been children’s books, a movie called The Legend of Tillamook’s Gold. “These stories have fueled the fevered search by others in the past, and we do not want to trigger more,” Kentta said.

All that feverish hunting hadn’t unearthed so much as a flake of gold. I looked for every permittee whose name was in those files at the state parks department, hoping to talk to an actual treasure hunter. Eventually, I realized that the most dogged among them were dead, including Ed Fire. But as Kentta had implied, there was another story here, another hunt to embark on.

Few people had ever tried to mine the other mystery of Neahkahnie: Who were the hundreds of men on the galleon when it sank in the shadow of the mountain? The answer to that question had remained buried for some 300 years, as if the men’s souls were waiting for the right person to be born, someone who could both exhume them and lay them to rest once and for all.

She came, of all places, from the desert.

Chapter 2: The Obsession

Cameron La Follette can’t remember the first time she saw the ocean. Maybe it was at a summer camp in Maine? Maybe on a trip to California? She isn’t sure, but for all her life she considered the sea wild and vast and strange. “I must have absorbed something, somewhere along the line, that was setting the stage for this,” she told me, “because it’s unlikely that I would fall so hard for something that I knew absolutely nothing about. Absolutely nothing.”

La Follette was born in Phoenix, Arizona. In the early 1970s, she moved to Oregon to attend Reed College. She dropped out after two years, taking a job with the Oregon Wilderness Coalition (now called Oregon Wild) working to protect old-growth forests. Four years later she took up school again, this time at the University of Oregon, where she completed a bachelor’s degree in journalism. “I always did love words above all things,” she said.

After graduation she began law school at the University of Oregon but moved to New York City, where she completed her degree at Columbia University, then got a master’s in psychology from NYU. For a decade she studied and worked, amassing knowledge and degrees. Deep down she felt like she wasn’t home and might never be. Home wasn’t the desert, where her family had raised her. And it wasn’t New York, which was an assault on her senses. Pizza. Perfume. Constant motion, a static of visual human noise. She couldn’t focus there, could barely jot down words on a page. She dreamed of the primeval smell of forests, of soil and Douglas fir, of the roiling ocean—of Oregon. “I really like being rained on,” she said.

One New York winter day, she passed a sidewalk vendor selling Christmas trees mounted on wooden stands. She heard the breeze pass through their branches. She missed that sound. But she didn’t want to hear it from trees on stands. She wasn’t herself here, not the person she’d always wanted to be. I need to get home, she thought.

Then, on the morning of September 11, 2001, she received a phone call. “I thought, Who’s gonna be calling so early in the morning?” It was a distant cousin, wanting to know if La Follette was OK. “Of course. I’m having breakfast,” she replied. She turned on the radio, realized what was happening, and went outside, where she saw crowds of people looking up at a perfect autumn sky. In the distance, sirens screamed. Fighter jets carved arcs over the city. She knew this was the moment. She had to go back to Oregon. Now.

“I think it was two or three weeks later. I frantically got things packed, closed my bank account, said goodbye to some close friends, closed out everything I needed to do, rented a car, and headed over the George Washington Bridge,” La Follette told me. She drove across the country—across the Great Plains, over the mountains of Wyoming and Idaho, and into the desert of eastern Oregon, where she veered the car to the side of the road, opened the door, and stepped out onto the shoulder to snap a picture of the “Welcome to Oregon” sign. Home. Finally.

La Follette again landed in the environmental sector, this time concentrating on land-use protections in the state’s coastal region. She stayed with the job. By age 60, when I met her, she had become the executive director of the Oregon Coast Alliance.

It was a stroke of luck, or perhaps magic, that led her to the galleon. In 2014, in connection with a work project, she was looking for historical records about the town of Bayocean, a place once touted as the Atlantic City of the West that literally fell into the sea in 1960. La Follette went to the website for the Tillamook County Pioneer Museum, looking for information about the doomed town, and her eyes fell on an announcement for an upcoming lecture. It was about the wreck of a Manila galleon.

She thought: What? A galleon had wrecked in Oregon? “The instant I heard about it, I wanted to know not some things, not a few things, not the basics, but everything.”

She dreamed of the primeval smell of forests, of soil and Douglas fir, of the roiling ocean—of Oregon.

One hot summer day in July 2018, La Follette stood in front of a crowd of graying history buffs and told a tale of tragedy and treasure. “When the galleons wrecked, it was always a horrifying and spectacular thing,” she said, looking through wire-rimmed glasses at the room of faces. Hers wasn’t a dry PowerPoint presentation. She told a complex story that kept the room of retirees—and me—riveted, like a schoolteacher reading a storybook to a classroom of gaping children. At times her telling drew gasps from the crowd.

I had dropped in to her talk at the Oregon Historical Society on my way to a heavy metal show. This is to say: I stuck out. I sat in the back, craning my neck to see the screen at the front of the room and filling my notepad with questions. Afterward, I waited in line to meet her.

When I reached La Follette, I couldn’t help but notice her eyes flick down at my dark clothes and the tattoos covering my arm. Did a flash of doubt cross her face? She agreed to speak to me on the phone, and two weeks later I called. One of the first things she said was that I was absolutely not allowed to write about her galleon research for Playboy, a magazine I often freelance for. I told her no problem, writing for skin mags wasn’t my sole focus.

Even with that assurance she was prickly, in a professorial way. I got the sense that she thought I was incapable of telling the story of the galleon with the necessary care. “This is a really important part of Oregon history,” she said. “It’s a tragedy. It needs to be treated with gravity.” I assured her that I could do that. And I told her that I felt I had to tell this story. I talked about being from Oregon. I talked about the reporting I’d done. I listed my credentials. I promised to be careful, factual, accurate, precise.

She reluctantly agreed to go on the record. I asked if I could visit her at home; she said no. Instead, she suggested a restaurant at a sleepy motor lodge in Salem, the state capital. We met there on a cold day in January 2019. I sipped hot coffee, poured by a server at the end of her shift who told us to sit as long as we’d like, then put on her jacket and left.

Over the next five hours, La Follette drank one glass of ice water. She spoke differently than before. During the lecture I’d attended, the story of the galleon came from her lips like a fairy tale. Now she talked about it as an event that had shifted the tectonic plates beneath her own life, even if it had happened hundreds of years before she was born. I asked her what could make someone become so obsessed with a 17th-century shipwreck.

She shook her head and looked me in the eye. “It was immediate, it was visceral, it was absolute, it came without warning,” she said. “And it has never ended.”

It was as if she’d turned her back to the sea for a split second and found herself knocked flat by waves that dragged her to a place from which she could never return.

“It was immediate, it was visceral, it was absolute, it came without warning,” La Follette said. “And it has never ended.”

Back in 2014, after she learned about the lecture on the galleon, La Follette called Scott Williams, the maritime archaeologist who would be delivering the talk. She asked him if he knew what had happened to the galleon. Williams, in fact, knew a lot. He had spent years doing fieldwork with other archaeologists, geologists, and researchers as part of the volunteer Beeswax Wreck Project. The group had set out hoping to learn the name of the ship that had turned the coastline near Neahkahnie into a potential archaeological site.

Williams emailed La Follette a 2011 paper in which he and other researchers revealed that the galleon that crashed on the Oregon coast was very likely the Santo Cristo de Burgos. Radiocarbon dating on broken porcelain had pinpointed manufacturing to the Kangxi period in China, and the patterns consisted of designs common before the 1700s. Cross-dating that information with records of lost galleons, the researchers narrowed the possibilities to two ships: the Santo Cristo de Burgos, which vanished in 1693, and the San Francisco Xavier, lost in 1705. In the middle of the 12-year span between the vessels’ final voyages, something monumental struck the Oregon coastline: the Cascadia earthquake of January 26, 1700, which is believed to have measured up to 9.2 on the Richter scale. It sent a tsunami—a wall of water taller than 25 feet—crashing into the shoreline, forever reconfiguring it.

Based on the high elevations and inland locations where wax and porcelain had been found on the Nehalem Spit, a thin ribbon of land between the Pacific Ocean and Nehalem Bay, the Beeswax Wreck Project, together with geologists from Portland State University, concluded that the unnamed galleon was almost certainly the Santo Cristo. Normal tides could never have reached those places. The tsunami was the only thing powerful enough to carry wreckage that far.

Williams told La Follette that his team had conducted some archival research into the Santo Cristo to support their findings. They knew that the ship had sailed to Mexico once, returned to port in the Philippines, and set out again in 1693. The captain had left some 30 crew members behind on the dock in Manila, though the researchers didn’t know why. Then the galleon disappeared forever.

Williams’s team wants to find the ship, any remaining part of it. La Follette had a different concern. “I remember thinking, But what happened?” La Follette told me. “Who was this captain who left his crew onshore? And why?”

She disappeared into stacks of books. New books, old books, rare books. Books on galleons, books about life on the ruthless sea, books about colonial Spanish silver mines in the New World. She would work at her job all day, then read all night. She’d finish a book and think, More. I need more.

Douglas Deur, an anthropologist friend at Portland State University, suggested she contact the Archivo General de Indias, a home for valuable documents pertaining to the Spanish empire in the Americas and the Philippines. It’s located in Seville, Spain. La Follette began searching for an archivist there who was familiar with maritime records. She found Esther González Pérez.

La Follette wanted a cargo manifest for the Santo Cristo. Initially, González couldn’t find one, but she found other things that filled out the story of the galleon—for instance, taxes and salaries paid to crew members on the ship’s earlier journey. At one point, González excitedly emailed La Follette with a discovery that the Santo Cristo had carried liquid mercury in its hulls, by order of the viceroy of New Spain. Liquid mercury was essential for silver mines in the New World, used in the process of extracting metal from ore.

Every time González got back to her, La Follette had new questions. They went back and forth like this for a few years—new requests, new reports; new reports, new requests. Between 2015 and 2017, La Follette spent more than $10,000 of her own money paying González, other archivists, and translators in Spain, Mexico City, and Manila. “I couldn’t get a new garage door. I couldn’t get glasses that actually worked very well,” La Follette said. “I was looking at things blurry in the distance and was like, I really gotta get glasses, but it’s gonna cost $800, and I have to pay Esther’s bill.” Just like Ed Fire, La Follette couldn’t rest until she reached the bottom of her curiosity.

Eventually, González unearthed a partial cargo manifest buried deep in the archives, the best evidence yet that the Santo Cristo had, in fact, been packed with treasure: fine bedsheets embroidered with flowers, ivory sculptures of the infant Christ and saints that would be placed in New World churches, gold paper fans, delicate lace. And wax for candles.

González also found a passenger list, filled with the names of the people who’d been aboard the ship. Artillerymen Pedro de Echavarría, Juan de Cretio, and Pedro Posadas. Seamen Sebastián Ximenes, Fabián Faxardo, and Constantino de la Cruz. Apprentice seamen, blacksmiths, artillerymen. Names upon names upon names that no one had uttered for centuries.

Chapter 3: Our Captain

As La Follette told me the story of her quixotic quest, an unfortunate thing kept happening: Right when she would get to an important part of the tale, a man on the other side of the restaurant who seemed to be on a conference call would shout into his cell phone excitedly, as if he were at a hockey game. I set my recorder on top of a coffee cup and inched it closer to La Follette. I shielded the microphone with my hand in a feeble effort to block the man’s voice. “Yeah! Two hundred bucks!” he yelled at one point. I don’t think he even noticed us; if he did, he didn’t consider us worthy of his manners. We rolled our eyes at each other across the table.

“Don’t say anything important right now,” I told La Follette at one point. She laughed, and I felt like she might be starting to like me. We traded ideas about somewhere else to go, somewhere quieter, somewhere a man wasn’t taking up so much space. Ultimately, we decided to do our best to ignore him.

The man left an hour and forty minutes into our interview, and the restaurant went quiet. La Follette could finally tell me how her story of the galleon ended, where it all went.

In the winter of 2016, La Follette realized that she knew very little about the Santo Cristo’s captain. Research showed that he was one Don Bernardo Matias Iñiguez del Bayo y de Pradilla. Something about his name struck her as interesting; del Bayo didn’t sound traditionally Spanish to her ear. La Follette determined that it was, in fact, a Basque name. She purchased The Basque History of the World—which isn’t about ships or shipping at all—and devoured it, just to get a better sense of the culture the man grew up in. Soon she was emailing another faraway academic: Alvaro Aragón Ruano, a professor at the University of the Basque Country, near Bilbao. “I emailed him. In English, not Spanish. I don’t speak that much Spanish. And I said I was researching a galleon wreck in Oregon,” La Follette said. She asked if he might be able to help find out more about the captain’s family history. “He emailed me back within two hours.”

Aragón did some sleuthing and discovered that del Bayo was a knight in the Order of Santiago, an elite military organization of Spanish nobles that still exists today. The captain would have had to fill out a detailed application with his entire family history. Such a document would surely be housed at the National Archives of Spain.

La Follette rushed to ask González to visit the archives in Madrid. The application was there. González scanned the ancient document, and La Follette hired a translator. Finally, she thought, I’m getting somewhere.

She learned del Bayo’s parents’ names and where he was baptized. Aragón even sent her a photo of the baptismal font where del Bayo was christened. She hired a graduate student in Mexico City to go to the Archivo General de la Nación. The student unearthed more about del Bayo—before his galleon days, he was the mayor of a silver-mining town called San Luis Potosí, back when Mexico was known as New Spain. During his tenure, del Bayo used his own money to pay for municipal improvements that would carry floodwaters away from the town.

Much of La Follette’s research was guided by questions she could not explain the origins of—questions that led her to breakthrough after breakthrough. The details about del Bayo’s life gave the story new shape. He wasn’t just a name anymore. La Follette felt that she knew him as a real person.

She continued to trade emails with Aragón. She asked him if perhaps he could locate an image of del Bayo’s family’s land, maybe an old Basque farmhouse that had been preserved—something she could feature alongside her research when she published it. By then, La Follette had decided to work with Douglas Deur, the anthropologist, and a few other galleon obsessives to write several articles for the Oregon Historical Quarterly. In fact, her research was so extensive, the editor at the OHQ agreed to devote an entire issue to the Santo Cristo

“I’ve never seen anything like this before, and I don’t think I’ll see anything like it again,” Eliza Canty-Jones, the OHQ’s editor, told me. I asked her what made La Follette’s research so exceptional. Her answer: La Follette herself. She wasn’t the first person to become obsessed with the galleon—at one point during my reporting, I sat in a maritime museum poring over a trove of files gathered by someone, now deceased, who believed the ship to be the San Francisco Xavier. But La Follette was one of the few people driven by a sense of humanity, a deep and serious respect for the people who lost their lives on the ship. “She’s amazing,” Canty-Jones said.

Canty-Jones is right—La Follette is amazing. Amazing and strange and wonderfully deliberate. I’d never met anyone like her. After our meeting at the restaurant, we talked more. I found myself wanting to be more like her. What if I were driven by a curiosity so intense that I became single-minded in a quest? What if all of us were so thirsty—unquenchably so—about the questions in our hearts?

“Do you have fans?” I asked her during one of our conversations.

“I hope not,” she replied quickly.

What if all of us were so thirsty—unquenchably so—about the questions in our hearts?

On July 11, 2017, two days after La Follette asked Aragón for help finding an image of del Bayo’s home, he responded with something even better. Attached to his email was an image of a painting.

By a stroke of luck, Aragón happened to know a history professor in San Luis Potosí. He’d reached out to her to see if she knew anything about a man named del Bayo who had once been mayor of the town. She went to a local church and, with her smartphone, snapped a photograph of an intricate altarpiece. From Mexico back to Spain, from Spain to Oregon, the photo came to La Follette’s inbox. In the painting, the Virgin Mary stands atop a Roman column, the crowned baby Jesus nestled in her arms, angels peeking out from her skirts. Below her feet, a crowd of men have fallen to their knees, awestruck. At the Virgin’s left foot, a sharp-nosed man wearing a suit of armor clasps his hands in prayer, lips parted, gazing upward. According to the painting’s caption, it is del Bayo.

La Follette gasped when she saw it. It was him! Right there! “I would never have guessed we would get a likeness of our galleon captain,” she told me, her voice softening. Here was the image of the man she’d been imagining for so long—the man who had led others across a vast ocean, had been thrown off course, had perhaps caught a glimpse of Neahkahnie just as his ship was about to capsize in a deafening storm against the rocks.

I saw a shimmer in her eyes as she talked—not from tears, it seemed, but from wonder. This was not the stern-faced person I’d first met. She had become someone else entirely. She was a treasure hunter—cunning and smart, and seemingly guided by an invisible hand, the kind of force that, if you haven’t felt it, you may never fully understand.

Chapter 4: The Gyres

There was still one more secret to be revealed, a part of the story that La Follette had kept almost entirely to herself. She confessed to me that there was a purpose behind her unusual research—maybe not a method to the madness, but a motive. There was something in it for her.

“As soon as I heard about the galleon, I wanted to do one thing only: I wanted to write an epic about it,” she said. I raised my eyebrows. Epic? Was she a poet? This was all for a poem?

I’d done research on La Follette before our meeting and hadn’t seen a thing about poetry. Turns out, that’s because almost nothing she’s written has ever been published. But she told me that the University of Oregon Archives houses more than 2,000 pieces of her work. My jaw dropped. (The University of Oregon confirmed that it houses her prolific output.)

She’d always been a poet. As a teenager, La Follette would scribble verse that was raw and angsty. Her cheeks flushed at the memory. By the time she was 25, she’d written 1,000 poems. “All of which were terrible,” she told me. As she continued to write, she devoted herself to composing poetry that read almost as if it were written in another time. She stuck with that form. Her work is never experimental, the point never diffuse or unclear. She writes about history, about nature.

Poetry was the reason she left New York City. She was living the wrong life there because she wasn’t writing. She couldn’t even bring herself to tell anyone who she really was. “Not being able to say, ‘I’m a poet,’ gave me an unspeakable sense of misery,” La Follette told me. Her voice was lost. “I couldn’t find it.”

In Oregon, she devoted herself to finding her voice again—or, really, to determining if it was ever there at all. “I was so afraid it was fly-by-night or a shallow well,” she said. Soon she was writing weekly. Poetry became her purpose. She gave herself to it. She would isolate herself if that was what it required.

But what to do with everything she produced? “The only thing I really care about, if something happens to me, God forbid, is the poetry. I have no place to give it, or no place to take it,” La Follette said. She can’t stand self-promotion, but she wanted something to come of her years of devotion. So one day she called the archivist of the special collections at the University of Oregon, a man named James Fox, and asked if he’d be interested in having her work. “There was kind of a cold little silence,” she recalled. “And he said, ‘Usually, if the archive is interested in someone, we contact you.’” La Follette argued her point—her poetry wasn’t in vogue in the publishing landscape, but she had something important to say.

Fox agreed to look at a handful of poems. “She was assertive. She had a vision,” Fox, now at California State University Sacramento, told me. La Follette anguished over which poems to send and then waited for a response. When she didn’t hear from him in due time, she called Fox. “He said the words I’ll never forget. Quote, ‘Your poetry definitely has merit,’ unquote,” La Follette recalled.

Fox agreed to take it all, intrigued not only by the volume of her work but also by its connections to La Follette’s environmental activism in Oregon. “She’s certainly an anomaly,” Fox said. “Her poetry was powerful.” It overflowed with spirituality, “of seeing God in nature. Whatever your idea of what God might be, the landscape is sacred,” Fox explained.

Fox went to Salem and took La Follette to dinner. They became friends. Every three years, she sends a new bundle of poems to the archives. It has continued to take them even though Fox has moved on.

I asked who her favorite poets were, and La Follette named a few. Among them was one that I, too, had great affection for: William Butler Yeats. It’s not uncommon to like Yeats. Still, I jumped in my seat when she said his name.

As La Follette spoke, I saw images of gyres in my mind. Gyres were of great interest to Yeats. Made of a pair of interlocking spirals, they form a shape much like an hourglass, one ascending, growing smaller as it meets the belly of another, which simultaneously descends into the first. Time in geometric form. One spiral beginning only because another ends. Death and life. The Basque nobleman and the poet who found him, connected.

As the galleon was crashing, and the story of the men on board was ending, a new story was beginning. It was one of myths and searchers and romantics. Two tales woven together, each incomplete without the other.

Poetry became her purpose. She gave herself to it. She would isolate herself if that was what it required.

What La Follette had embarked on was unlike anything I’d ever heard among the writers I know: historical research spanning years and years in order to write a single poem. The special issue of the history quarterly was a byproduct. All the mining, the money, the people assisting in other parts of the world—La Follette wrangled it to write a poem that might never be published, that might sit forever in an archive.

After I left our meeting at the restaurant, I pulled my car to the side of the road and jotted down a note about La Follette, one that felt addressed to my future self. That finally I’d met someone who’d found a way to block out all the inessentials of the world, who’d sequestered herself inside her curiosity and never lost her focus on protecting that. In the days and weeks and months after our meeting, I thought of her every time I became distracted. I thought about rising early in the morning, stationing myself in a corner of my house with only a candle and a pencil and the thoughts in my head. But I never did it.

In March 2019, I asked La Follette for another interview. I wanted to talk about her poetry, I told her. I wanted to know where she wrote, and how. She said yes.

She lives in a white World War II–era home on a long Salem street full of houses just like it. The branches and leaves of tall trees condense the misting rain into thick, heavy glops that fall on the people walking below. We sat in La Follette’s small dining room, off a kitchen painted a quiet mint green, at a table covered in a white floral tablecloth. There were stacks of books piled on top, mostly nonfiction books about maritime culture. There wasn’t any fiction; she doesn’t read it. Framed photographs hung on a wall next to the table—a dramatic slot canyon, a coastline shrouded in clouds.

I’d noticed before that when La Follette talked about the galleon, she mentioned the sensory experience of what it must have been like on board the Santo Cristo—how it smelled, what the men ate. She imagined what their moans sounded like once they realized they’d run off course, wandering the ocean. She saw things differently, felt things differently, too. She told me why; it’s a neurological condition called synesthesia.

When she looks at the color of someone’s shirt, a taste emerges across her palate or a tone buzzes in her ears. That day, she was wearing a purple fleece jacket that tasted of warm apple cake and butter. She had a gray one that put the earthy texture of dried mushrooms in her mouth. “After I wear it for an hour or two, I’m like, I gotta get out of this thing,” she said. “The colors that you see in the house are all colors that I can handle.” The tastes they generated were good ones; the tones weren’t too loud.

For all her life, even before the galleon business, poetry to La Follette was like prayer or meditation or feeding herself regular meals. It was also a way of expressing the interconnected sensory experience she was living. A routine that allowed her to focus her way of seeing the world.

She writes most days, and she begins late, after she’s finished working in her home office, made dinner, and read a book. It could be 11 p.m. She boils water for tea, then carries two kerosene lanterns into the dining room. She sets them on the table, touches a match to their wicks, and carefully replaces their glass chimneys. A pad of lined paper and a Bic pen are ready for her. She sits, turns around a small wooden clock so that it faces away from her—“I’m not in the world of time anymore,” she told me—and begins. The only image in her line of sight is a small woodcut of a seeker: a man whose head cranes upward, as if he’s looking beyond earth and sky into an unknown celestial world.

She doesn’t stop writing for hours; the lanterns cast shadows that jump across the walls until one or two in the morning. “I’m in a very small pool of light, and there’s darkness all around me,” she said. There is only her small, looping cursive and the rhythm of the words on the page. And, occasionally, more tea.

Two months after the OHQ hit local shelves, La Follette began work on her epic poem about the galleon. For years she’d kept to a strict routine, writing on Wednesdays and Thursdays, editing on Tuesdays and Saturdays. Now she added a new day: Sundays were for the galleon.

On the day I visited her, she’d been at it for months, though she said she was taking a short break after writing about the wreck and the bloody aftermath. She’d known it was coming. Eventually, she’d write of a massacre, when indigenous men killed some of the sailors for assaulting local women. She knew it might stop her cold. Maybe she wouldn’t be able to continue. “I’ve been dealing with these men and their fates, trying to bring them back into history, for three years now,” she told me.

But she marched into the breach headlong. She wrote and wrote, and her body was wrecked when she finished. She was exhausted, panting. “It was so emotionally intense,” she told me, her face slack at the memory.

The poem would cover everything: the voyage, the wreck, the oral histories, the treasure hunting—all of it. Even the men like Fire and Kretsinger, whom I’d come to think of as a little wild-eyed. She rejected that idea. “Nobody who walks the borders of new ideas is going to be ordinary,” she said. “It’s not appropriate to dismiss them as wild-eyed crazies rooting in the mud of Neahkahnie. I look at them very differently. They were responding in their own way to the enormous and powerful presence of Neahkahnie Mountain. And also responding to the ancient but vague tragedy.”

They were dreamers, like her.

Epilogue: The Beginning

On a November morning, I went to a place near to where the Santo Cristo ran aground some 326 years earlier to see if just maybe I might find a bit of wax or a piece of porcelain. Neahkahnie Mountain was watching. I walked along the shoreline, following beachcombers in the mist, their heads down and their shoulders slumped. We were the wonderers and wanderers, the scavengers and optimists who thought that maybe Neahkahnie would smile on us in a way it had no one else. My eyes fell on every rock and shell fragment as if each were a possible discovery. But no, they were just rocks and shells.

Why was I here? What was I looking for if not the Goonies-style adventure I once thought I might find? I knew so much now about what really happened here, and it was bittersweet to see it differently than I’d imagined.

I was thinking about all this when I spotted a small plastic bottle, about the size of a cheap pint of vodka. When I got close, I could see it wasn’t trash. Inside was a rolled up piece of yellow paper. I looked around for someone who might have dropped it, but there was no one.

This couldn’t be an actual message in a bottle, could it?

I picked it up and speed-walked down the beach toward the house where I was staying, where my retired mom was reading on her iPad. “Mom!” I yelled, throwing the door open like I hadn’t in thirty years. “I found a message in a bottle!” Scuffing my boots on the front mat, I held up the bottle, caked in sand, so she could see it.

“Holy shit! You meant it!” she said, flinging the iPad away, padding toward me as I withdrew the yellow scroll from the bottle. I carefully unfurled the wet paper, releasing sand fleas onto the kitchen counter. Mom stabbed at them, screeching, with a paper towel.

When the note was laid flat, all I could see were the pencil scribblings of a toddler. There was an s, an f. The figures in between looked more like cave drawings than letters. I couldn’t help but think of a kid somewhere, probably not far away, scratching a message onto the paper, tucking it into the bottle, then chucking it into the ocean. Maybe it came from long ago; maybe it had been thrown out there yesterday.

Once it was dry, I put the note where it belonged, in between the pages of La Follette’s research in a copy of the OHQ—a treasure hunter’s equivalent of a flower pressed in the pages of an old book.

As the galleon was crashing, and the story of the men on board was ending, a new story was beginning.

It was the New Year, early 2020, when I heard from La Follette again. An email. Subject line: “The epic is done!!”

I was standing at my kitchen counter, and I rushed to plug my phone in, heart thudding against my ribcage as I opened the attachment. The Wreck of the Santo Cristo, the title page read. I took a deep breath. What spirals would I find? I slid down to the floor, a pot of rice simmering above me, and began to read.

This is the tale of the unknown tragedy,   The wreck and disappearance of the Santo Cristo,A Manila galleon, a strong castle on the sea,   That fought winter gales and pride’s pitiless blow,   Warring constellations and winds turned foe,And ghastly fate. Hounded by an evil star,A ship forced to shores remote and far.

I thought about how, at one of our meetings, La Follette had told me about the time she knocked on the door of a Manzanita beachcomber and asked to hold a piece of porcelain he’d pulled from the sand. She’d never actually touched anything from the galleon. The man placed a bit of china into her palm. When she held it, she didn’t taste a thing, didn’t hear a low aria. But she did picture a man in her mind, a noble captain whose fingers might once have brushed up against its cold white surface.

As I read La Follette’s poem, my eyes and cheeks were hot knowing finally, with certainty, that the treasure of Neahkahnie had always been real. It was something no man could ever find in the earth. It was something else entirely. The senses, distilled. Moments in time, converged. It was the work of a seeker who poked her head among the stars.

She saw something up there. And she brought it back.


Click here to read a selection of Cameron La Follette’s poetry about the lost galleon, published exclusively by The Atavist.


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The Wild Ones

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The Wild Ones

People said that women had no place in the Grand Canyon and would likely die trying to run the Colorado River. In 1938, two female scientists set out to prove them wrong.

By Melissa Sevigny

The Atavist Magazine, No. 96


Melissa Sevigny is a science writer based in Flagstaff, Arizona, and the author of two books, Mythical River and Under Desert Skies (both 2016).

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Designer: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Adam Przybyl
Images: Norman D. and Doris Nevills Photograph Collection, courtesy of Special Collections, J. Willard Marriott Library, University of Utah

Acknowledgements: The narrative is primarily informed by the Lois Jotter Cutter Papers, Cline Library Special Collections and Archives, Northern Arizona University. Special thanks to Peter Runge for access to material not yet curated for research, and to Ted Melis and Victor Cutter III.

Published in October 2019. Design updated in 2021.

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Prologue

The river had cut into the plateau, or else the plateau had risen around the river. No one could say for sure in 1938. But what did it matter how it formed? It was there, this sunset-hued cleft of stone in the high country of Arizona. A warning. A challenge.

An Englishman who toured northern Arizona that year declared, “Out here is a country almost without a history,” a fantastical landscape of weird pinnacles, sheer cliffs, and menacing canyons. He was wrong, of course. The Grand Canyon had a history, printed in lines of pink and beige down its mile-deep walls, with trilobites as punctuation. Generations of Navajo, Hopi, Zuni, Havasupai, Hualapai, Southern Paiute, and Yavapai-Apache had called this place sacred and considered it home. For some of them it was the place of origin, where all humankind arose.

Tourists at Grand Canyon National Park—numbering more than 300,000 annually by the end of the 1930s—did not think of it that way. They came to the South Rim to lean over the low stone walls and gape at the Colorado River far below, a loose silver thread in a tapestry of stone. They gasped, they marveled. The river was a wild place, maybe the last wild place in America. Tourists thought of it as untrammeled, untouched, and nearly impossible to explore. And after they saw it, they went away.

Dams, though, had begun to tame the river, especially since the Boulder Dam (renamed the Hoover Dam in 1947) slammed shut its gates in 1936 and knotted the river into Lake Mead along the Arizona and Nevada border. River runners had begun to float the Colorado, but not many, and not very often. Only a dozen expeditions—just over 50 men, all told—had traversed the Grand Canyon by boat since John Wesley Powell led a government-funded expedition to map the river in 1869, during which boats were destroyed and three men vanished. Those who ventured into the canyon emerged with stories of wreckage flung along the rocks and skeletons tucked into stony alcoves clutching withered cactus pads in their bony fingers. The Colorado was considered one of the most dangerous rivers in the world.

When an expedition arrived in the town of Green River, Utah, in the summer of 1938 with an ambitious itinerary in hand, local residents and veteran river runners were quick to shake their heads. The group planned to row the Green River 120 miles to its confluence with the Colorado, then drift through Cataract Canyon, the fabled graveyard of the Colorado, where whitewater and hidden rocks conspired to smash boats to smithereens. They would resupply at a landing site called Lees Ferry, near the Utah-Arizona border, and then enter the Grand Canyon, where the only way to communicate with the outside world would involve a long, grueling hike to the rim. Ninety miles downstream, they’d have one last chance to break—abandon the river—at Phantom Ranch. After that, there’d be no choice but to make the harrowing descent downstream to Lake Mead. If they did, they’d have traveled more than 600 miles by river.

“You couldn’t pay me to join them,” declared one river rat.

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It was high summer, a season when broiling heat gave way to black, booming thunderstorms. The Green River was already muddy and swollen with rainwater. The Colorado ran at nearly full flood stage. In addition to terrifying rapids, the expedition’s members would face heat, hunger, and fatigue.

Not least among the journey’s many dangers, according to “experienced river men” who refused to give their names to the national newspapers covering the expedition, was the presence of women in the party. Only one woman had ever attempted the trip through the Grand Canyon. Her name was Bessie Hyde, and she’d vanished with her husband, Glen, on their honeymoon in 1928. Their boat was found empty. Their bodies were never recovered.

Unnamed sources told reporters that the two women in the crew were “one of the hazards, as they are ‘so much baggage’ and would probably need help in an emergency.” They were scientists—botanists, to be precise. “So they’re looking for flowers and Indian caves,” a river runner said. “Well, I don’t know about that, but I do know they’ll find a peck of trouble before they get through.”

In fact, Elzada Clover and Lois Jotter had come from Michigan with much hardier plants in mind. Tucked into side canyons, braving what Jotter called “barren and hellish” conditions, were tough, spiny things: species of cactus that no one had ever catalogued before. Clover and Jotter would become the first people to do so—if they survived.

But the newspapers didn’t much care about that. Journalists crowed that the women had come to “conquer” the Colorado, and they fixated on the likelihood of failure. In the privacy of her journal, 24-year-old Jotter had a one-word reply: “Hooey.”

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Lois Jotter on the banks of a placid stretch of river.

1.

On her birth certificate she was Mary Lois Jotter, except that a clerk had transposed the a and r and given her a mangled first name—Mraythat no one could pronounce. The state of California was not particularly concerned with correcting the mistake. It took her parents some two decades to amend the spelling on official records. No matter: She preferred to go by Lois anyway.

Jotter spent her teenage years in Michigan, roaming the woods on Sunday afternoons, delighting in the exotic plants of a botanical garden near her home. Her father, E.V. Jotter, was a forester from a German Mennonite family. Her mother, Artie May Lomb, had come from a lineage of distinguished engineers. They encouraged, even expected, their daughter to love science. She could trace her desire to be a botanist back to a particular moment, when her father pointed out Acer negundo, the box elder maple. She was seven.

She studied biology and botany at the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor and plowed ahead with her Ph.D. work in a department that had only two female faculty members. Jotter’s focus was the cytogenetics of Oenothera, the evening primrose. She spent summers as a camp counselor in Michigan, and she learned to row a boat so she could rescue any kids who toppled into the lake. In 1937, while still in graduate school, she worked in Yosemite as a National Park Service naturalist.

As much as Jotter loved the outdoors, she thought of herself as bookish and a bit of a klutz. She wasn’t particularly adventurous—certainly not as much as her mentor, Elzada Clover, a professor at the university. The two women shared an apartment in Michigan for two years and were friends as well as colleagues. Born on a Nebraska farm, Clover was drawn to the open spaces and fierce beauty of the desert. She spent the summer of 1937 collecting plants in a lonely corner of Utah. There she met a river runner named Norman Nevills in a dusty town called Mexican Hat. Clover suggested that they take mules into the Grand Canyon to collect plant specimens for research. Nevills was enthusiastic. But, he said, why not take boats instead?

Each agreed to invite two more people on the expedition. Nevills found Don Harris, a young engineer with the U.S. Geological Survey, and William Gibson, an artist and photographer from San Francisco. Clover invited Gene Atkinson, a 25-year-old zoologist at the University of Michigan. The final slot needed to be filled by a woman, for the sake of propriety: It wouldn’t look right for Clover to be the only female in the group.

At first, Clover hesitated to invite Jotter. As Jotter put it, “She knew my parents had no spare daughter.” But Jotter jumped at the chance to go; what botanist could resist the lure of collecting material from a place as remote and mysterious as the Grand Canyon? The prospect caught her imagination. Jotter had to request time off from her thesis work, and she needed her father’s permission to go, written up in a formal letter to show the head of the botany department at the University of Michigan. She also needed $200 to cover her share of the cost of the expedition’s boats and supplies. She wrote her family a flurry of letters in the months before the trip. 

“If I weren’t almost certain (cheerful thought) that we would get thru OK I wouldn’t go,” she wrote to her father, though she admitted that she’d probably be “scared pink” most of the time.

Jotter filled her letters with reassuring details: a careful accounting of the costs involved, her confidence in Clover to protect her from the “familiarities” of men, the river experience of the rest of the crew, and the greatly improved maps of the Grand Canyon. She even listed the clothes she’d wear: long-sleeved shirts, fitted overalls, cork helmet, wool socks. “This is carefully planned,” she wrote. “I know that I’m not getting into any lark, but you know, that it will be something I’ll always regret not doing, if I don’t.”

Her father gave his blessing and sent the $200. When the spring semester ended, Jotter told a friend about her summer plans. The friend’s mother overheard the conversation and was aghast. “Have you seen that river?” she asked.

“Yes,” Jotter lied. She hadn’t seen the Colorado, but she’d read everything about it she could get her hands on. The title alone of Clyde Eddy’s 1929 book Down the World’s Most Dangerous River might have scared her off. But there were also the tales of Powell’s footsore crew eating handfuls of moldy flour. Or the drawings she’d seen of ominous rock spires blotting out the sun. Jotter felt she’d done her homework: She knew what to expect.

The friend whose mother had been aghast mentioned Jotter’s summer plans to journalist at the student newspaper, the Michigan Daily. The story made the front page, with the headline: “Faculty Women to Face Danger on Stormy Colorado for Science.” Cameramen from The Detroit News were in the parking lot on June 7 when Jotter, Clover, and Atkinson loaded up their gear. The trio agreed to a last-minute photo shoot—perhaps, though nobody said it aloud, a final photo shoot.

Then the three scientists piled into Atkinson’s car for the weeklong drive to Utah. Even that comparatively tame adventure had moments of foreboding. Clover admired a long black car that passed them on the road before realizing it was a hearse. Jotter woke in her hotel room one night to wailing sirens as a bakery across the street went up in flames. “I am saved for the Colorado,” Jotter noted in her diary as firefighters doused the blaze.

Only her roommate back in Michigan, Kay Hussey, knew that Jotter had boxed and labeled her possessions for distribution before she’d left for Utah. Just in case.

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Norm Nevills’s father, William, building a cataract boat.

2.

The town of Mexican Hat, Utah, named for a rock formation that looked like a jaunty stone sombrero, had no electricity. Nevills, his father, William E. Nevills, and Harris used hand tools to build the three boats that would carry the expedition down the river, working out of the little hotel that Nevills ran in town. Each boat measured 16 feet long and was held together by some 2,000 screws, with watertight compartments at either end and a hull reinforced by oak ribs. They were newfangled vessels of Nevills’s own design—he called them cataract boats. They had a shallow draft and eight-foot-long wooden oars thrust through eye hooks on each side. The boatman sat in the center and faced downstream. Though the cataracts were wider than the boats traditionally used on the Colorado, there wasn’t much room for passengers. They had to cling to the front or rear deck or get out and walk in rough water.

Each boat had its name printed on the side—the Botany, the WEN (Nevills’s father’s initials), and the Mexican Hat—along with big block letters reading “Nevills Expedition.” The sight dismayed Jotter. She had envisioned the trip as a scientific voyage under Clover’s direction, during which their collected plant specimens would be carefully transported to the University of Michigan for study. Nevills had a different idea entirely: This was a business venture with paying passengers. He hoped to make a name for himself as the Grand Canyon’s first commercial river guide—though he’d never run the Colorado River before. (No one on the trip had.) Nevills’s experience included floating the San Juan, a tributary of the Colorado that passed through Mexican Hat. The journey ahead could make or break his career. He needed publicity, as much as he could muster. It helped that the two women brought a frenzy of news coverage with them from Michigan. When he got the chance to talk to reporters, Nevills emphasized the care and precautions he’d taken preparing for the expedition. It was as safe as any journey downriver in nearly unknown territory could be.

They were risking their lives—everyone in the group was clear about that. They just weren’t in agreement on why. Was it for publicity or for plants? News wires picked up the Michigan Daily story, and each retelling was more sensationalized than the last. The “relic flora” and “important cacti” mentioned in the original article became “botanical freaks” in an Associated Press story. Eventually, nothing much was said about science at all. One reporter noted, “The women, besides their scientific work, will do the cooking.” Articles described “Miss” Clover as a 40-year-old college professor, plump and bespectacled, while Jotter was thin, freckle-faced, and nearly six feet tall. Indignant, Jotter corrected that description whenever she could: She was five feet seven and a half inches.

On June 19, a caravan of cars left Mexican Hat pulling the three boats on trailers. The six expedition members drove to Green River, where they were mobbed by reporters and autograph hunters. Clover and Jotter, hot and dusty from the drive, were dressed in practical brown overalls.

“Do you think women can do anything a man can do?” an Associated Press newsman wanted to know.

No, the women replied emphatically. The question annoyed Jotter. In terms of strength, she probably couldn’t do the same work as a man. But her mind, her abilities, and (she hoped) her endurance in the rough country ahead were just as good. Or better.

“What do you think of the riverman’s statement in the Saturday Evening Post?” came the next question.

They’d seen the article, of course. Everyone had. The riverman was Buzz Holmstrom, a 29-year-old from Oregon who’d run the Grand Canyon solo the year before—the only person on record to achieve that feat. The Post had printed a seven-page, blow-by-blow account of his thousand-mile journey from the Colorado River’s headwaters in Wyoming all the way to Lake Mead. Holmstrom was speaking of the vanished honeymooner Bessie Hyde when he said, “Women have their place in the world, but they do not belong in the Canyon of the Colorado.”

Jotter smiled at the journalist who asked the question. “Just because the only other woman who ever attempted this trip was drowned,” she replied, “is no reason women have any more to fear than men.”

At least that’s what the newspapers reported. In her diary that night, Jotter scribbled wearily that she’d tried to speak as little as possible, knowing how easily her comments could be misconstrued. “My dear, don’t believe anything you do see that is supposed to be something we said,” she wrote in a letter to Kay Hussey, her roommate, “because we’ve been beautifully misquoted out here.” Jotter also enclosed a schedule of the journey in the short letter to her friend: “Lees Ferry, Arizona, July 4. Grand Canyon, July 14. Boulder Dam, July 30,” she wrote. “Please do not be worried if we don’t get there on the exact date, as we may lay over for a week for high water.”

The two botanists stayed up late that night creating makeshift plant presses—strips of newspaper layered with blotting paper to absorb moisture, held between cardboard and cinched tight with leather straps. They’d insert plants and squeeze them flat to preserve them, a tricky proposition with cactus, and send them back to Michigan in three shipments: one at the start of the Grand Canyon, one halfway down, and one from Lake Mead. The presses would be stuffed into the boat hatches along with the food, life preservers, and Clover’s sewing kit. Other supplies included Jotter’s bedroll: a mammoth creation of overlapping blankets around an air mattress—a gift from her parents—wrapped in heavy canvas ground cloth. Most of the food was canned, even the potatoes, the fruit, and a brand of dried milk called Klim.

Early the next morning, the party put into the Green River. “Two flora-minded women from Michigan join four equally adventurous men today in a daring boat trip down the restless Colorado river’s mile-deep gorge in quest of nature’s secrets,” began the adjective-riddled Associated Press story. For all her bravado in letters to her parents, Jotter felt relieved when the three boats floated just fine in the water.

On the placid river, sliding in the shade of cottonwood trees, the memory of dire predictions began to fade. Everything seemed planned, predictable, safe. “Much singing and sitting on sundeck,” Jotter wrote in her logbook of those early days. On the third night of the trip, Nevills gave the group a lecture on how to run the rapids ahead. Jotter recorded his advice: “If you do get sucked in, hit stern first and square, current not too strong at cliff walls, quarter up-stream, row against, always hang on to boat, etc. etc. Finally and so to bed.”

Later, Jotter added a wry note to that entry, “I guess I really must not have listened to all this with any sense of responsibility.”

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3.

They reached the Colorado River on June 23. That’s when the trouble began. 

Here, at the confluence with the Green River, they’d enter Cataract Canyon—with its 63 rapids, the most treacherous stretch of river they’d encounter. The group pulled their boats ashore to scout the rapids and search the canyon walls for an inscription left by Powell. The river was a churning white maelstrom, crunching logs and trapping boulders in its maw. While the men plotted their course, Clover took the opportunity to snatch up a few plant specimens and Jotter rested on the shore. The character of the river had changed, it seemed—it was now deep, swift, and powerful. Then Gibson shouted: “My God! There goes the Mexican Hat!” Jotter’s boat had tugged free from its mooring on shore, empty except for much-needed supplies. She dashed to the river’s edge. Her rowing partner, Don Harris, ran past her, calling for Jotter to follow him. They both climbed into the WEN.

“We’re going right through, so hang on!” Harris shouted.

Jotter bailed water with an empty coffee can while Harris put his back into the oars. In no time, the river had swept them around a bend, out of sight of their companions. Somewhere between terrified and exhilarated, they rode out four rapids before Harris pulled into an eddy to rest.

“Do you want to stay here while I go on?” he asked between heaving gasps. 

“No,” Jotter said.

Back into the main current they went. Waves crashed as the sun went down. Soaked and chilled, they beached again—there was still no sign of the Mexican Hat. But Jotter thought she glimpsed a sandy patch of land ahead, the kind of spot where a boat might run ashore. They continued along the riverbank until they saw a flash of white paint and a curved prow. The boat had indeed run aground, with all its food, clothing, and blankets still safely stowed. It had traveled five miles.

Harris left Jotter and walked back upriver to deliver the news to the rest of the crew. He promised to return as quickly as he could. He found his companions waiting around a little campfire on the opposite bank, cooking a dreary dinner of canned peas. Harris shouted to get their attention.

Clover, Nevills, Gibson, and Atkinson quickly climbed into the Botany and crossed the choppy water, fighting to hold a straight line. In giddy relief, they shook Harris’s hand and clapped him on the back. He and Atkinson decided to walk back to Jotter, taking the only flashlight. The rest of the group resigned themselves to a miserable night. The Botany had no cooking utensils and hardly any bedding among its cargo. They had to “chuck conventions”—Clover’s words—and huddle together for warmth. “What a night for the first one on the Colorado!” she wrote in her journal.

Harris and Atkinson didn’t make it back to Jotter straight away. The boulder-strewn terrain proved too difficult to navigate in darkness, and they lay shivering on a rock in wet clothes until dawn. Jotter spent the night alone. She dried out the food and bedding on the Mexican Hat and collected driftwood for a fire. She put her back against a stone and kept her face toward the flames. She toasted some bread and ate it. The river was rising, and soon Jotter had to move the fire back from its encroaching edge. Stars bloomed in the night sky above the canyon’s close walls—a great river of stars, perfectly echoing the real river below.

Jotter should have been afraid. Almost no one believed that she belonged on the expedition, let alone out on her own in the treacherous wilderness. The journey had barely begun—500 dangerous miles stretched ahead. Cataract Canyon was the expedition’s first test, and it seemed they were failing it. They were cut off from any hope of help if someone was injured, a boat was damaged by the rocks, or their food supply spoiled.

The noises of the night rose around Jotter—water rushing amid the roots of willow trees, the susurration of the river, small creatures rustling in the brush. She wrote in her logbook, “Felt quite alone.” But the solitude didn’t frighten her. She confessed, “I had a lovely time.”


Morning dawned pink and gold. Jotter woke early, washed her face in the river, and carefully applied her makeup, just as she and Clover did every morning in the early days of the expedition, before Jotter gave it up as “useless.” Then she waited. Harris and Atkinson arrived first, relieved to find her safe, and the rest came down in the Botany not long after, hungry for breakfast. 

Reunited, they continued downriver. Nevills and Harris, who had the most rowing experience, sometimes took the boats through the rapids one at a time, walking back between each run. It gave Gibson a chance to film with his 45-pound movie camera as the boatmen ran the rapids. But the arrangement also meant long periods of separation and nerve-fraying waits. Once, Gibson announced that he would abandon the river and walk to Moab, Utah, if Nevills turned up dead.

The mishap in Cataract Canyon had shaken the expedition. Sometimes Nevills didn’t want to plow through the whitewater before them. Instead, the group “lined” the boats—guiding them by rope from the shore—or dragged them overland on skids. Or they unloaded and carried them. Everyone pitched in when a portage was required; it was grueling work in the heat, with loose stones to dodge and pink rattlesnakes coiled in the sand. Nevills fretted that the women were taking on too much of the physical labor.

They drank river water that left their mouths lined with clay and grit in their teeth. A week into the trip, everyone grew nauseous. Prescription: a shot of whiskey. Gibson awoke one night in terror, yelling about the river closing over his head. After a while, even the rocks seemed to ripple and heave.

Like the river, Jotter’s journal took on a different character. During the wearisome drive from Michigan to Utah, she had delighted in plants—or, in her words, “botanized lots.” She noted the sinuous tracks of cottonwoods, recorded goatsbeard, white larkspur, and evening primrose, and lamented a “rather barren stretch as far as flowers go.” Now, on the Colorado, she and Clover rose every morning before the rest of the crew to gather plants, make notes, and cook breakfast for everyone. In the evening, one of them would press the specimens collected that day while the other made dinner. Jotter had little to say about their findings in her logbook. The botanists’ collection, she believed, would speak for itself once it was back in Michigan.

Jotter’s writing focused instead on the novelty of river life: cooking food over a campfire, washing clothes (her own and sometimes those of “the boys”), trying to bathe in the river or change in the privacy of her bedroll—all the daily domestic concerns of making and breaking camp. Only one topic consumed her more, and that was running the rapids.

On June 29, the group awoke to a landslide in the distance raising a cloud of white dust. The river was still high, muddy and red with runoff from the rain. Gypsum Creek Rapid lay ahead. The water seemed smooth, and Nevills decided to run it without stopping first to scout. Nevills and Clover went first in the WEN, then Gibson and Atkinson in the Botany. Without warning, the boats plunged over a steep drop. The Botany was tossed up, then overturned. Atkinson clung to the hull, but Gibson was gone, swept into the river—his nightmare come true.

Clover wrote that the little boat caught in the curl of the wave would have been a “beautiful sight if it had not been so dangerous.” Nevills bent to the oars of the WEN, heading to intercept Atkinson and the overturned boat. Atkinson clambered aboard while Clover grabbed the Botany’s trailing rope and hung on. Six feet from the shore, Nevills jumped out, intending to tie up the boats, but the slick rope ran through his fingers. He went into the river, too, while the boats swept on without him.

Some ways behind, Jotter and Harris made the run safely in the Mexican Hat, though they nearly lost the oars as the waves pummeled their boat. They found an exhausted Gibson struggling to keep his head above the water and pulled him aboard. Downstream they picked up Nevills, who had managed to swim to the riverbank. But the WEN and capsized Botany were gone from sight, lost to the raging river.

The foursome made their way downstream with painful slowness, sometimes walking and lining the boat, sometimes rowing with all four of them crammed together in the tiny craft. (“Felt like a blooming ferry,” Jotter noted.) Dark Canyon Rapid was looming—they could hear its hollow, ominous boom. Had their companions made it to safety before reaching it?

Then Clover and Atkinson came into view, waiting on the shore around a fire, the two boats tied up beside them. They’d come through nine rapids in a little more than five miles, all while towing an upturned boat—a wild, battering ride. Atkinson had a deep gash in his leg, and Clover had a purple bruise blossoming on her thigh. Everything in the Botany was soaked, including the food supplies and Gibson’s prized movie camera. “Much rejoicing,” Jotter wrote in her logbook that night.

Nevills did not echo the sentiment. He reckoned that he’d brought a group of greenhorns onto the Colorado, and everyone could imagine what the newspapers would say if an empty boat washed up at Lees Ferry. The were behind schedule—the party was expected by July 4, but they weren’t going to make it. The river had shown its claws and teeth. In a moment of despair, Nevills told his companions, “This is the end of my career as a riverman.”

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4.

Back then, the Department of the Interior planned to construct dozens of dams along the Colorado River, for hydropower, water supply, and recreation. Government engineers envisioned a series of ponds from one end of the Grand Canyon to the other to reduce the rough, silt-laden river into a clear, controlled stream. Jotter carried the specter of that possible future with her in the form of topographical maps made by Colonel Claude Birdseye of the Geological Survey in 1923, when he was tasked with identifying potential dam sites. She’d gotten copies of the maps from the colonel himself before the trip—though before giving them up, Birdseye tried to dissuade her father from letting her go at all.

Jotter didn’t know that the canyons the expedition drifted through would one day be submerged beneath the waters of an artificial lake. The group lined Dark Canyon Rapid rather than risk another disastrous run. It was here that a tributary called Dirty Devil River poured into the Colorado. A few decades later, that confluence would vanish behind Glen Canyon Dam under the waters of Lake Powell.

The group sometimes spotted the names of travelers who had made it that far, painted up on imposing walls of rock. “Buzz Holmstrom” still shone fresh from 1937, an unwelcome reminder of his declaration: “Women do not belong in the Canyon of the Colorado.” Eight miles farther along, another sheer cliff bore the words “The Eddy Expdtn,” badly faded, and “Hyde,” with a date below: November 1, 1928. Bessie and Glen Hyde hadn’t lived to see December.

While the others labored to unload and line the boats through a nearby rapid, Atkinson took a can of white paint and added “Nevills Expedition” to the cliff, with all six of their names below. At first, Jotter winced at defacing the stone, but she didn’t voice an objection. It was hard not to wonder: Would this be a record of their accomplishment or an epitaph?


Reporters in the world above the canyon seized on the expedition’s nonappearance at Lees Ferry to speculate, with ghoulish glee, about its fate. The Geological Survey reported unusually high water on the Colorado, and plenty of rivermen were willing to speak about the “unimaginable difficulties” of the trip and condemn the expedition for being “thoroughly unplanned.” Unnamed sources believed that the party was “drifting helplessly on the crest of the stream, or already smashed to bits on the jagged rocks.” Journalists took every opportunity to remind their readers that “no woman had ever before conquered the Colorado.”

One reporter cornered Holmstrom, then working as a boatman for a Lake Mead tour company, and asked his opinion of the “lost” expedition. Holmstrom detailed the dangers the group were facing, then added, “I’m glad I’m not on that trip, but I certainly hope they get through all right.” Soon after, he hitched up his boat to his car and set out for Utah: He would stage a rescue if need be.

Meanwhile, Jotter’s family lived in daily expectation of news—bad news. Jotter’s mother traveled to Ohio to visit her mother, who wept in terror over Jotter’s fate. “I have a deep and growing realization and conviction of personal responsibility,” Jotter’s father wrote to his wife while she was away. “No use to tell you not to worry. You will and so will I.”

Early on the morning of July 7, a plane flew over the Colorado River, searching for the missing group. It wasn’t until evening that the pilot spotted them, preparing for supper on a willow-shaded sandbar. The plane circled and dropped leaflets like snow. The expedition party scattered, each person trying to catch one. Nevills and Harris went to scale a nearby cliff, and Gibson climbed a willow, while Clover found herself mired in mud. Jotter stayed where she was—she was busy cooking—and Atkinson stayed with her. They were rewarded when a fluttering piece of paper landed nearby. It read:

We are U.S. Coast Guard plane searching for a party of six U. of Michigan geologists reportedly late at Lee’s Ferry. If you are they, lie down all in a row, and then stand up. If in need of food, sit up. If members of the party are all ok, extend arms horizontally. It is imperative that we know who you are, so identify yourself by first signal first.

Jotter and Atkinson went through the necessary gymnastics. Gibson returned and joined in. The plane dipped its wings and departed, ready to send good news to the world.


The expedition arrived at Lees Ferry four days behind schedule. Reporters were sprawled on the sand, asleep. When they woke to the three boats and six crew members pulling in, they scrambled. Ultimately, the weary group were persuaded to stage their arrival a second time so that news cameras could capture the moment. Then they devoured watermelon, too absorbed in the delight of fresh fruit to answer questions.

Jotter had letters waiting, along with a piece of her brother’s wedding cake. He’d been married on July 1, a date chosen to distract their parents from worrying too much about his sister. The expedition would stay a week at Marble Canyon Lodge to rest and resupply. Jotter had time to dash off letters of reassurance to her family and friends, making light of the “terrible accounts of our suffering” printed in the newspapers. “Girl Left Alone,” screamed one headline on July 9, telling a vividly imaginative story of the night the Mexican Hat had gotten loose. It painted a picture of Jotter stranded on the tempestuous river’s shore while wild animals howled. Jotter wrote emphatically to her father not to believe a word of it. “At no time was I cold, unfed; nor did I hear animals growling from the rim.… Really most of the stuff written has been absurd, and so wrong that the only right thing was the date-line.” To her roommate, Hussey, she wrote, “May not continue trip, but keep that quiet for the present.”

Two of the group decided to depart. Harris and Atkinson had new jobs waiting for them back home, and Atkinson was disgruntled that he’d had no time to collect zoological specimens, which he’d planned to sell to make up the cost of the trip. This meant that the crew were short two oarsmen. The expedition had reached the mouth of the Grand Canyon, but it wouldn’t enter unless it could recruit two people who could handle a boat and were willing to take on the river’s most dangerous rapids. Clover and Nevills borrowed a decrepit truck and drove straight through the night back to Mexican Hat, where they hoped to find volunteers.

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Bill Gibson, Buzz Holmstrom, and Gene Atkinson (from left) with Jotter on Navajo Bridge.

5.

Jotter and Gibson were finishing up a long, lazy breakfast the next morning at Marble Canyon Lodge when a rattling Buick towing a battered gray boat pulled up outside. A stocky, weather-beaten man climbed out of the car: Buzz Holmstrom. He’d learned the expedition wasn’t lost soon after arriving at the boat launch in Green River. No one needed a rescue, but curiosity drove him to the lodge: Holmstrom had come about these women on the river.

Born in a logging camp in Oregon, Holmstrom had run the Rogue, Salmon, and Snake Rivers in handmade boats. He didn’t do it for money; running rivers didn’t pay. Between boat trips, he drifted from job to job. When he wasn’t broke, he sent money home to support his mother. He’d proved too shy to make a good tour guide at his current job on Lake Mead, so he spent much of his time scraping paint and sopping up bilge water.

Holmstrom hadn’t sought any publicity for his solo trip down the Colorado, worrying that some government official might try to stop him from attempting it. Afterward, the Saturday Evening Post made him famous anyway—and paid him handsomely. Holmstrom disliked media attention, but he knew its worth. Secretly, he was concocting a plan with a fellow river runner named Amos Burg to repeat his 1937 Colorado trip. This time, Burg would make color movies of the journey. They had a half-formed idea of showing them at the World’s Fair in San Francisco.

When Holmstrom first got word about the Nevills expedition, he worried that the era of derring-do on the Colorado—his era—was coming to a close. Soon anyone with money to spare would be able to pay a guide to take them down the most dangerous river in the world. Why would they want to see films of an adventure they could go on themselves? “If that weren’t enuf trouble,” he wrote to his mother, “now these women are in the canyon—if they make it I guess it will be time for me to go and hide somewhere.”

His plan for a rescue mission wasn’t entirely altruistic. When he met Jotter and Gibson at breakfast, he told them, “I brought my boat with some idea of going hunting for you.” Jotter thought there was just a trace of embarrassment in his manner when he looked at her. “Course, I thought it would be good publicity for me, too,” Holmstrom added. 

She was disarmed by his frankness. The trio spent the day together, wandering around the lodge. Holmstrom was a sympathetic listener. Jotter and Gibson relayed their difficulties, and Holmstrom described the rapids ahead: Soap Creek, House Rock, Hance, Sockdologer, Grapevine. He had no qualms admitting that he’d been terrified on his solo trip. One night in Cataract Canyon, he awoke in the darkness and stumbled down to the river to cling to the bowline, in a cold sweat at the thought of his boat tearing away downriver without him. But it had been worth it. What Jotter felt about plants, she realized, Holmstrom expressed in a kind of rough poetry about the Grand Canyon. “The spell of the canyon is awfully strong and it holds something of me I know it will never give up,” he once told an interviewer.

Jotter didn’t hold Holmstrom’s feelings about female river runners against him. She thought him “simply swell” and joked about losing her way in the canyon so that Holmstrom could indeed come to the rescue as he’d planned. She was open-hearted, candid, and eager for his advice. “I’ve never felt so much like a hero-worshipper,” she wrote in her journal.

She asked him if she should keep going, revealing the same doubt she’d shared in her letter to Hussey. He told her that she should.

The next day, Holmstrom treated his new acquaintances to lunch. Afterward, they said their farewells on Navajo Bridge, an enormous arch made of steel spanning the Colorado just below Lees Ferry. The river, 500 feet below, was an unfathomable green and deceptively calm. The canyon’s faces caught the sunlight and flashed vermillion. Gibson took a photograph of Jotter and Holmstrom leaning against the metalwork of the bridge, smiling and relaxed.

Holmstrom gave Jotter a good-luck charm to carry the rest of the trip: his waterproof match case with a compass attached to one end. She told her father in a letter that she’d accepted the souvenir as a representative of the crew but thought privately that it was a pity she was taller than Holmstrom—she didn’t like to date anyone shorter than herself. Holmstrom wrote his mother with a warm description of his visit to the lodge, filling his letter with the haphazard dashes he liked to use in lieu of proper punctuation. “They are all fine & I hope they go thru O.K. tho it would probably be better for me if they didn’t,” he wrote. “The women on that party are really doing better than the men—this Lois J. is almost 6 feet tall—rawboned—freckled & tanned—very strong works like a horse helping portage & trying to get specimens & a good sport—never complaining.”

But would they have the chance to continue? Clover and Nevills had made it as far as Tuba City, in the bleak highlands of Arizona, before they had to look for some other means of transport—the borrowed truck threatened to rattle itself apart on the washboard roads. Ed Kerley ran the trading post there. Nevills pounded on his door until he woke up and agreed to give them a ride. Better yet, Kerley had more than a working vehicle: He had a cousin, 24-year-old Lorin Bell, who was raised on the Navajo Nation and loved to travel. As Clover described the scene, they shook Bell awake and asked him if he’d like to run the river. “Hell yes!” he said. “What river?”

They continued on to Mexican Hat, where Nevills picked up a friend of his to be the second boatman, 44-year-old gold prospector Dell Reed. Nevills saw his wife, Doris, and his two-year-old daughter, Joan, before dashing back to Lees Ferry with the new recruits. Jotter was relieved. “I’m all pepped up,” she wrote to her father. The two women were tasked with repacking the boats while Nevills scheduled pictures with the press. Clover also arranged the first of three shipments back to Michigan, this one including all the plants she and Jotter had collected so far.

On July 13, cars and people lined Navajo Bridge to get one final glimpse of the three boats setting out downriver. After the near disastrous first leg of the journey, Nevills was again feeling buoyed. “This is a swell gang and we’re going to town!” he wrote as they set off. 

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From left: Jotter at camp; expedition members hiking along Havasu Creek in the Grand Canyon.

6.

At last the expedition entered the Grand Canyon. The Colorado became like a plunge into the past, each river mile revealing another chunk of prehistory. First were the pale, water-pocked ledges of the Kaibab limestone formation, laid down 250 million years ago when the desert was a sea. The farther the expedition went, the higher above them the limestone rose, all the way to the canyon’s rim, where tourists leaned over the abyss. Beneath the Kaibab was the Coconino sandstone, ancient dunes that rippled with the imprint of long-ago winds; then the Hermit shale, split with strange fossils; and then bands of Redwall limestone shot through with petrified shellfish.

There were secrets to be learned here, about past climates, warm shallow seas, and the inexorable work of uplift and erosion. But Jotter wasn’t a geologist; she’d come to find plants. In her journal, acknowledging the spectacle of stone, she scribbled, “nice clouds and red cliffs.”

On July 15, they pitched camp in a spot with an overhanging ledge in case of rain. While Clover cooked dinner, Jotter scrambled up a hillside to pluck samples of plants with fierce and lordly names: scorpionweed, catclaw, yellow spiderflower, desert prince’s plume. She cut a few leaves from an agave with a 12-foot stalk and puzzled over its curious red spines before realizing it was her own blood. “The red was my contribution!” she wrote. That night, too restless to sleep deeply in the heat, she dreamed of pressing plants in sleeves of newspaper.

Clover couldn’t sleep either. She stood spellbound beneath the gibbous moon as it illuminated the high cliffs, a play of silver light and deep shadow. She’d been warned about the Grand Canyon—its oppressive walls and gloomy crags, how the sound of water striking rocks preyed on travelers’ minds. But what she saw wasn’t fearsome. It was a nameless beauty.

Both women rose early. Scientifically, it would be the most important day on the river. They’d made Nevills promise to make a special stop at Vasey’s Paradise, where freshwater springs cascaded from the Redwall limestone in ribbons of white. Powell had looked at this spot with a geologist’s eyes, describing the spray from the sunstruck fountains as a “million brilliant gems,” but he’d named it Vasey’s Paradise after George Vasey, a friend and botanist who’d explored the upper Colorado with Powell in 1868. Plants there reveled in water: mosses, ferns, desert paintbrush, red monkey flower. Penstemon tempted hummingbirds with scarlet trumpets. “We collected furiously,” Jotter wrote in her logbook. The women sampled everything they could see except the poison ivy, which lay in green hummocks over rocks printed with the silver tracks of snails.

Bell and Gibson, meanwhile, stripped down to shorts and showered beneath one of the waterfalls. By noon the men were waiting hungrily for lunch; they expected the women to cook, as always. Clover suggested that they get out the canned food and cold biscuits left over from breakfast. They managed that, but when the women had finished pressing their samples, they found the rest of the crew “waiting bug-eyed and expectant under a rock,” still hungry. In a rare moment of impatience, Clover wrote, “We have spoiled them completely.”

Mere steps away from the springs, the canyon’s desert vegetation asserted itself—scowling cactus, shrubby saltbush. This place followed none of the neat rules Clover and Jotter had learned in botany textbooks. The naturalist C. Hart Merriam had come to Arizona in 1889 to work out his theory of life zones. He’d used the San Francisco Peaks, just east of the Grand Canyon, as a living laboratory, describing how plants grew in predictable zones determined by climate: alpine tundra descending to desert. The Grand Canyon defied all such categories. Clover and Jotter sampled moss one moment, plucked succulent pads the next. Barrel cactus blushed pink with sunburn on exposed rock faces, while across the way redbud and hackberry trees hunkered gratefully in shade. Mormon tea, with its stubby green fingers, clung to steep talus slopes. Dismembered prickly pear pads washed into the spaces between flood-tossed boulders and took root. They found an extraordinary number of hedgehog cactus, their pink blooms faded in the heat, on ledges hundreds of feet above the river.

“Here is a case,” the botanists wrote, “where drought vies with flood waters in exterminating plants struggling for existence in a trying situation.” It was what they’d come for—not to conquer or impress, but to learn.


On July 18, they entered Upper Granite Gorge, where the basement of the world lay exposed—gray Vishnu schist ribboned with pink granite, formed 1.7 billion years ago when life had not progressed beyond a single cell. No way to portage or line the boats here: They had to brave the whitewater. Holmstrom had warned Jotter about Grapevine Rapid in particular. As she looked out over the churning whirlpools, she felt “the old before-the-exam feeling in the pit of my stomach.” She smoked a cigarette and felt better but then lost her balance and nearly took a bad fall as she navigated a narrow ledge above the river. She climbed into the boat feeling weak and shaky.

“Here we go,” she told Bell, her partner on the ride.

“We’re in for it!” he replied.

A wave on one side, a hole on the other—they dashed through the rapid on what Jotter called “considerable of a ride.” There were more rapids ahead, but none so large, and before Jotter knew it the Bright Angel suspension bridge loomed ahead, bearing a gaggle of reporters. “Look as if you’re glad to be landing!” one of them yelled down.

Jotter wasn’t glad at all. “It meant people, fuss, and the end of a perfect day,” she wrote.

For generations, a narrow path here had wound from the Grand Canyon’s South Rim, down stony switchbacks, and into a green oasis of cottonwood trees. The Havasupai, whose feet had worn the path, called it Gthatv He’e (Coyote Tail Trail), a reference to the brushy ends of spruce trees. When the Grand Canyon became a national park in 1919, authorities worked to clear away old mining claims and tent camps. The government also denied the ancestral claims of Native people who moved seasonally into the canyon and onto the plateau above to hunt, gather plants, and conduct ceremonies. The Havasupai were confined to a reservation. Their path was built over and renamed Bright Angel Trail.

Floods of travelers now came down the trail on mule trains to see the river and sleep at Phantom Ranch, a hostel built in 1922. When the expedition members arrived at the ranch, weary and sunburned, they faced an admiring chorus of photographers, cowboys, and tourists. They ate dinner amid the hubbub and then headed to the river’s edge to camp in the quieter company of cottonwood trees. In celebration of their arrival, Clover passed around a jigger of whiskey. Under the cover of darkness, Jotter secretly poured hers out on the sand. They still had nearly 200 miles to go, from Bright Angel to Boulder Dam.

Most of the crew hiked to the South Rim the next morning, where civilization awaited in the form of a hot bath. Reed stayed behind with the boats. The others spent two days at the top, ushered around for photographs, interviews, and lectures, testing Jotter’s patience. She was eager to get back to the river. 

Jotter wrote to Hussey, “The canyon is lovely, Kay, and not particularly terrifying.” She added, “We’re being lionized pretty badly and as you say the emphasis has been on”—here she sketched a small circle with a cross below, symbolizing the female sex—“rather than on Botany.” Still, what they’d gathered in their press, now bulging with plants, made her proud. It was heavy and unwieldy. So rather than carry it 11 miles up the canyon herself, Clover arranged to have someone haul it up the Bright Angel Trail and ship it to Michigan. They continued downriver, leaving the press for the time being exposed to the elements at the base of the trail.

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Norm Nevills, Elzada Clover, and Emery Kolb (from left) between Bright Angel Creek and Lake Mead.

7.

The plants they saw began to change. Ocotillo appeared, bundles of sticks with firework-red sprays of flowers. Barrel cactus and agave thickened on the talus slopes. Clover and Jotter found it difficult to collect anything. There was hardly any time to stop and no easy way to dry the plants. Nevills strained an old knee injury; Bell hurt himself pulling on the oars during a bad run of whitewater. They navigated rapids—big ones—nearly every day. The women often walked, on Nevills’s orders. Jotter had high hopes of being allowed to run a rapid herself; she’d rowed a boat before, though only in calm water. But Nevills wouldn’t allow it. He didn’t mention her request in his journal but noted that he considered Jotter “too reckless.” Perhaps it was her habit of sitting up on the stern in rough water that annoyed him.

They reached Lava Falls, the Grand Canyon’s most infamous rapid. The river made a dizzying, nearly 40-foot drop here; only one or two people had ever tried to run it. “All members would like to run, of course,” Nevills noted, but he chose to line, the safer option. Somehow it had all become routine. Clover wrote, “It was just a part of the day’s work to make a flying leap for shore, to climb steep cliffs after plants, and to get photographs.”

Early in the morning on July 29, when they were just a day or two from the shores of Lake Mead, a small plane flew overhead. Nevills was cheerful that the world would soon receive word of their safety—that is, of his success helming the expedition. But the moment set off a deep melancholy in Clover. “Can’t even get away from the world here,” she lamented.

They camped that night at Diamond Creek, where 81 years earlier, Lieutenant Joseph Ives of the U.S. Army became the first non-Native to visit the bottom of the Grand Canyon. He’d come upriver by steamboat, and when it broke on the rocks at Black Canyon, he kept going on foot. “The region last explored is, of course, altogether valueless,” he’d reported. “It can only be approached from the south, and after entering it is there nothing to do but leave. Ours has been the first, and will doubtless be the last, party of whites to visit this profitless locality.” What his Hualapai guides thought of the river wasn’t recorded, but Ives was convinced that the Colorado River, “along the greater portion of its lonely and majestic way, shall be forever unvisited and undisturbed.”

He was wrong on both counts. Disturbance had already crept in from European influence. Jotter and Clover found tamarisk trees, an imported Eurasian species, thick along the riverbanks. They had recorded other exotic plants: tumbleweed in Cataract Canyon, Bermuda grass below Bright Angel Creek. Plants weren’t the only symptoms of change. Feral burros and cattle grazed the side canyons. Government officials had introduced non-native fish into the Colorado River system: rainbow trout, common carp, channel catfish, and others favored in sportfishing. Populations of native Colorado pikeminnow were crashing, their migration blocked by Boulder Dam. Within a few decades, not one would be left in this stretch of river. Only the canyon walls stood fast, recording time yet seemingly untouched by it.

The crew passed the point where the Hydes’ boat had been found by a search party. Clover wrote in her journal, “Makes me feel almost ashamed to enjoy it so much. It is a great river with a hundred personalities, but it is not kind.” Thirteen miles downriver, they reached Separation Rapid, where the three men had abandoned Powell’s crew. Below this point, the rapids marked on Colonel Birdseye’s maps no longer existed; they’d been submerged by the slack water of Lake Mead.

A despondent feeling settled over the party. “There was a feeling of regret as the last rapid came into view,” Clover wrote. “No more would we have that feeling of uncertainty and expectation. Lake Mead lay placid ahead.”

Boulder Dam had been completed just two years before, and the Colorado was still pouring into the reservoir. Lake Mead would rise nearly to capacity in 1941. (Stressed by drought and water demand, it would only reach that level of abundance again in the wet winter of 1983–84.) The group camped, and by the light of a fragrant mesquite-wood fire, they scrubbed their clothes and faces clean and signed one another’s helmets, like high school kids with yearbooks. “Enjoyed fighting Botany and the old Colorado with you,” Clover wrote to Jotter, who replied, “It was a pleasant two months—and thanks for showing me so much.”

So much of what they’d collected would soon be lost.

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From left: Clover; expedition members resting in the lower Grand Canyon.

8.

Without a current to carry the boats, the crew traded turns at the oars, rowing with blistered hands in blistering heat, fighting for every mile. They slept in a narrow, barren spot by the lake and awoke at 4 a.m. to start all over again before the sun returned. That morning, another plane dipped low overhead as they pushed through the water. The only other excitement came from a live rattlesnake Bell caught at their campsite that he carried with him in an empty bacon can.

Beneath the sun-bleached boats, the water was no longer muddy and red—it had turned clear blue. When they decided to pull into a side canyon for an early lunch, “the boys swore violently when they found they had only rowed six miles,” Clover wrote.

They hadn’t yet begun to eat when a distant rumble echoed over the lake water: a motorboat. Everyone dashed to the water’s edge to shout and wave. The boat turned toward them. They soon saw that Holmstrom was at the helm. It turned out he’d also been in the plane that spotted them that morning. He’d come to welcome them to the end of a journey.

Hastily, the crew tied the three boats behind Holmstrom’s, like ducklings bobbing in their mother’s wake. They barreled five miles to Emery Falls, a silver cascade tucked into a cove of the Grand Wash Cliffs. This marked the end of the Grand Canyon. Everyone piled out for a swim and a hike to a nearby cave that contained the ancient remains of extinct giant ground sloths. Clover passed out briefly from the heat but recovered enough to identify ephedra and other bits of plant material in the fossilized dung.

Soon they were joined by a larger boat from a Lake Mead tour company, carrying park officials and cameramen. They rode in style to Boulder City, Nevada, at the far end of the reservoir, with boxed lunches, ice-cold sodas, and endless requests for photographs, autographs, and interviews. “Women Make Perilous Trip Through Colorado Gorges,” declared the Associated Press, describing Clover and Jotter as “two Michigan schoolma’ams” with “copper-tanned cheeks.”

The first non-Native women to make the journey through the Grand Canyon had done it in 43 days—almost exactly as long as expected, despite the early delays. It was strange to be off the river. That night in the hotel room they shared, Jotter washed her face and hands in the bathroom sink and then asked, “Elzie, do you want to reuse this water?” The women stared at each other for a moment before bursting into laughter.


The party broke up a few days later. Clover, still in Boulder City, missed the sensation of the boat moving up and down on the waves. One day alone in her hotel room, she gave in to anguish and wept. Then a call came from the lobby: Holmstrom was there. He’d just given his boat, the Julius F, a fresh coat of paint and wanted her to see it. Clover splashed cold water on her swollen eyes and went to meet him. Holmstrom understood: He had experienced what he described as an “all-gone feeling” after leaving the Colorado. He told Clover his secret, that he planned to float the river again that fall with Amos Burg. “He’s as lonely as I am for the river,” Clover wrote in her journal.

A week later, Clover and Nevills left for Mexican Hat, the WEN rattling in a boat trailer behind them. They’d made plans to descend the San Juan together, along with Lorin Bell. It was a sweet, lazy river compared with the Colorado. On the way back to Utah, they stopped at the South Rim. It was there that Clover made a terrible discovery: The plant press she’d left for shipment at the base of the Bright Angel Trail had never made it out of the canyon. Everything from Vasey’s Paradise. Everything collected in the upper canyon from Lees Ferry to Bright Angel. Proof of how remarkable the Grand Canyon’s flora was, how defiant of the harsh conditions. All of it was missing.

Clover was determined to track down the press. Maybe it had fallen off a mule; maybe it had never been picked up in the first place. Whatever happened, it was nowhere to be found. By the time Clover returned to Ann Arbor, she’d given up hope that it ever would be.

The botanists buckled down to write up their scientific discoveries, based on their notes from the journey and the specimens they’d managed to preserve between Bright Angel and Lake Mead, but the lost plants cast a cloud over the work. Had it really been worth it, risking their lives? Could they justify the danger and expense of the journey without the greater portion of their collection? It was a terrible thought that they might be remembered—if they were remembered at all—for being women, not scientists.

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Lorin Bell and Jotter pulling out of one of the Colorado River’s rapids.

9.

Clover made plans to return the following summer and take a mule into Havasupai Canyon to collect more cactus. Jotter, absorbed in her thesis work and with no money to spare, declined the invitation to join her. In early September, a letter arrived from Wyoming. “Dear Lois,” it began, in cramped writing on a torn-out sheet of notebook paper. “Pardon that informal greeting but it’s the only way I know to start a letter.”

Holmstrom was on the river again, traveling from Wyoming to Lake Mead with Burg and another companion. Jotter haunted his journey. He thought of her in Cataract Canyon when he discovered an abandoned tin can labeled “Appls” in a feminine hand. Her name, and Clover’s, shone not far from his own, painted in white on the canyon wall. He postmarked letters to Jotter at every possible stop, warm with admiration. His change of heart was sincere. “I really think you fit into river life just as well as any man I know & a lot better than some,” he told her.

At Marble Canyon Lodge, a letter was waiting for him. Jotter described an outfit she’d worn for a publicity event—brown velveteen and blue silks. Holmstrom scribbled back, “I don’t think I would like you as well that way as all tanned & weatherbeaten & run down at the heels a little in an old pair of slacks.” Then he confessed his own ragged appearance: His shoes had given out, and he hadn’t taken a bath since he left Wyoming. “I’m beginning to think perhaps women could really do some good on a trip like this by keeping everyone cheerful & the general appearance a little better,” he said.

It was autumn, and the cottonwood leaves crisped into paper-thin circles of gold. On October 22, Holmstrom pulled the Julius F ashore at Bright Angel Creek. Burg, who followed in a modern rubber raft, fiddled with the cameras he’d brought to film the adventure. The third man on the trip, Willis Johnson, wandered into the canyon on his own. Fallen leaves crunched underfoot. Not far from Bright Angel, he chanced across a curious artifact: a pile of newspapers stacked neatly on a rock. He went closer and saw tongues of cactus sticking out of seemingly every layer. A forlorn prickly pear had thrust out a five-inch-long pad as if reaching for the light.

He knew right away that it must belong to Clover and Jotter—who else would have cared to collect so many plants? Johnson “felt real proud” to carry the lost press back to camp and place it in Holmstrom’s care. The next day, Holmstrom lugged the awkward bundle 11 miles up the Bright Angel Trail to mail to Michigan. A letter from Jotter was waiting at the top. Holmstrom sent a response back with the plants, saying that he’d reached the trailhead so tired he could barely open the envelope from her. He added, almost as an afterthought, that her plants were in a “bad state of disrepair.”

For Jotter and Clover, retrieving their press meant the most important collections from their trip were finally available for study. They sent some of the plants off to specialists for identification, while the rest went to the University of Michigan Herbarium, as had been promised before the expedition. In 1941, they published a paper on the Grand Canyon’s cactus, followed closely by a comprehensive plant list. It included four new species.

Holmstrom had come to the rescue after all. He wasn’t a likely hero, the man who’d despaired to hear of two women descending the Grand Canyon. But he understood how much the plants meant and the significance of Clover and Jotter’s journey—not to journalists or river rats, but to science. Finding the press helped guarantee that the risks the women had taken would be outweighed by their discoveries.

“She must have been a remarkable woman,” Willis Johnson later said of Jotter. “She probably didn’t know that Buzz was in love with her.” If true, Holmstrom never acted on it. The two kept in touch for some time. Their letters were filled with respect and admiration for each other, and for the wild places each of them loved and understood in different ways. “I was helping a fellow move today,” Holmstrom once wrote to Jotter in a letter. “His wife had a cactus plant which would have fallen off the truck if I hadn’t grabbed it with my bare hands. Right then I [thought] of you.”  

Epilogue

Many of the expedition members felt a pull to the West and its rivers for the rest of their lives. Clover continued to travel and lecture about her adventures; she eventually retired in the Rio Grande Valley of Texas, close to the cactus she loved so well. She died in 1980. The publicity of the expedition paid off for Nevills. He operated a successful river-rafting business with his wife, until they died in a plane crash in 1949. All told, Nevills ran the Grand Canyon seven times. He is remembered today for his boat design and for being the first guide to take women and children into the canyon.

In 1939, Holmstrom took a socialite named Edith Clegg across the United States by river: the Columbia, Snake, Yellowstone, Missouri, Mississippi, and Hudson. He served in the Navy during World War II and then worked as a government surveyor. He died on the Grand Ronde River in Oregon in 1946, apparently of a self-inflicted gunshot wound. Grief poured in from fellow river runners. His mother chose the words on his headstone from a poem by Robert Louis Stevenson: “Home is the sailor, home from the sea.

Jotter wrote to her expedition friends with an eager interest in every new river trip they took, and amassed stacks of newspaper clippings about the Grand Canyon. But her life moved in a different direction. She married a Guatemalan botanist named Victor Cutter II in 1942, took his last name, and defended her Ph.D. thesis while six months pregnant with her first child. Her husband died in 1962, when their daughter, Ann, was 18 and their son, Victor, just 11. She went back to work as a botany professor.

She lived in North Carolina, where she filled her home with plants and her dinner table with lively conversation among students and fellow scholars. Like her parents had with her, she taught Ann and Victor to love science and quietly championed women’s equality in the workplace. “I think my mother was ahead of her time,” Victor remembered. “The river trip was just an example of that.” Later in Cutter’s life, she traveled to Mexico and South America, including the Amazon rainforest. She saw new places and new plants on every trip.

Cutter was 80 when she went down the Grand Canyon a second and final time. She was invited on a scientific expedition by three ecologists—Robert Webb, Theodore Melis, and Richard Valdez—who were studying old photographs to learn about the rate of environmental change in the canyon. They struck upon an idea: Why not ask the people who’d seen it way back when? “I am not sure you realize how legendary you are in Grand Canyon history,” Webb wrote to Cutter. Her botanical research from 1938 had grown in importance: She and Clover had compiled the only plant list made in the Grand Canyon before the closure of Glen Canyon Dam in 1966. The dam had profoundly altered the river, eliminating the floods that once built sandbars and laid landing pads for cottonwood seeds each spring. It had also galvanized a community of environmentalists who couldn’t accept the idea of damming the Colorado from one end to the other. The admiring public no longer wanted to “conquer” the Grand Canyon: They wanted to restore it. Clover and Cutter’s plant list was now a basis for that work.

The so-called Old Timers’ Trip launched from Lees Ferry on September 8, 1994, and ended at Diamond Creek 12 days later. Cutter was the only representative from the 1938 expedition, but the group included two other women: Joan Staveley and Sandy Reiff, both Nevills’s daughters.

Cutter appreciated the expedition’s focus on science. There was time to talk about what had changed and what remained the same. The river was greener than she remembered, the vegetation thicker along its banks, particularly the pesky, exotic tamarisk trees. Cottonwoods and willows were fewer. Many beaches once used as campsites had eroded away.

An interviewer named Lew Steiger asked Cutter about all these changes as sunlight slanted gold and pink down the canyon walls and the river chattered behind them. She replied, “I recognize that there [are] many individual small differences. But the feeling that you get when you look up and see one high wall lit up, and the rest less so.”

Jotter passed away in 2013 at the age of 99. Until the end, she kept two souvenirs of her river trip: the match case from Holmstrom, and the yellow helmet scribbled with her companions’ signatures. The ink faded over time, and the names became barely legible. Holmstrom’s words, though, stood out boldly still, as if they’d been traced afresh in the intervening years: “To the girl who proved me badly mistaken.”


Outlaw Country

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Outlaw Country

Klamath County, Oregon, is the perfect place to go if you don’t want to be found—and the worst place to be if someone threatens your life.

By Emma Marris

Photographs by Michael Hanson

The Atavist Magazine, No. 91


Emma Marris is a journalist in Klamath Falls, Oregon. She writes about nature and people. Her stories have appeared in National Geographic, The New York Times, The Atlantic, Wired, Outside, High Country News, and Nature, where she was on staff for several years. Her first book, Rambunctious Garden, examines how conservation is changing in the Anthropocene. Listen to her discuss this story on Oregon Public Broadcasting’s Think Out Loud.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Designer: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Adam Przybyl
Illustrator: Laura Breiling

Published in May 2019. Design updated in 2021.

1.

Little Timathy Taylor lived behind the PDQ mini-mart in Roseburg, a small timber town in western Oregon surrounded by mountains. In many respects, Taylor had a typical rough-and-tumble 1980s childhood. He and other neighborhood kids were mostly left to themselves, their parents either working or at home drinking too much and apt to whale on them if they got in the way. Taylor spent his days collecting cans for nickels, riding his bike in empty lots, and playing alone by a creek near his home, watching polliwogs wriggle in the shallow water.

“Timmy loved the woods,” his mother, Becky Wanty, remembered. She described him as timid and softhearted. When he caught fish or frogs in the creek, he threw them back. He liked the idea of hunting because it was outdoorsy and manly, but he didn’t like the killing part. “He had a hard time even trying to shoot a deer,” Wanty said. “He never got one. He would miss them because he couldn’t do it.”

Wanty worked at the mini-mart, cleaned offices, roofed houses, and tended bar to support her six kids. “When I was eight months pregnant with my fifth child, I was out there pumping gas,” she said. Her husband, David, drove a semi and was gone much of the time. He spent most of his wages gambling, and Wanty described him as “a drinker and drug addict” who may have had learning disabilities. When Wanty married him, David wasn’t literate. “I had to read the book to him and read the questions to him down at the Department of Transportation to get his chauffeur’s license,” Wanty said. David had little patience with his kids. “Instead of just giving them a spanking, he would take whatever he could get his hands on—a brush or a hanger or whatever—and beat them with that,” Wanty said. “There was always a reason when I smacked them, but not with him. He would do it just when he was pissed.”

The family were Jehovah’s Witnesses, but after years of living a devout life while her husband drank and smoked and gambled without consequences, Wanty decided that she was done with the church. In 1989, when Taylor was 13, his mother intentionally got herself kicked out, then celebrated her freedom with a cigarette. Three years later, the family moved to Wisconsin. She and David split up, and David threatened suicide; the police were called.

Taylor never got much respect in high school, according to Mike Bishop, his closest friend. People thought he was a redneck, but when a car wouldn’t run, he was the one they called. “He’d help anybody,” Bishop said. “He was the guy that people went to when shit broke down.”

Taylor was still drawn to the outdoors like he’d been as a little boy. Bishop remembered Taylor decorating his room with pictures of mountains. “We would go camping and try to live off the land for a week or two and see if we could do it,” Bishop said. “We’d bring minimal food, just enough to keep us alive if we didn’t find anything. He started going out for longer and longer.” The trips were an escape from the social meat grinder of high school, where Bishop said Taylor was more or less an outcast who preferred walking away from fights to proving his mettle.

Taylor dropped out of high school, planning to finish his degree in the Army, but then quit basic training after he injured his knee. Around age 19, he ended a relationship with a woman named Tammy and decided to return to the city of his childhood, hoping for a fresh start. He drove more than 2,000 miles, crossing the Great Plains, the Rockies, and the Cascades to Roseburg. But he couldn’t find work, and his van broke down and was impounded. Taylor sold the van to pay the impounding fees, get back what he’d left inside, and buy a bus ticket back to Wisconsin. By the time he returned, Tammy had given birth to their son, Jesse.

When Taylor was 23, he married a woman named Erin. They had two sons in as many years, Isaiah and Josh. The marriage didn’t last. Erin said that Taylor “was not a mean person” but claimed he could be cruel to a son she had from a previous relationship. (Taylor later said that while he believed in corporal punishment and was “firm” with children, he was never abusive.) Records from Wisconsin indicate that Taylor was charged with battery in 1999 for hitting Erin’s son and was sentenced to 60 days in jail. In 2002, the couple divorced. Of Taylor’s three sons, only Josh maintained a strong connection with his dad.

Taylor found work as a laborer, doing construction and installing home security systems. For a while he lived out of his truck. He seemed always to be teetering on the edge of financial ruin, adrift at society’s fringes. In 2008, Taylor found himself sitting by his father’s hospital bed as the old man slid toward death following years of medical issues: hepatitis C, a liver transplant, lung cancer, and, near the end, pneumonia. Despite the beatings he’d received, Taylor wanted to be with his dad as he died. “It is the type of person Tim is—forgive, forget,” Bishop said. “If you needed him, he was there. You could have shot his dog, and if you really needed help, he was there.”

Not long before his father passed, Taylor had undergone spinal-fusion surgery in an attempt to treat chronic back pain. He tried to transition to less physically demanding work, but he dropped out of computer-programming classes in the wake of his father’s death. He had always struggled in the classroom. “Me learning from a book is like learning Chinese,” he wrote in a Facebook message to his aunt. He ended up depending on food stamps and disability payments: $730 a month after child support.

A couple of years later, he began a new relationship and started making payments on a fixer-upper in Madison, but the house’s owner died before giving Taylor and his girlfriend the deed to the place. Feeling aggrieved and wondering whom to blame, Taylor turned to the internet. Whatever terms he initially plugged into Google or Facebook or YouTube, he was soon frequenting websites promoting far-right conspiracy theories, watching videos predicting imminent social collapse, and reading how-to guides on survival preparedness. Over a few months in late 2012, the content of Taylor’s Facebook posts shifted from topics like trucks and music to videos from the hacktivist group Anonymous and posts about pandemic disease, the threat of GMO foods, the rise of Islam, and the Obama administration’s purported plans to confiscate everyone’s guns. Taylor devoured TV shows like Doomsday Preppers, Survivor Man, Live Free or Die, and Man, Woman, Wild. The notion of living off the land allowed him to imagine ways he might escape the wage economy and finally make something of himself. He spent a sizable portion of his disability checks on items like seeds, water-purification supplies, and ammunition, in case the apocalypse should arrive. At one point, he overdrew his bank account. Not long after, his relationship fell apart—the woman said he had been physically rough with her son and she didn’t like how angry he was. She kicked him out.

By 2014, when Taylor was almost 40, he was single and living in a trailer on a small dairy farm, where he worked as a hand in exchange for room and board. One day he accidentally ran his son Josh over with a manure spreader, nearly killing the 15-year-old. The incident prompted Taylor to contemplate his own mortality. If he died suddenly, he’d have nothing to leave his kids. He decided to do the thing he’d been fantasizing about for years: buy property, build a cabin, and create a legacy for his sons.

Taylor began cruising real estate websites that promised acres of wilderness for as little as a few thousand dollars, which in monthly payments would be doable even on his paltry income. Taylor’s family thought his plans were foolhardy, but his mother understood the pull of returning to Oregon. “I think he was looking for something different,” Wanty said. “I don’t know. Something that would help him go back to the past. To easier times.”

In May 2015, Taylor signed a contract for nearly nine acres of unimproved backcountry in Klamath County, sight unseen. The ad for the lot had included a few photos of flat, grassy land with mountains in the distance.

GENERAL INFORMATION: Huge Parcel in the Oregon Pines Subdivision with over 900 feet of frontage on Nagel Ridge Way.TYPE OF TERRAIN: rockyZONING: residentialPOWER: noPHONE: noWATER: no. must install well or holding tankSEWER: No. Only needed when/if you build.ROADS: dirt

Taylor liked the sound of it. He agreed to a price of $19,200, with 7 percent interest. That worked out to 72 monthly installments of $317.11. He imagined the Oregon of his youth: green, balmy, bathed in golden sunlight, far from Wisconsin’s bitter winters. What he found when he arrived was something else entirely.

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2.

Klamath County is in eastern Oregon, nowhere near Roseburg. It’s high desert, on the eastern side of the Cascades, land veined with ice-cold trout streams, dotted with tiny ranching hamlets, and dyed deep red politically. Taylor’s lot was in a particularly out-of-the-way place called Tableland—or sometimes just “the mountain.” Tableland is made up of basalt mesas, ancient lava flows that rise like steps from the Sprague River valley. The few houses that exist there have no addresses. Tableland is mostly composed of rocks and sage and sky and antelope and silence. On hot summer days, the dry air smells like Ponderosa pines and wildfire smoke. In winter, clear nights bite the skin, the moon looks like thin bone, and deep snow cuts locals off from the outside world for weeks at a time.

For thousands of years, Native people used the mesas as hunting grounds and to cultivate an edible root called epos or yampa. After 1864, Tableland became part of the Klamath Indian Reservation. Albert Lawvor, the grandson of Chief Yellowhammer of the Modoc tribe, remembered the area as it was in the mid-20th century. “The land was good,” Lawvor said in an oral history published with his obituary in 2012. “Everybody helped everybody, everybody looked out for everybody. The ranchers would go together and hay together. The elders always had their wood cut for them.”

By 2015, when Taylor arrived, things had changed. The U.S. government had stopped recognizing the Klamath tribes in 1961—a decision it would reverse in 1986—and purchased much of the Native people’s land in southern Oregon. Private buyers swooped in to buy the rest. In the 1960s, speculators subdivided vast swaths of the area—including Tableland—and sold lots to city people who wanted a place to hunt and camp. There was even a how-to manual published by a real estate mogul from Alturas, California, with the title Freeway to Fortune: Profit Through Recreational Land. The business wasn’t an outright scam; buyers got the lots they paid for, in subdivisions with fancy-sounding names like Klamath Forest Estates. But when they showed up to inspect their purchase, they were often astonished to find that there was no power or water available, and that the local government didn’t maintain the roads. Some owners abandoned their purchases and stopped paying taxes on them. By the 1990s, Klamath County was foreclosing on roughly 500 lots per year. Speculators then scooped them up at auction for as little as $1,000 and sold them for a profit. The deals were often owner financed, which meant that the buyer paid the seller in installments rather than getting a mortgage. The seller collected monthly payments, including interest, and handed over the deed once the last check cleared. If the buyer ever stopped paying—and many did—they forfeited the previous payments and the seller kept the lot.

Prices remained so low that the properties looked like a screaming deal to people who wanted solitude, independence, or a place to hide. Over the years, Tableland turned into outlaw country. It is now sparsely populated by marijuana growers, tweakers, loners, and dreamers. Most people live in trailers, often surrounded by a penumbra of trash and outbuildings in various stages of decomposition. They pay for necessities with money they receive through government assistance. Residents by and large are wary of outsiders and often of each other, even as they sometimes need their neighbors in times of crisis—a dead pickup, a lean winter, a snowed-in road. Self-reliance may be the ideal, but reciprocity is the reality.

The closest town, Beatty, is down off the mesas. It has just one small store, the Palomino Deli, which is the unofficial community center for Tableland residents. Its owner, Sara Palomino, a circumspect woman with dark hair and dark lipstick, knows everything that happens in the area. The nearest law enforcement is in Klamath Falls, 50 miles and a good hour-and-a-half drive southwest. The Klamath County Sheriff’s Office is spread extremely thin. From 7 a.m. to 3 a.m., its minimum staffing level is three people on patrol in the entire county, which at 6,136 square miles is considerably larger than Connecticut. After 3 a.m., deputies are simply on-call in case of an emergency.

People who live on and around Tableland are remote from the law but often uncomfortably close to one another. The combination can lead to violence. In 2009, a man named Robert Kincaid was shot in the back of the head with a .410 by a woman named Deanna Brindle, who said he’d raped her. She and a friend used a backhoe to bury him in a shallow grave, and it’s possible no one would ever have gone looking for Kincaid if his horse hadn’t shown up near Beatty riderless and with a bullet wound. Brindle was ruled guilty but also insane and sentenced to 20 years of psychiatric supervision. The day after Christmas in 2016, Troy Kimball was stabbed and shot to death by his brother Travis with a 9mm Beretta. Travis claimed that he was defending their father, whom Troy was attacking. In January 2018, Benito Devila Sanchez was shot by Richard Bryon Johnson with a .45 during an argument; Johnson hid the body in the woods, where it was discovered after Sanchez’s roommate reported him missing. In March of the same year, the body of Beatty resident Jack James Hasbrouck was also found in the woods. When reporters asked Klamath County district attorney Eve Costello if the public should be concerned about a killer, she said, “Mr. Hasbrouck had a lot of friends that maybe weren’t the kind that an average citizen is going to have.” No one was ever charged. “The meaner you seem, the safer you probably are,” Klamath County sheriff Chris Kaber told me of living in the area.

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Timathy Taylor with two of his sons.

It was into this world that Tim Taylor drove in August 2015, in a tan-colored diesel truck he called Blondie, pulling a trailer and accompanied by his little dog, Dixie Mae. He wasn’t aware of Tableland’s violent reputation. His more immediate concern when he arrived was that the pictures on the real estate website, the ones that had convinced him to buy the land, weren’t actually of his lot. His property wasn’t flat or grassy; it was a narrow canyon that cut into a rise, the last place on a dirt road before it petered out into rough, nearly impassable track. The landscape was pretty—pine trees sharp against a bright blue sky, aspens rustling in the wind along an ephemeral creek—but the land was extremely steep, the soil rocky and parched. Taylor could barely get his truck and trailer off the road. “Everything reeked of failure,” Taylor later wrote in a letter. “But with so much failure in my life, I had an even harder drive to succeed.”

His plan was to build a log cabin, raise vegetables, and hunt game. He had some success at the survivalist life he’d imagined—bagging a few rabbit and quail and making pine-needle tea when he had a cold—but he didn’t build the cabin, living instead in his trailer, and eating mostly ramen noodles, canned food, and military MREs. Life was a lot harder than it had been on the farm in Wisconsin. Every month he drove to Klamath Falls, cashed his disability check, and spent it on laundry, groceries, gas, propane, and other necessities. Moving had wiped out his savings. Before long he stopped making payments on the land.

Taylor disdained those who lived off the government instead of working. He considered them lazy bums, but he didn’t count himself among them. He had paid into the Social Security Disability Insurance program when he was working and now needed its help in return. He had no choice but to take food stamps, because people on disability weren’t allowed to work.

Without close neighbors or friends, Taylor spent a lot of time on his phone, which barely got a signal. He cruised Facebook and reposted memes that spoke to his ideals of tough, self-reliant manhood. “This is America,” one began. “We drink beer. We eat meat. We pray. We own guns. We speak English. We value freedom. If you don’t like it then G.T.F.O.” Another showed an old black-and-white photo of little boys playing with toy guns. It read, “This is how my friends and I played back in the day. Not one of us grew up and killed anyone.”

One day, on his way to Beatty to get food at the Palomino Deli, Taylor stopped his truck to talk to a bearlike Vietnam veteran with a cane and a felt hat. His name was Gary Powless, and he’d gotten his Tableland plot back in the 1980s, in exchange for a roofing job. Tableland suited him and many other veterans, Powless explained, because they “couldn’t deal with society and people anymore.” When he’d first moved in, his immediate neighbor was “a Hell’s Angel running from the law and living in a tepee.”

In the 1980s, Powless bought a bar in Beatty, a popular hangout that overflowed when the rodeo was in town. Powless recalled dialing the sheriff once because two of his regulars were on the verge of a shootout with deer rifles outside the bar. According to Powless, the law told him that no one was coming. “When they ran out of ammunition, they came inside and got drunk,” he said, chuckling.

Powless married a woman named Wanda, the sister of one of his barmaids. After his bar burned down, they built a house and raised a family. Their kids were grown and gone by the time Taylor came to Tableland, but the Powlesses still had dependents of a sort: People regularly showed up at their door clutching printouts from the internet, needing help finding the land they’d bought. Often the same people came back later to ask for water, food, gas, or propane.

Powless immediately pegged Taylor as “very naive.” But the new arrival had mechanical skills, so the Powlesses gave him odd jobs. They would sometimes pay him in bulk beans and rice. It was helpful but not enough. Wanda Powless told me that to live safely on Tableland, a person needed the funds to install power, a well, and a septic system, plus several months of food in case of heavy snow, and enough gasoline to get to town in an emergency. Taylor had none of those things.

Still, he was determined to make his situation work. In November 2015, he took the train back to Wisconsin to collect a second truck, a blue Ford F-150 he called Handy Smurf, which he drove back to Oregon. Josh, then 16, decided to leave high school and go to Oregon with his dad for a few months. “I wanted to live in the mountains for a little bit,” Josh said. “I am more the outdoorsy kind of person, like my father. That was fun for me. No running water, no power. Just being so far away from a town or civilization.”

The aspen trees on Taylor’s lot had dropped their leaves by then, and through the bare branches Josh could see a seemingly abandoned place just down the road from his dad’s. He heard it belonged to a guy named Roy who was in Minnesota, sick or maybe dead. The property had a trailer on it, with its door hanging open and a window busted out, and also a houseboat, a school bus, a half-built shed, an ancient truck, and a backhoe. Josh walked over one day and looked inside the trailer. “There was a bunch of trash,” he said. “There was raccoon feces everywhere, and it reeked of mold. It looked like no one had been living there for years.” Josh found a .22 handgun inside and took it.

Eventually, after Josh went back to Wisconsin, Taylor visited Roy’s place, too. He’d bought a few small solar panels on Amazon before he moved to Oregon, but they didn’t give his trailer enough juice. Taylor took eight solar panels and several six-volt batteries from the property, figuring that no one would miss them.

Then Roy came home.

3.

His full name was Fay Roy Knight, and he’d bought his lot in the 1990s. He moved there on a more permanent basis in 2009, when a bankruptcy swallowed up a boat, a motorcycle, and a trailer near Boise. Before leaving Idaho, he said goodbye to Vicki Lynn Vosburg, an herbalist with her own shop. Knight had spent hours in the store kidding around and flirting with Vosburg. She grew to care for him but never learned anything about his past, which he kept close to his chest. “He was my big old sweetie,” Vosburg later said, an “old cowboy” with a loud, gruff voice and a towering frame who “didn’t take any shit from anybody.”

When Knight told Vosburg he was moving to a remote part of Oregon, she was worried that it wouldn’t work out, but he couldn’t be convinced to stay. “You get what you get then,” she said. “Don’t come crying to me.”

“Girl, I am going to come crying to you anytime I want to,” Knight replied. Then he kissed her goodbye, though they’d never kissed before.

Knight moved into his Tableland trailer and stored his possessions, including hundreds of books, in the houseboat and in other dilapidated buildings and vehicles that he’d dragged up to his property. He even bought a backhoe to tend to the dirt roads near his place.

He was a man of fixed habits and an abiding interest in staying alive. He ate the majority of his meals at the Palomino Deli. He loved salads, fussed over his health, popped vitamins, lifted weights, and drank a lot of water. He was also known to enjoy a drink or two of harder stuff. He lived on Social Security and a longshoreman’s pension. He told friends that he’d worked as a logger and as a roughneck in oil fields. And he could be mean. Sara Palomino never forgot the time he viciously kicked a dog outside her store that was, she said, “in his way.”

Gary and Wanda Powless described Knight as a bully who used his guns to intimidate people. Everyone on Tableland kept guns, but Knight’s collection was particularly well-known, including the mini revolver he kept in his pocket—a North American Arms .22 that had a barrel less than two inches long. He also bragged about having a “throwaway” gun that couldn’t be traced to him. Knight liked to tell a story about catching a thief at his place when he lived up in Washington. He’d pulled a shotgun on the intruder, then asked him to step a few feet to the left so he could shoot him in the ass without breaking the glass in his front door.

Knight had friends and admirers. Carolyn Decker’s property in Sprague River backs up against Tableland. She described Knight as a good man who helped his neighbors, partook in the produce she grew on her land, and read voraciously. “He had a thirst for knowledge,” she said. “He was always reading about health things.” However, she added, “if you wronged him or were dishonest, he’d let you know.” Decker’s partner, Ian Pymm, said that Knight could be intimidating, because he yelled a lot—but that was only because, in his late seventies, Knight was nearly deaf.

Knight wasn’t home when Taylor first moved in, because he’d traveled to the Midwest to get two knee replacements. He came back in May 2016, mostly healed and still imposing. When Knight saw that some of his belongings had been taken, he was determined to find the culprit. He spotted a wheelbarrow track going uphill from his lot and followed it to Taylor’s trailer. Dixie Mae started barking, and Taylor came outside.

“Who in the hell are you?” Taylor asked.

“I’m Roy.”

“You’re supposed to be dead.”

Taylor thought Knight was scary—large and mad, with a big brass belt buckle that spelled out his name and a finger missing from his left hand. Taylor confessed to taking the solar panels and batteries. Knight was furious and called Taylor a piece of shit. Taylor apologized. Knight demanded to see proof that Taylor owned the land, suggesting that he might just be a squatter. Taylor showed him the contract; Knight implied that it was phony.

Tensions eased when a couple on horseback came down the road from the north, looking for stray cattle. Knight offered to give everybody—even Taylor—a tour of his place. Afterward the couple rode off and Taylor promised to return all the things he’d taken from Knight. The men shook hands, and Taylor thought that maybe there wouldn’t be any bad blood between them.

The next day, Taylor’s opinion changed. Knight drove his truck up the road and appeared at Taylor’s door, angry again. He accused Taylor of stealing a .22 pistol. According to Taylor, Knight told him that the gun had been used in a murder; Taylor wasn’t sure if that was the truth or just a scare tactic. Taylor said he didn’t have the weapon.

Taylor had installed security cameras around his trailer, and in silent footage taken that day, he can be seen loading solar panels into Knight’s truck. Knight then gestured toward Blondie, Taylor’s diesel pickup, demanding that Taylor give him one of the truck’s two batteries, as payback or a peace offering. Taylor handed it over without hesitation, even though doing so would render Blondie inoperable.

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Wanda Powless

“Well that’s all shot in the ass,” Taylor wrote Josh on Facebook Messenger soon after the encounter. “He is probably gonna try to make my life hell as long as I am here.” Taylor worried that locals would side with Knight, since he’d lived on the mountain much longer. “They don’t like outsiders,” Taylor wrote. Maybe he should move, he suggested. “And you live there for about a year you aren’t an outsider,” Josh replied, “quit acting like a pussy and stand your ground.”

Without Knight’s solar panels, Taylor’s electricity failed and his security cameras stopped working. The next day, while doing some work on his F-150, Taylor saw Knight approaching on foot. Taylor later said that Knight pulled the mini revolver out of his right back pocket and announced that he was going to kill Taylor. After 15 tense minutes, Knight left. Later that day a woman named Kelli Boone, whom Taylor had met online, arrived for a visit. Taylor had warned her in advance that his neighbor was mad at him, but she came anyway. “My heart says fuck it drama or no drama go see my cowboy,” Boone wrote in a Facebook message.

The next morning, Taylor heard Dixie Mae barking. Leaving Boone in the trailer, he went outside and found himself face-to-face with Knight and a man Taylor didn’t know. The newcomer was tall and tattooed, with a shaved head and a flamboyant mustache. His name was Paul Strong, and he was a ranch manager, trapper, and friend of Knight’s. The men had come in a flatbed truck carrying a 55-gallon drum in back.

“This here is my crazy friend Paul,” Knight said, according to Taylor. “And this barrel—this is for you.” Then he said Taylor had three days to get off the mountain or he’d be shot, hacked up, and stuffed in the drum, which would be buried vertically to leave a small, inconspicuous grave. No one would ever find him. According to Taylor, Strong grabbed him by the throat and squeezed it while clenching his other hand into a fist. Strong told Taylor he was lucky he had a guest or he’d be dead already. Then the two men left. (Strong later admitted that he and Knight had gone to Taylor’s property and that he’d made a fist, but he denied the death threats.)

Taylor wanted to leave Tableland, but it wasn’t as easy as hopping in his F-150. He didn’t want to abandon his belongings—his tools, trucks, and photos of his kids. He needed time to pack, and more important, he needed money. He was broke. The next day—Sunday, May 22—Kelli Boone left and Taylor messaged Josh, “Can you get like $100 so I have the gas to get out of here?” Josh replied, “Yeah, I’m selling my black truck. I can get you 200 maybe.” Taylor sent his son the number of his Walmart card and asked him to put the money on it as soon as possible. 

Taylor then called Wanda Powless and told her he was planning to leave, given Knight’s ultimatum. “Why are you running, Tim?” she asked. “You’ve run your entire life. You are too old to keep doing this.” She suggested that he call 911 instead and turn himself in for the theft of Knight’s property. That might square things with his neighbor, she said. After hanging up with Powless, Taylor punched the numbers into his phone.

The dispatcher was confused. People didn’t often call to confess to a crime. “Has this been reported?” the man asked Taylor. “I guess what I’m asking: Is someone looking for you, or is this something that hasn’t been reported, do you think?”

“It’s been reported, because I’m reporting it,” Taylor said.

After that first conversation, Taylor called dispatch again to get his incident number. In the midst of the exchange, he said that he heard gunshots outside his trailer.

“OK and how—why are you saying this is related to the theft call?” the operator asked.

“Um, because they’ve already threatened my life,” Taylor responded.

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4.

Sheriff Kaber said that there’s no official procedure for deciding whether to respond to a 911 call, but his understaffed department can’t follow up on everything that gets reported, which on Tableland as in other remote parts of the county is a hodgepodge of noise complaints, reports of shots fired, accusations of theft, and allegations of physical violence. “Decisions have to be made based on the manpower at the moment,” Kaber said.

In 2016, manpower was in particularly short supply. Kaber wasn’t the sheriff then. A man named Frank Skrah was in charge, and he made it difficult to recruit and keep staff. A veteran of the Los Angeles Police Department, Skrah was old school, subordinates would later say. He had a habit of throttling and punching suspects after they were apprehended. He also referred to women in the district attorney’s office as “broad,” “babe,” and “sweetheart,” and he sometimes swatted them with case files. At the time of Taylor’s first 911 call, Skrah was under indictment for harassment, official misconduct, assault, and strangulation. Nevertheless, he remained on the job. (In 2017, Skrah was convicted on five of the nine charges against him; he paid a $3,000 fine and completed 120 hours of community service at a baseball field in Klamath Falls.)

After calling 911, Taylor locked his doors and stayed inside. He messaged his old friend Mike Bishop. “The guy lived up here 20+ yrs,” he said of Knight. “So he has a few friends up here.”

“So he has mountain law on his side,” Bishop replied.

The next day, Monday, May 23, Knight and Strong returned to Taylor’s property. Taylor called 911 again. “They have just come up my driveway, turned around, rode back down, and fired off a couple shots down there at their property, which is a jump, skip, and a hop away from me,” Taylor said, sounding uneasy. The dispatcher seemed unimpressed. “They’re shooting on their own property?” he asked. Taylor mentioned his previous contact with authorities, but it didn’t seem to matter.

Taylor messaged Bishop soon after the 911 call. “Now really nervous. They just fired off a few rounds. Debating on firing off a shot from the 12ga,” referring to his 12-gauge pump-action shotgun.

That afternoon, Taylor fiddled with the few solar panels he still had and was able to restore partial power to his property. His security cameras started recording again. They captured what happened after the deadline Knight had set for Taylor to be gone came and went. Just past noon, Knight arrived in a car with another friend of his, this one sporting a long ZZ Top–style beard. It was Ian Pymm, Carolyn Decker’s partner. Knight grabbed a stick and whacked Taylor’s door, telling him that time was up according to Pymm. The men could hear Taylor inside trying to hush his dog, but he didn’t reply to Knight or come out. “That’s yellow spine,” Pymm later said. “That guy was never going to leave. He was just going to be a pain in the butt up there. I knew it. I knew shit was going to happen. Always does.” Knight took out a handkerchief and, keeping it between his fingers and the handle of Taylor’s trailer door, tried to get inside. When the door wouldn’t open, Knight folded the cloth carefully and walked away.

Inside, Taylor was on the phone with 911 for the fourth time. A sheriff’s deputy returned the call and told him that if he wanted to pursue the matter, he would have to come to Klamath Falls and file a report. Taylor claimed the deputy told him, “We’re not peacekeepers.” He barely had enough gas in his F-150 to get to the closest gas station, 13 miles away. He was still waiting on Josh to transfer money to his Walmart card.

Taylor decided to write Knight a note, which he posted on the porch of his trailer. It warned that there were video cameras uploading footage to the internet and that the sheriff’s office had been notified about Knight coming onto the property. “Roy Knight I have done you wrong and I am owning up to what I have done and this is between you and I only,” the note read. “Any other communication will be done with a 3rd party involved.”

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Taylor (left) and Knight (right), captured by a security camera. 

On Wednesday, Taylor hunkered down in bed with Dixie Mae and his shotgun. Josh messaged his dad to say that he’d finally managed to scrape together $100, but it would cost $20 to transfer it. “And you have to pick the money up at Walmart,” Josh wrote. “I can’t get it on your card.” The closest Walmart was in Klamath Falls. Taylor posted a photo on his Facebook page of a man in tactical gear holding a military rifle. The caption said, “With guns in the hands of the public, sure there will be tragedies, but without them there will be genocides.” He didn’t sleep that night. All he could hear were the howls of coyotes echoing off the nearby canyon’s walls.

The next day was sunny and warm. Because Wednesday had passed without incident, Taylor thought that maybe law enforcement had talked to Knight. He planned to stay a few more days, until his next disability check arrived at the beginning of June. The money would help him get enough fuel to tow his trailer away from Tableland if that’s what he decided to do. The decision was made for him when he went outside to his truck, shotgun over his shoulder, to charge his dead cell phone with on the battery. It was drained, too, which meant that Taylor now had no working vehicle. He wired a solar panel to the battery, hoping to bring it back to life and at least give his phone some power.

Around 2 p.m., while packing up his belongings, Taylor saw Knight again. He was on foot, and he had Taylor’s phone in his hand; Knight had found it charging at the truck on his way up the hill. One of Taylor’s security cameras captured the ensuing scene. Taylor raised his shotgun to show Knight that he was armed. Knight kept coming. Taylor backed toward his porch. Knight shoved Taylor—or perhaps stumbled against him—until Taylor was pressed up against the trailer door. Knight jabbed a finger into Taylor’s chest, alcohol on his breath. “I’m going to go down there and get my backhoe. I’m going to bury everything up here—and you,” Knight said, according to Taylor.

After berating Taylor for several minutes, Knight started to walk away from the trailer, still in possession of Taylor’s phone. That’s my last link to the outside world, Taylor thought. Taylor stepped down from the porch; Knight turned to face him. The two men were about 20 feet apart. Knight kept shouting. Taylor asked for his phone back. “Screw you, take it,” Knight said, according to Taylor. “You going to do something? Shoot me.”

Knight turned away again, lifting his hand in what looked like a dismissive gesture. Taylor raised his shotgun and fired.

Knight staggered, turning toward Taylor for a moment, then rotating away. He was hit. Two seconds after the first shot, Taylor fired again, this time blowing a three-inch hole in the back of Knight’s left shoulder. One pellet from the blast hit an artery that carried blood to his brain; others damaged major arteries on the left side of his body and entered his lungs and spinal cord. Knight fell to his knees and then collapsed, face-first, onto the dirt.

Taylor walked over to Knight and picked up his phone. He plugged it back into his truck’s battery. Then, for the fifth time in less than a week, he called 911.

“Hi, yeah. This is Tim Taylor up on Nagelridge Way again. He had come up here… Uh—I shot him.”

“Shot who?” a dispatcher asked.

“Roy Knight. He’s already threatened my life.”

“What’s the address?”

“I don’t have an actual physical address.”

“Did you call earlier?”

“Yes,” Taylor said. “I’ve been calling ever since last Friday.”

5.

It took an hour for deputy Brian Bryson, a search and rescue expert with elk antlers tattooed on his forearms, and his partner for the day, Daniel Tague, to find the narrow dirt road that Taylor had described over the phone. As they approached Taylor’s place—a trailer flying both the American flag and the Don’t Tread on Me banner—they saw a large ponytailed man on the ground. He was lying facedown, blood haloing his head and flowing downhill. He had on a green sweatshirt, shredded by shotgun pellets, and faded black Wrangler jeans. He was wearing a hearing aid.

Bryson called for Taylor to come outside. “Show me your hands!” he yelled. Taylor obeyed and emerged from the trailer. He was skinny, wearing a camouflage T-shirt and pants and a pair of brown desert boots. Bryson handcuffed Taylor, then Tague went over to look at Knight, who was dead.

Taylor seemed eager to talk, chattering about how Knight had been threatening him for days, explaining that he’d been calling 911 but nobody ever came. He had security cameras, Taylor said, and he invited the lawmen to watch the videos. Everything was on film. More officers arrived, parking their vehicles nose-to-tail on the road and walking past the small grove of aspens to Knight’s body. They emptied the dead man’s pockets and photographed the contents, including his wallet, which contained a driver’s license from Minnesota, and the .22 pistol, fully loaded.

Taylor was read his rights and driven to Klamath Falls, where detective Patrick Irish of the Oregon State Police was waiting for him. Irish, who would handle the case investigating Knight’s death, had listened to Taylor’s final 911 call. He heard Taylor say that Knight was “reaching around in his back pocket,” where he kept his gun, and that Taylor thought he’d shot Knight somewhere in his chest. Taylor said that he’d acted in self-defense.

Taylor was escorted into an interview room and given a burger, coffee, a glass of water, and a cigarette. “Have you ever had to take a life?” he asked the officers in the room. “I mean, I watched my father pass away, take his last breath, and the emptiness I felt after that—I mean, I’m still not over that.” Taylor described the first shot at Knight as a “warning” and said he hadn’t meant to hit his neighbor. The officers asked why he’d taken the second shot. What did he think was going to happen if he didn’t?

“I was getting buried,” Taylor replied.

“What’d you think he was going to do? How was he going to do it?”

“He’s got a back loader down there. With a backhoe on it. He’s got a big bulldozer.”

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Gary Powless 

Up on Tableland, officers cataloged the scene into the early hours of Friday morning. Inside Taylor’s jam-packed trailer they found tools, a marijuana pipe, prescription medicine bottles, and three rifles. They didn’t find Knight’s missing .22. Irish didn’t visit the trailer. Taylor had admitted to the shooting, and thanks to the security cameras, Irish had video of Taylor shooting Knight in the back. He decided that it was enough to charge Taylor with murder.

Taylor was shocked. He assumed that he’d done the right thing. He’d called the authorities and defended himself when they didn’t show up. He thought that any legal troubles would be quickly sorted out. He never expected to be charged with murder.

Taylor was booked into the Klamath County jail, a small facility on the top of a ridge with a view of Mount Shasta, a snow-topped mountain framed by yellow rabbitbrush and a wide blue sky. He was assigned a public defender, Phil Studenberg, a genial city councilor in his sixties with wavy silver hair and sideburns. Joining him was a young defense attorney named Alycia Kersey, a former prosecutor who’d never defended an accused murderer at trial.

Irish, who handled 166 cases in 2016, conducted a quick investigation of what he believed was a cut-and-dried case. He and other officers interviewed a few witnesses, including Taylor’s ex-wife in Wisconsin and the Powlesses. Irish attended Knight’s autopsy and took photos, but he subsequently misplaced them. Eventually, Knight was cremated. Ian Pymm and Carolyn Decker spread his ashes on a rocky ridge on his property where Knight had liked to sit and read. 

A grand jury met a week from the day Taylor was arrested and determined that there was enough evidence to try him. In Oregon, murder carries a mandatory minimum sentence of 25 years, with no possibility of a reduction for good behavior. On June 6, 2016, when Taylor was arraigned, he pleaded not guilty.

In Klamath County, justice is rarely in any hurry. While Taylor sat in jail, according to Kersey, the prosecution refused to turn over evidence. She filed motions to compel it to do so, first in September 2016 and again in March 2017, the same month Taylor was denied bail by a judge who’d watched the video of the shooting. “That is not self-defense,” the judge said, sending Taylor back to jail. Kersey also filed continuances—motions to postpone the trial—multiple times, arguing that the prosecution wasn’t providing what was needed to mount a defense.

In jail, Taylor met a man named Pete Seller who lived just below Tableland, down the road from the Palomino Deli. Like Taylor, Seller lived on his disability checks. Unlike him, Seller was married, his wife had a source of income, and they had water, chickens, and even a few head of cattle. He was behind bars for unlawful use of a weapon and menacing an Iraq war vet and lavender farmer, who Seller claimed was making advances on his teenage daughter. “I don’t trust anyone out here,” Seller said. “But the nights are beautiful.”

Taylor told Seller his story. Seller liked Taylor, describing him as a “quiet guy.” They both felt they were in jail for doing nothing wrong—for defending themselves or their family. When the charges against Seller were dropped, allowing him to go home, he offered to tow Taylor’s trailer to his own property. “Nobody was helping the poor guy,” he said. “I had the gas and the time.”

When Seller arrived at Taylor’s place, nearly two years since anyone had lived there, he found that it had been thoroughly trashed and looted. The trucks, Blondie and Handy Smurf, and Taylor’s tools had vanished. Taylor’s mattress lay in the sun. Empty pill bottles and an artificial Christmas tree mingled with volcanic rock and manzanita bushes. Inside the trailer, Seller found a rotting photo album, filled with pictures of Taylor and his kids.

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6.

Klamath County charged more than a dozen people with homicide between 2014 and early 2019, but only two cases went to trial. The first, in 2017, involved a man who claimed that he’d been acting under “extreme emotional distress” when he shot and killed his boss at a rail yard in Klamath Falls. He was found guilty and sentenced to life in prison. The second homicide trial was Taylor’s.

The proceedings began on the morning of October 1, 2018. Taylor had been in jail for two and a half years at that point. He entered the courtroom wearing a high-and-tight haircut, a western-style plaid shirt, and cowboy boots borrowed from Kersey’s husband. He sat stiffly, never leaning against the back of his chair. Whenever the jury left the room, the deputies guarding him let him stand and stretch.

The state’s case was presented by a man named Cole Chase, who’d recently been rehired by the district attorney’s office after completing two years of probation for a 2014 incident in which he’d threatened a man with a handgun outside a Klamath Falls bar. It isn’t easy to retain professionals in a poor, remote county with a stagnant economy. When the DA rehired Cole, she told the local press that he was “the most qualified applicant” and had “dedicated himself to ensure that he upholds our office’s reputation.”

Selecting a jury in Taylor’s case was tricky. There was a raft of potential bias or conflict of interest. One person in the roughly 80-person jury pool went to church with a member of the prosecution’s team; another taught yoga with Kersey; another had been married by Phil Studenberg, the defense attorney. Half a dozen potential jurors had concealed-carry permits, all reportedly for self-protection.

Studenburg asked the pool whether any of them had ever known “a mean drunk.” Dozens of hands went up.

“My ex and our son. My son has never been bad to me, but I hear rumors.”

“My son-in-law is in prison because of alcohol and murder.”

“My ex-husband is not allowed in the state of Oregon, and my first husband passed away because of alcoholism.”

Studenberg asked whether anyone had ever used force in self-defense. Several women recounted stories of fighting back against violent partners. One elderly lady talked about hitting her abusive husband with an iron. One man raised his hand. He had been in Iran in the Air Force when the Shah was overthrown, and he’d had to do what he called “crowd control.”

“Were you armed?” Studenberg asked.

“Yes, sir, I was.”

“Was there a temptation to use the gun?”

“Not a temptation.”

“Did you shoot over their heads?”

“Initially.”

The airman, Richard Farrington, ended up as the jury foreman.

The prosecution opened by playing the surveillance footage of Taylor shooting Knight. “When you shoot someone in the back twice, that is not self-defense,” Chase told the jury. Oregon law states that defensive violence is acceptable only if a threat is “imminent.” In this case it wasn’t, Chase said, because Knight had been walking away. Kersey argued that Taylor had in fact felt that he was in danger, particularly when, after the first shot, Knight spun around and seemed to have a hand near where he kept his revolver. “Tim thinks he’s grabbing that gun out of his right rear pocket, and that’s why Tim takes that second shot,” Kersey said. “Not because he wants to kill him but he wants to live. He thinks he is going to die right there. He thinks they are going to bury his ass up there.”

When Taylor took the stand, Kersey asked him why he hadn’t packed up and left the mountain. He explained why he’d felt stuck—no money, no gas, no place to go. Even if he drove out, he’d have to pass Knight’s property. Kersey asked Taylor why he hadn’t sought refuge with a neighbor, a shy Vietnam vet who lived only a quarter-mile away. Taylor said that he didn’t know whose side the man was on. Kersey asked how Taylor felt watching the video of the shooting. “It’s hard. I haven’t had any therapy,” he replied, his voice breaking. Taylor had already made the same complaint in two lawsuits he’d filed: against Sheriff Skrah, for failing to respond to his 911 calls and to investigate the theft of his property after his arrest, and against the Klamath County Jail for not providing adequate health care. Both suits were dismissed. “I haven’t received any help to deal with any of this,” Taylor said. He began to cry.

“Somebody’s blood was going to be on the road of the Tableland. It was either going to be Tim or it was going to be Roy.”

In his closing argument, Studenberg emphasized that Taylor’s decision to shoot Knight had to be judged in the context of the mountain. “There is no law out there. It is law administered at the point of a gun, for the most part,” he said. “Who knows how many bodies are buried out in the Tableland that no one has ever found?”

“Somebody’s blood was going to be on the road of the Tableland,” Studenberg concluded. “It was either going to be Tim or it was going to be Roy.”

Cole Chase argued the opposite. “The law on the Tableland is no different than the law right here,” the prosecutor said. “You don’t get to shoot someone in the back because they have your phone.” Knight had been all bluster, Chase continued. If he’d been serious, he would have brought a bigger weapon. “This is a .22 that fits in a back pocket and holds five rounds,” Chase said of Knight’s gun. “If you’re going to be assaulting someone’s house, that’s not the gun you take with you. You know what you take with you if you intend to kill someone: You take a big black shotgun.”

The jury was sent to deliberate on October 5. The judge gave them only two options: guilty or not guilty of murder.

“When I first saw the video [of the shooting], I thought, Well, this is going to be quick,” Juror 103 said later. “But as the evidence started unfolding, it was evident that this man was terrorized.” She described Taylor as “simple,” with no idea what he was up against. “What I saw,” said Juror 388, “was someone visibly shaken to the core over what he had done, and grappling with the fact that he had taken someone’s life. There was nothing I saw in person or on tape that seemed to me at all deceptive or disingenuous.” That juror was retired from a forestry job and knew Tableland well. “I’ve been out there,” he said. “It’s a starkly beautiful place. But he [Taylor] just wasn’t mentally or psychologically equipped.”

Farrington, the foreman, believed that Taylor should have had a better exit strategy. If there’s one thing he’d learned in the military, Farrington said, it was to “know your back door. If bad dudes are banging on the front, have a way to get out of Dodge. Take your dog and get out of there. The rest of it ain’t worth your life.” He thought Taylor’s claim that he’d fired the first shot as a warning was “bullshit.” Still, Farrington felt sorry for Taylor. “I kind of get the pioneering spirit, and from what I understand he had a shit life up to then,” Farrington said. He was indignant on Taylor’s behalf that the law didn’t come when he called 911. “I think the sheriff’s department should be sued within an inch of its life,” Farrington said.

After six hours, the jury came back. The judge asked if it had reached a unanimous decision.

“We have not,” Farrington said, his voice mournful.

“You are just hopelessly locked?”

“We are six and six.”

The judge declared a mistrial.

7.

Taylor’s retrial was scheduled for May 2019. The defense wanted the jurors to visit the scene of Knight’s death, to feel its isolation for themselves, and for that to happen—for a vehicle carrying 12 people to make it up the unpaved, rutted length of Nagelridge Way—they had to wait until the snow melted.

In the intervening months, there were several developments in Taylor’s case; some seemed to push it in his favor, others not. Klamath County reconvened a grand jury to add a new charge. Jurors at the retrial would now have the option of convicting Taylor of first-degree manslaughter, which carried a minimum sentence of ten years.

Meanwhile, during a visit to Tableland, photographer Michael Hanson had talked to Daryl Malvern, the husband of Sara Palomino, who said that Taylor had done the right thing, because Knight had been planning to kill him. In January, I convinced Malvern to talk to me, too. Sitting at a table in the back of the Palomino Deli, looking younger than his 50-plus years and dressed in a T-shirt with a marijuana-leaf pattern printed on it, Malvern said that he’d considered Knight a close friend. Not only was Knight capable of killing Taylor, Malvern claimed, but he’d had an active plan to do so. “He talked about killing the guy all the time,” Malvern said. “And he was very serious.”

The original idea was to ask Taylor to return the solar panels to Knight’s trailer, blow him away with a shotgun, and claim he’d been an intruder. Then, Knight and Paul Strong decided to run Taylor off instead. Malvern said that Strong was interested in buying Knight’s property but didn’t want Taylor as a neighbor.  The two men would pop by the deli and update Malvern on the progress of their campaign. (Strong denied Malvern’s allegations and said Malvern just wanted to buy a piece of Knight’s property, which Strong has since purchased.)

“Roy had him scared to death, he really did,” Malvern said. “He had that man trembling. Roy pulled guns on him many, many times. If he didn’t leave, Roy planned on murdering him.”

Malvern said he kept his distance from the feud. “I knew what was coming,” he said. He admitted that shooting Knight in the back wasn’t a good look but believed that Taylor was justified in doing it. “Do I think he had the right to kill Roy? I do,” Malvern said.

With Malvern’s permission, I played a tape of the interview for Detective Irish, the district attorney, and Taylor’s lawyers. Irish went out to Beatty and interviewed Malvern the following month. Kersey promised to call Malvern as a witness at the retrial.

But when May 2019 rolled around, the county decided that the roads were still too dangerous to send a bus full of jurors up the mountain. During a scouting trip, Irish took a photograph of a puddle on the way to Taylor’s property that ran the entire width of the road. The trial was postponed until the fall.

Taylor remained in jail, waiting. When I visited, he showed me pictures of Josh and Josh’s infant son, who looked uncannily like his grandfather. Three years after killing Knight, Taylor was surer than ever that he did the right thing when he pulled the trigger. He could recite the numbers of various Oregon statutes that he felt applied to his case. His lawyers thought his best shot at freedom was to keep emphasizing his naivete and ineptitude at life on the mountain: He hadn’t known what he was getting into when he moved to Tableland; he hadn’t known that his first shot connected with Knight’s body, because he wasn’t that experienced with firearms; he was deathly afraid of Knight. Taylor, however, preferred a narrative that painted him as a competent survivor exercising his constitutional right to protect himself when the law refused to. He’d acted rationally, he insisted.

The social contract is not a buffet—if you opt out because you want absolute freedom, you have to accept that no one will come to save your ass when trouble starts.

When I suggested that perhaps in Knight he saw the drunken menace of his father, Taylor dismissed the idea. He’d loved his dad; he even had a tattoo of a dragon and a Viking warrior’s skull on his shoulder, symbolizing his father’s strength and wisdom. The Klamath County sheriff’s department was the problem in his life.

Taylor also disagreed with what I took to be the moral of his story: The social contract is not a buffet—if you opt out because you want absolute freedom, you have to accept that no one will come to save your ass when trouble starts. Taylor still wished he could live “back in the 1800s and before,” a time of “limited government, people depending on themselves,” when Americans weren’t such “pansies” and hardened criminals were hanged for wrongdoing. If he ever got out of jail, he wanted to try living off the grid again. “You’ve always got to take a risk to have your freedom,” he said. At the same time, he thought that the law should have come when he called 911, that it should have protected his property while he was in jail, that it should have provided him with therapy, antidepressants, and painkillers while he sat in a cell.

“I will be the first person to admit I’m far from perfect,” Taylor wrote me in a letter. “I have made many mistakes throughout my life and will continue to make mistakes. I regret deeply having to take someone else’s life. I have relived that horrid week every night since then and highly doubt I will ever get over what had transpired and will live with it for the rest of my life. And the most difficult part—where do I go from here and how?”

One thing was certain: Taylor wouldn’t be returning to his plot on Tableland. Because he’d stopped paying for the place, it eventually went up for sale again online. As of this writing, it‘s still available. It could be yours for a mere $19,200. There’s a lovely butte on the property. If you scramble to the top, you can see a vast sweep of landscape. Below lies the sprawl of Knight’s compound and the shaggy wreckage of Taylor’s place, its thin soil stained with blood. Far in the distance there’s a dark tree line where the pines begin, and beyond that, blue along the horizon, the mountains.


Update

In the weeks before the retrial, Klamath County offered Taylor a deal: If he agreed to plead “no contest” to criminally negligent homicide, he would be sentenced to 75 months in prison. Taylor took the deal on September 10, 2019, rather than go to trial and risk being convicted of manslaughter, which would carry a heftier sentence. With credit for time served and reductions for good behavior and participation in prison programs, he could be out in a couple of years. Taylor will serve his sentence at a state prison after already spending three years, three months, and 17 days in county jail.