American Hindenburg

American Hindenburg

The Talented Mr. Bruseaux

The
Talented
Mr. Bruseaux


The Atavist Magazine, No. 165


Matthew Wolfe’s writing has appeared in the New York Times Magazine, The Atlantic, Harper’s, National Geographic, and The New Republic. His first book, about the Earth Liberation Front and radical environmentalism, will be published by Viking in 2026. His previous Atavist story, “The Ghosts of Pickering Trail,” was written with Will Hunt and appeared as issue no. 51.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Emily Injeian
Illustrator: Mark Harris

Published in July 2025.


Early in the evening of April 10, 1928, the day of Chicago’s municipal primary, a candidate for alderman named Octavius C. Granady was pulling up to a polling station, choked with voters fresh from work, when a man dressed in a gray overcoat and a fedora strolled up to his car, drew a pistol, and fired a volley of shots through the back window. Amazingly, the would-be killer missed his target. Granady’s driver slammed his foot on the gas, sending the vehicle, hung with campaign banners, burning rubber down Washburne Avenue. The gunman hopped onto the running board of a nearby Cadillac, which promptly gave chase.

The weeks leading up to the city’s election had been marked by a frenzy of political violence. Chicago’s flamboyantly amoral mayor, William “Big Bill” Thompson, who had recently won office on the populist slogan “America First,” enjoyed the backing of local gangsters, including the infamous syndicate kingpin Al Capone. To push through Thompson’s ticket of loyal supporters, Capone’s henchmen adopted a blunt approach to canvassing. Houses of political officials were bombed, poll workers beaten, and the citizenry intimidated by club-wielding thugs. Tabloids dubbed the election the Pineapple Primary—“pineapple” being slang for a hand grenade.

A brave coalition of civic reformers, however, was fighting back against the corruption afflicting the city. Among them was Octavius Granady. A Black lawyer and World War I veteran, Granady had volunteered to run against a longtime Thompson ally named Morris Eller, who was white, for the city council seat representing Chicago’s 20th Ward. The heavily contested race soon became the front line in the battle for the soul of the city. Fearing for his life as primary day approached, Granady had asked for protection from the police department. The request was denied.

After the attempt on his life, Granady’s car careened wildly for more than a mile through the crowded streets of the South Side, trying desperately to lose its pursuers. The hit man, still hunched low on the running board and clutching the Cadillac’s steel frame for balance, continued to snap off rounds. Then, while trying to maneuver a turn, Granady’s driver lost control and crashed into a curb.

Dazed, the candidate stumbled from the wreck, only to be met by a trio of attackers exiting the Cadillac. Squaring up, they brought him down in a spray of shotgun fire. As Granady lay dying, the assassins sped off, a banner for his opponent flapping from their vehicle’s chassis.

Nearly a decade into Prohibition, Chicagoans had become inured to a certain amount of murder and mayhem. But the daylight execution of a principled political reformer shocked the populace. A special prosecutor was appointed to bring the perpetrators to justice. His first task was to hire someone to lead the investigation into the killing—someone fearless and independent, free from influence by the city’s notoriously troubled police department. A series of reputable investigative agencies, however, failed to make any headway in the case. Frustrated, the prosecutor turned to an unlikely choice—a Black man, one who had been blazing an extraordinary path through the world of criminal investigation: Sheridan Bruseaux.

A little less than a decade before, Bruseaux had become, by all extant records, the United States’ first Black licensed private investigator. The industry was, at the time, a white man’s enterprise, with illustrious agencies such as Pinkerton and Baldwin-Felts marketing their services to the country’s moneyed elite. Bruseaux pitched his to Chicago’s growing Black bourgeoisie, who were beginning to suffer the same messy divorces and estate battles as their white counterparts. While Bruseaux snooped into embezzlement and infidelity—a private eye’s bread and butter—he also moonlighted as an avenger of racial violence, hunting perpetrators of lynchings and bombings. His advantage over his white competitors, Bruseaux would later claim, was his vast network of informants, hidden in plain sight: Black cooks and cleaners and doormen, an army of service workers who received no second glances but were privy to the city’s whispers and confidences.

Though Bruseaux has since been neglected by history, he was once a household name in the Black community. But as he prepared to take on the Granady case, the biggest of his career, his public persona revealed only part of his story. He had become wealthy and famous by unearthing other people’s secrets, but the man known as Sheridan Bruseaux was keeping a few of his own.

William “Big Bill” Thompson

On April 26, 1890, Sheridan Bruseau—the second to last of fifteen children, nine of whom survived past adolescence—was born in Little Rock, Arkansas. Sheridan’s father, Alexander, had been born into slavery on a sugar plantation in Louisiana, a land of serpentine bayous and long fields of swaying cane. In harvest season, cutting gangs waded into the tall grass, hacking at the stalks with flat, double-sided knives from dawn to dusk. Among Southern slaves cane plantations inspired terror, so frequent was death from exhaustion, disease, or industrial accidents. (The famed abolitionist Frederick Douglass dubbed captivity on such plantations a “life of living death.”)

During the Civil War, when the Union Army marched into Louisiana, thousands of slaves dropped their blades and fled, many choosing to enlist with their liberators. In the summer of 1863, Alexander Bruseau, then 25, joined up and was mustered into the U.S. Colored Troops 79th Infantry. Following the Union’s final victory in 1865, Bruseau received $249.60 in military benefits from the Freedman’s Bureau and headed north to Arkansas. By the late 19th century, Little Rock was home to a thriving class of Black entrepreneurs and craftsmen. Most former slaves, though, had few marketable skills, and they were forced into menial work and subsistence incomes. Bruseau became a gardener. In 1877, he married a woman, Nancy, from North Carolina, with whom he had several children, including Sheridan. Their home, a simple frame shack near the city limits, sat in sight of a cemetery honoring the Confederate dead.

Under Jim Crow, Black Southerners were frequently subjected to spectacular violence. In 1904, when Sheridan was 14, the town of St. Charles two counties over became the site of one of the largest mass lynchings in U.S. history, in which 13 Black men were shot to death. Such brutal vigilantism often received the tacit support of journalists. Little Rock’s Arkansas Democrat once printed on its front page that a “black brute”—an alliterative phrase the publication had a special fondness for—accused of assaulting a “highly respected lady” was hanged from a telephone pole in the town of Tillar. The report noted that he had been left strung up for much of the next day. The alleged assailant was 17, only a year older than Sheridan.

After attending a local high school, then the recently established Arkansas Baptist College, Sheridan faced a cruelly delimited future. He took a series of low-paying service jobs—day laborer, messenger, porter. But soon an opportunity presented itself. With the onset of World War I, factories in northern cities began stamping out munitions and canned food. Word of higher wages and fairer treatment spread south. Between 1916 and 1919, around half a million Black Americans departed the rural districts of their birth for the North’s industrialized sprawl and hope of a more profitable, less frightening tomorrow. Sheridan, his mother, and many of his siblings were among them.

When Sheridan reemerged in Chicago, his last name was entered into the public record with an x on the end. Viewed one way, the addition was a simple embellishment—attempted evidence, perhaps, of an unprovable claim Bruseaux would later make to a journalist that he was of French descent. But it was also an act of reinvention. In the comparative safety of the North, Bruseaux was free to fashion a new self.

The Chicago Defender, the city’s leading Black newspaper, boasted that Keystone was the first detective agency to be run by “our group.”

If Bruseaux thought he was leaving racial violence behind in moving north, his optimism was quickly dashed. Across the nation, racial tensions were beginning to erupt. When the United States entered World War I, millions of white working men were sent overseas, many to fill the trenches of the Western Front. After the Armistice was signed at the end of 1918, many returned home to find their jobs and apartments filled by Black faces, newly arrived from the South. A violent backlash ensued. During the Red Summer of 1919, white residents of dozens of U.S. cities launched a program of attacks on Black homes and businesses, terrorizing and slaughtering hundreds of people. The Ku Klux Klan, an organization moribund for over four decades, was not only revived but became a political force.

Chicago did not escape the national mood. The city’s Black population had doubled between 1916 and 1919, and workers of all extractions furiously competed for shifts in packing houses and abattoirs while crowding into cramped apartments with exorbitant rents. The welcome received by migrating Black families, once so hopeful about a better life above the Mason-Dixon Line, was made no smoother by local newspapers. “Half a Million Darkies from Dixie Swarm the North to Better Themselves,” blustered a headline in the Chicago Tribune. In the months leading up to the summer of 1919, white mobs assaulted Black citizens in the streets and firebombed their properties. “It looks very much like Chicago is trying to rival the South in its race hatred against the Negro,” wrote the famed muckraker Ida B. Wells-Barnett in the Tribune in July 1919.

Just weeks later, on a sweltering late-July afternoon, a handful of Black teenagers, cooling themselves on a homemade raft, accidentally drifted into a zone of Lake Michigan considered off-limits to people of color. From the sandy shore, a white man began lobbing rocks at them. At first it seemed to the boys like a game: The vessel was a good distance from the beach, and their assailant’s aim was lazy. But then, just as 17-year-old Eugene Williams, who was swimming alongside the raft, popped out of the water, one of the rocks hit him in the forehead. Stunned, Williams sank to the bottom of the lake and drowned. When his distraught friends reported the incident to a white police officer, he refused to make an arrest. A brawl broke out, and the violence spread into the worst race riot in Chicago history. In a matter of days, 38 Chicagoans were dead and 500 were injured. The bloodshed only ended with the arrival of thousands of state militiamen and a chilling rain.

It was in this very moment, when the hot days of Red Summer were easing into autumn, that Sheridan Bruseaux hung a shingle for a new detective agency in Chicago’s Bronzeville neighborhood, then a center of Black life. Promoting his services in Black newspapers alongside ads for “High-Brown Face Powder,” Bruseaux, now 29, claimed an impressive pedigree. He proudly stated that, since leaving Arkansas, he’d earned a law degree from the University of Minnesota and spent the war years in Europe working for the government’s Secret Service, which ran a vast counterintelligence network. After a stint with an investigative firm in Chicago, Bruseaux had decided to go into business for himself.

In September 1919, Bruseaux opened the doors of the Keystone Detective Agency at 3333 South State, a popular address among Black entrepreneurs. The agency was the first of its kind to be owned by a Black man. The Chicago Defender, the city’s leading Black newspaper, boasted that Keystone was the first detective agency to be run by “our group.”

Tall and broad shouldered, with his short hair conked and split into a stylish side part, Bruseaux cultivated an air of old money, wearing the finely cut suits favored by bankers. (He’d one day be included on a list of the city’s best-dressed men.) Along with other investigative services, Bruseaux offered to shadow unfaithful spouses and locate lost relatives—a common concern for families whose members had been separated during the migration north. His agency made use of emerging technologies like fingerprinting, listening devices, and hidden cameras. Ambitious from the start, Bruseaux made it known that he was available for jobs anywhere in the country, publicizing his business with the slogan “We Cover the World.”

Drawing clients from the city’s growing Black middle class, Bruseaux assembled a diverse docket of cases. Investigations ranged from retrieving stolen jewels and catching currency forgers to debunking confidence men and quacks. In an early success, Keystone made the front page of the Chicago Whip for catching the trafficker of a 15-year-old girl “lured into the underworld.”

Bruseaux’s big break came a month after his agency’s founding, though it wasn’t exactly an investigative coup. The editor of the Chicago Defender hired him to set up the Black nationalist leader Marcus Garvey, who had incurred the integration-minded Defender’s wrath by urging Black Americans to return to Africa and establish their own state. At the editor’s behest, Bruseaux bought two shares of stock in Garvey’s Black Star shipping company. By selling them, Garvey violated an obscure Illinois law forbidding the sale of equities without a state license, and he was briefly jailed. The arrest of a prominent activist was controversial—Garvey had plenty of supporters in the city—but it transformed Bruseaux into a boldface name. In just a few months, he’d have enough business to move from his humble Bronzeville office into two spacious suites decorated with oil paintings and panel mirrors.

Discovering that many of the prejudices that afflicted his family in Arkansas and Louisiana had followed him to Chicago, Bruseaux took on a sideline gig investigating racial violence. He dug into bombings of Black family homes on the South Side, the burning of a Black church, and the murder of a Black 16-year-old by a white druggist from whom the boy had tried to purchase pomade. By investigating such crimes, Bruseaux’s agency offered an alternative path to justice for Black Americans shunned by the legal system.

Bruseaux also began interrogating the root causes of social problems. One client hired him to look into the conditions causing Black unemployment in the Midwest. In a letter to an official at the Department of Labor, Bruseaux asked “why the Negro is constantly being discharged from positions, and even the commonest labor at which he has previously been employed.” Bruseaux frequently drew from interviews, surveys, and first-person observation—mirroring the pioneering work being done by sociologists at the University of Chicago. He waded into public debates, and once used statistics to dispute charges that Black men were responsible for a disproportionate amount of the city’s crime.

As Bruseaux’s profile grew, his work took him farther afield—to investigate a lynching in North Carolina; to reexamine the killing of a Black teenager by a policeman in Gary, Indiana; and to locate a Creek Indian girl in Oklahoma who claimed that she was coerced by a group of white men to sign over a deed to valuable oil lands.

Though Keystone promised in its ads that all client business would be kept “strictly confidential,” Bruseaux’s exploits were breathlessly covered by the press. When hired by attorneys to testify in court, he often delivered sensational evidence on the stand. In 1923, during the scandalous divorce proceedings of Williams Stokes, a millionaire real estate heir, and his second wife, Helen, Bruseaux was brought in to rebut a maid’s accusation that Mrs. Stokes had been seen in the apartment of another man. After the maid’s testimony, Bruseaux shocked the court by producing an affidavit from her mother stating that she was lying, forcing the witness to break down and admit that she had perjured herself. The move, one newspaper noted, “puts Mr. Bruseaux on record as one of the cleverest detectives in the country, not only of his own race, but any race.”

Not all coverage was favorable, however. The following year, Bruseaux earned the enmity of the Black-owned Chicago Whip after investigating its publisher for the theft of $8,000 in bonds. In an angry article, the paper dismissed Bruseaux as a “joke” and a “dining car detective.” It mocked his Arkansas accent, writing that “one could easily picture the sleuth trailing a plough in the southern cotton fields.” The Whip’s attack displayed a condescension commonly directed at new Black arrivals in the city. “Securely established Negro citizens were perturbed by the avalanche of their rustic brethren whose manners and personal appearance were not always so prepossessing as they might be,” noted Arna Bontemps in Anyplace But Here, a book about the Great Migration. “Feet used to a plowed field found it hard to steady themselves on a lurching streetcar, so that migrants stepped on toes and jostled their fellow passengers.” Some members of the Black professional class even complained that, in their uncouthness, Southerners such as Bruseaux were responsible for the new tension with white citizens, having upset a hard-won equilibrium—blaming them, in effect, for dragging racism up from the plantations.

Perhaps seeking to overcome this class prejudice, Bruseaux hosted extravagant parties. In 1923, after several years of public bachelordom, Bruseaux married Ethel Sewell, who the Chicago Defender reported was from a prominent Philadelphia family. The paper hailed her as one of the “most charming young matrons in Chicago.” By that time, Bruseaux was wealthy. Together the couple threw opulent soirees in their fashionable home on Grand Avenue, where they were neighbors of the champion boxer Jack Johnson (whose wife, it was reported, had once retained Bruseaux to probe her marriage). Guests of the Bruseauxs—among them actor Paul Robeson and jazz legend Louis Armstrong—were presented with expensive gifts like gold watches, glassware, and traveling bags.

By the mid-1920s, Chicago’s Black residents had built a thriving enclave, with its own stores, churches, theaters, newspapers, literary societies, and professional class. The latter half of the decade, as St. Clair Drake and Horace Cayton observe in their 1945 study Black Metropolis, would be “the Fat Years”—the most prosperous in the community’s history. And Sheridan Bruseaux sat atop that plenitude, scraping cream from the scandals of the affluent. But as Bruseaux would soon discover, his position, based on perception as much as deed, was a precarious one.

Octavius Granady

The death of Octavius Granady happened, in part, by chance. When deciding who would run against Morris Eller, Granady and another reformer had flipped a coin; Granady lost.

Taking on Eller brought with it considerable risks. During his campaign, Granady’s staff were harassed and sabotaged, their headquarters raided and the telephone lines cut. A chilling rumor spread that, even if Granady won, he’d never serve a day in office. On the morning of the primary, one of Granady’s poll monitors was kidnapped by three men, who forced him into a car and bashed his head with a revolver. Chicago police stood around, the monitor later recalled, “watching in amusement.”

Danger was not unique to the alderman’s race. The Second City felt increasingly lawless. Its murder rate had skyrocketed and its governance was in decline—both thanks to Prohibition. One local sociologist described “an unholy alliance between organized crime and politics” that allowed criminality to flourish, an environment where Al Capone could reportedly raise $200,000 for mayor Thompson’s campaign in exchange for the freedom to run a violent empire.

Thompson was an opera buffa demagogue, a loud, self-styled cowboy who once set his 300-pound frame atop a horse and rode it into a city council meeting. In 1927, he’d staged a debate against two live rats: stand-ins for his political opponents. The Chicago Tribune later declared Thompson “a byword for collapse of the American civilization” and his political career synonymous with “filth, corruption, obscenity, idiocy, and bankruptcy.”

According to the New York Times, the city’s police department, under the command of a Thompson-appointed commissioner, accomplished little in its investigation of Granady’s murder. Fed-up state officials summoned a special attorney to look into the killing and the broader lawlessness plaguing the election. The man they chose for the job was the legendary square-jawed crime fighter Frank Loesch.

Loesch was a veteran Chicago prosecutor with an unimpeachable reputation for honesty and integrity, an eminence grise whom one newspaper compared to the Roman Republic’s Cato, waging a relentless battle against the city’s foes. He struck a profile that the Los Angeles Times described as “erect, snowy-haired and unafraid.” But Loesch, now 76, was too old to work alone. To find Granady’s killer, he would need a reliable deputy, someone to do the heavy lifting the investigation would require. Loesch didn’t trust Chicago’s usual authorities—he believed the police to be untrained, prosecutors ignorant, and judges corrupt. To build his case, Loesch needed a true outsider, someone unafraid of making enemies.

At the time of Granady’s killing, Sheridan Bruseaux’s practice was busier than ever, with operatives all over the country. He had become a community hero of sorts—a crusading sleuth fighting hatred and exploitation. Loesch offered him the job, and Bruseaux accepted. He was given a detail of three Black police officers to assist him, and charged with assembling a criminal case Loesch could bring to trial.

From the beginning, Bruseaux faced long odds. Finding witnesses wasn’t difficult; hundreds had observed either the initial attack on Granady, the frantic chase through the streets of Chicago, or the murder itself. But Capone’s thugs were said to be cruising the South Side, warning residents that they’d be killed if they testified in the case and offering $1,000 for the location of witnesses so the goons could intimidate them. Meanwhile, the New York Times reported that the criminal underworld had created a defense fund, levying a tax on gamblers, hoodlums, and saloonkeepers, to assist anyone who might be arrested for the crime.

Bruseaux was undaunted. He announced that his investigation would cover the whole city, leaving no complicit party untouched by the hand of justice. “Every man who comes within the scope of the inquiry will be investigated regardless of his political standing or his position within the police department,” Bruseaux told reporters. “And all such information gathered through the investigation will be presented to the grand jury without fear or favor.”

Persuading bystanders to reveal what they’d seen required all of Bruseaux’s skill and charm; keeping them alive posed more significant challenges. Weeks into the investigation, gangsters with shotguns, posing as insurance salesmen, tried to break into the home of James Huff, a Granady campaign worker and a passenger in the candidate’s car when it was attacked. Huff’s wife slipped out the back and notified Bruseaux, who dispatched a member of his detail to rush the witness and his family to safety.

Bruseaux soon realized that even his colleagues couldn’t be trusted. While he employed his own staff, he also received assistance from state investigators and local police. At one point, suspicious of a Black detective assigned to his detail, Bruseaux followed him from work. After trailing him through the city, Bruseaux watched as he knocked on the door of Oscar DePriest, an influential Black boss in the Thompson machine. Bruseaux kicked the detective off the case. By way of revenge, the police commissioner pulled the rest of Bruseaux’s detail. Loesch assigned Bruseaux a bodyguard, and after that only Bruseaux knew the names and locations of cooperating witnesses.

As Bruseaux dug deeper, he began to unearth a monstrous conspiracy. Witnesses told him that Granady had been pursued by not one but two cars—the Cadillac and, a short distance back, an olive-green Buick. (Bruseaux would eventually track down the former, sold two days after the assassination.) The Buick was said to have been driven by men in police uniforms—the same ones who then responded to the scene of the murder.

After weeks of work, Bruseaux finally identified the shooters: Harry Hochstein, Johnny Armando, and Sammy Kaplan. The men were not only freelance goons for Capone, they were also on the payrolls of powerful people associated with Granady’s rival, Morris Eller, whose banner had been affixed to the killers’ car. In fact, Hochstein and Armando worked directly for Eller’s campaign. What’s more, Bruseaux found evidence of far-reaching electoral fraud. On the day of the primary, gangs of Eller supporters had driven from polling place to polling place—venues often staffed entirely by America First clerks and judges—where they stuffed ballot boxes. Hundreds of “voters” who resided in vacant buildings or at nonexistent addresses cast ballots; some did so from beyond the grave.

In other instances, election officials appeared to have altered the ballot tallies to give Thompson candidates the edge. Bruseaux found too that, in the weeks leading up to the election, hired thugs extorted tribute from speakeasies, craps games, and brothels to finance Eller’s campaign. A gambling operator, for example, was taxed $600 per week—the equivalent of about $10,000 today.

At times during interviews, suspects seemed to be having Bruseaux on. The notebook of one reputed gangster showed multiple payments of $100 to police. When asked about them, the man claimed he liked to play “policy games,” or illegal lotteries, on the South Side. “And how do you spell policy?” asked an investigator assigned to the grand jury. “P-O-L-I-C-E,” he replied.

On June 29, 1928, Loesch stepped forward to address a swarm of reporters. He unveiled a series of shocking charges: In all, 19 suspects were indicted by a grand jury as part of a vast conspiracy to murder Octavius Granady and meddle with the election for the benefit of Morris Eller. Among them were five Chicago detectives, including the leader of a squad assigned to the 20th Ward on election day. Eller and his son, Emmanuel, were accused of providing protection to criminals in exchange for votes. Two witnesses, a barber and a collector on Eller’s payroll, testified that it was Eller himself who had supplied the 20th Ward’s gangsters with guns on the day of the primary.

Charges were also filed against Oscar DePriest, the politician whom Bruseaux had seen a police detective visit, for election fraud. DePriest, a South Side power broker, was in the midst of a campaign to become the first Black official elected to Congress in almost 30 years. The indictment asserted that DePriest and others had collected money from liquor, vice, and gambling establishments in exchange for police protection—cash that was then routed to a slush fund in Mayor Thompson’s America First campaign.

Announcing the indictments, Loesch, who was usually grim faced, couldn’t help but break into a smile. “Gentlemen,” he informed reporters, “we have them.”

The indictments were built on the efforts of Bruseaux, who—overcoming what Loesch described as “insurmountable obstacles”—had secured the testimony of more than 100 witnesses. The detective estimated that he’d uncovered more than $5 million that had been illicitly collected for Thompson’s political machine from gangsters and corrupt politicians. Overnight, Bruseaux became a sensation, the daring gumshoe who stood up to corruption and sought justice for murder. Publications around the country rushed to interview him. The New York Amsterdam News, in a glowing profile, compared him to Sherlock Holmes. Even his journalistic bête noire, the Chicago Whip, which once had mocked Bruseaux’s unpolished style, reluctantly lauded his accomplishment.

Bruseaux was at the pinnacle of his career, his achievements sufficiently impressive that the NAACP took notice. Since 1915, the nation’s preeminent civil-rights group had awarded an annual prize recognizing the individual in America who best embodied Black excellence. The Spingarn Medal was its most prestigious honor, previously bestowed on such trailblazers as the Army’s first Black colonel, Charles Young, and agricultural scientist George Washington Carver. In early 1929, when the organization was considering nominees, Bruseaux’s name was at the top of the list.

Records show that W. E. B. DuBois, the NAACP’s cofounder and head of publicity, received dozens of letters from Black luminaries written on Bruseaux’s behalf—the most for any candidate. Among Bruseaux’s supporters was Ida B. Wells-Barnett, another NAACP cofounder now living in Chicago. “Every day for six months, I thrilled with pride over the tributes to this negro’s ability,” her handwritten note to DuBois read. “Because Mr. Bruseaux could neither be bribed nor bullied … he has won a signal victory for the forces of law and order, and the gratitude of the entire city.” Arthur Mitchell, a well-known Chicago lawyer, noted that the Tribune had been unstinting in its praise of Bruseaux—no small matter for a paper, Mitchell observed, that “heretofore had been thought to be most unfriendly to ambitious Colored men.… Winning the commendation of this paper for the race and changing its attitude on many racial questions is, within itself … worthy of the highest commendation.”

Soon, Bruseaux was reported to be in the running for a top post at the Justice Department, with an annual salary of $10,000 (around $187,000 today). While traveling for business, Bruseaux happened to pass through his erstwhile hometown of Little Rock, where he was feted by onetime neighbors. His picture was hung in his former high school, at a ceremony attended by the city’s Black elite—the high society from which, growing up, he had been excluded. Where Bruseaux’s horizons had once been stifled, his future now seemed limitless.

But just as Bruseaux was taking a victory lap, his life began to unravel.

The investigators working for Bruseaux faced danger, too—one of his deputies was stabbed in the back on his way home from work, leaving him bleeding but alive.

In retrospect, there were early signs that Loesch’s case against Granady’s alleged killers might run into trouble once it went to trial. Emmanuel Eller was an elected judge, and despite the criminal charges against him, it was in his court that the men accused of shooting his father’s political opponent first appeared, in July 1928. Judge Eller immediately cut their bond, allowing their release. A few weeks later, one of Morris Eller’s henchman suspected of participating in Granady’s killing was found murdered under a pile of rubbish in an alley—“a warning,” a city official declared, “from those pulling the strings that it isn’t healthy to squawk.” Soon after, a second suspect, wanted for questioning, was also found dead, his body slumped over a car steering wheel with eight shots to the head. The investigators working for Bruseaux faced danger, too—one of them was stabbed in the back on his way home from work, leaving him bleeding but alive.

That November, the Thompson machine was smashed in the general election, with every one of the mayor’s candidates soundly defeated, including Morris Eller. But the defendants in Loesch’s case had yet to be prosecuted. The date of the proceedings was repeatedly delayed, and by the time the first witness entered the courtroom to give testimony, 19 months had passed since Granady’s assassination. Readying for trial, Bruseaux became so stressed that he was hospitalized for ulcers. He was right to be anxious, because what transpired in the courtroom was, in the words of one journalist, a farce.

Bruseaux, Loesch, and the state’s attorney disagreed about whether to indict the police officers in the second car, the green Buick, that chased Granady. Ultimately, the cops faced trial, but Judge Joseph David appeared conspicuously preferential toward them, dismissing witnesses who claimed to have seen the men participate in Granady’s murder as “liars.” David even hinted that he would set aside a guilty verdict, should the jury reach one. Some witnesses’ testimony had changed since they were first interviewed—a bystander to the murder, asked in court to identify one of the shooters, pointed to a defense attorney.

Perhaps to some degree these shifting recollections were a result of the time that had elapsed since the crime is unclear. But witness tampering was also a specialty of Mayor Thompson’s most powerful supporter, Al Capone, and it would be another year and a half before he was charged with tax evasion and forced to cede his throne as king of Chicago’s underworld.

The Granady trial was briefly halted when one of the prosecution’s star witnesses, Margaret Welch, was reportedly threatened with death. On November 1, 1929, the 23-year-old was set to tell the jury that she had overheard two of the defendants—John Armando, one of the alleged shooters, and James Belcastro, accused of driving the Cadillac—mention killing Granady in the days following the murder. On the morning of her testimony, according to the Tribune, Welch received an anonymous telephone call informing her that if she went through with it, she’d get her head blown off. To prove that they were serious, Welch’s harassers kidnapped her brother, reducing her to a state of hysterical collapse.

When she was finally coaxed into court a few weeks later, Welch’s hand shook as she took the oath. After giving her name and address, she fell to her knees and begged the judge to protect her. (“And some people pay $5.50 a seat to see a show,” mused a front-row spectator.) After being escorted to the county hospital, Welch never retook the stand. The charges against Armando and Belcastro were dismissed, and the men were set free.

Then, suddenly, a serious charge was leveled against Bruseaux. Under cross examination, several witnesses for the prosecution claimed that the detective had bribed them. A few said that Bruseaux had promised them jobs and paid their expenses in exchange for testimony, and one witness, a preacher named Joseph McMillan, declared that Bruseaux offered him $1,000 to identify Armando as one of the shooters. Though Granady’s own driver had already testified that it was Armando who fired off rounds from the running board of the Cadillac, Judge David was incensed, declaring the preacher’s allegation “far more serious than murder.”

Around the same time, an anonymous letter was mailed to the court accusing Bruseaux of a variety of crimes. The letter’s contents were never revealed; David, in a fit of rage, tore up the document, yelling that something should be done about the detective. “If the things they say about this man Bruseaux are true,” thundered the judge, “he ought to be in the penitentiary.”

Bruseaux vehemently denied the bribery charges, calling them “ridiculous,” but they weakened the prosecution’s case. After a series of unfavorable rulings, the judge dismissed the indictments against some of the defendants. Ultimately, the 15 of Eller’s henchmen who remained on trial escaped with fines after being found guilty of conspiracy.

Many of the broader corruption allegations also faded away. Morris Eller and his son were never tried in court, and both would remain active in law and politics for years. Loesch dropped the indictment against Oscar DePriest, and Bruseaux would claim publicly that DePriest, set up by political foes, was innocent of any crime. It’s unclear whether Bruseaux was bowing to political pressure or if he’d been hasty in his initial accusations. Regardless, DePriest, who had won his congressional race, becoming the first Black man elected to the House of Representatives since Reconstruction, had already had his revenge.

Archival records show that, in early 1929, one of DePriest’s associates, writing on the politician’s letterhead, mailed the NAACP a court document indicating that Bruseaux had been indicted for bigamy in 1917, two years before starting his detective agency. In 1906, while living in Arkansas, Bruseaux had married a young woman, and he’d never dissolved their union. The Spingarn Medal was awarded in the spring of 1929, well before the fiasco of the Granady trial. The NAACP presented it to the president of Howard University. Bruseaux had been passed over.

Al Capone

The accusations against Sheridan Bruseaux that aired during the Granady trial, though dubious, hinted at a larger pattern of lies and ethical shortcuts. The year before, in the midst of preparations for the case, the leader of a Black fraternal organization in Indiana claimed Bruseaux had tried to shake him down for $5,000. In 1930, the former head of the National Bar Association, C. F. Stradford, accused Bruseaux of extortion, stemming from a case in which Stradford had represented an abortionist. Bruseaux, he claimed, made himself “an involuntary, uninvited partner of anyone who receives or has an attractive sum,” adding that “money disappears quickly when one is making a bid for social position by giving expensive parties.” Nor was it the first time Bruseaux had been accused of trying to strong-arm clients: One Black newspaper stated that such a charge was “exactly in keeping” with its opinion of the detective and warned the public against associating with him.

His image tarnished, Bruseaux’s reputation within the Black community began to fade. Still, he worked steadily over the next several years. He exposed bank officers who used customers’ deposit to fund dog-race tracks; investigated the mysterious murder of the National Baptist Convention’s chief auditor, whose body was found in a river shot six times; and helped dismantle a prolific counterfeiting ring. Then Bruseaux’s desire to defend the Black community collided with his tendency to blur the truth, in a way that led to his undoing.

On June 19, 1936, the great boxer Joe Louis, then undefeated, was scheduled to fight German heavyweight Max Schmeling. The bout, with its inescapable political overtones—Schmeling was the pride of the Nazi Reich, Joe Louis a rising star of Black America—was an international spectacle. During the fight, staged in Yankee Stadium and broadcast to tens of millions over the radio, Schmeling, an eight-to-one underdog, launched a series of right crosses at Louis’s jaw, until finally, in the 12th round, the Brown Bomber hit the mat and was counted out. In the Black community, grief at the loss was apocalyptic. The poet Langston Hughes, who attended the event, described watching grown men sob like children on the streets of Harlem after the defeat. Hitler, meanwhile, cabled his congratulations to Schmeling.

Louis’s fans searched for an explanation as to how their hero came up short. In was in this sensitive moment that Bruseaux stepped forward to offer a hypothesis. Louis, he declared, hadn’t been beat, he’d been drugged. In an affidavit, Bruseaux claimed that, just before the fight, one of the boxer’s physicians had administered an injection that hindered Louis’s left arm—a story, Bruseaux said, related to him by Louis’s sister. Asked for comment, Louis and his managers angrily rejected Bruseaux’s theory. “I had no shot of any kind except a few hard rights from Schmeling’s glove,” Louis told the Chicago Tribune. Louis’s sister, for her part, said that she’d never told Bruseaux any such thing.

Whatever Bruseaux was attempting with the stunt, it backfired. He became an object of national ridicule, with one sportswriter labeling his affidavit “too screwy to be believed.” Louis’s managers claimed that Bruseaux had tried to extort them, threatening to go to the press with his accusation if they didn’t pay him off, and accused the detective of operating a “shakedown racket.” They filed a lawsuit against Bruseaux for libel, as did Louis’s physician. Bruseaux countersued, claiming defamation. The matter was settled out of court.

As he fell from grace, his case load thinned, and Bruseaux became financially overextended. In 1937, he sent a pleading letter to Arthur Mitchell, asking to borrow $150 because a catering company was trying to seize his car. Then, in his mid-fifties, Bruseaux hit a new public low: He was arrested and charged with grand larceny and blackmail after a client’s husband alleged that Bruseaux attempted to extort $1,900 from him. Bruseaux claimed that the charge was retaliation for tracking down the husband, who had skipped town with much of his wife’s money.

Bruseaux was given one last opportunity to salvage his reputation. In 1943, the detective was quietly hired to investigate another incident of racial violence, a riot in Detroit. On a hot summer day—much like the one in 1919, when Chicago exploded into violence—a pair of false rumors spread through the city: that a group of Black men had raped a white woman, and that a mob of white people had thrown a Black infant from a bridge. When the smoke from the resulting riots cleared, 25 Black Detroiters were dead, most of them killed by police, as were nine white residents. Civic leaders prevailed upon Bruseaux to investigate what had happened. His detective agency, after all, had been founded upon the ashes of a similar incident.

Bruseaux arranged focus groups of Detroit residents and asked them about life in the city. With the help of a team of research assistants, he canvassed the city’s neighborhoods to better understand the context in which the riot erupted. His report blamed the violence and resulting deaths on social conditions, namely overcrowding and competition for jobs and housing.

Despite its insights, the report did little to restore the detective’s prestige. As Bruseaux got older, his fabrications intensified, even as he developed a late-life obsession with the use of polygraphs. In his last known interview, with Ebony magazine in 1949, he unfurled a sad tapestry of self-aggrandizing lies, claiming that he had personally handled some 4,000 cases, that he’d turned down J. Edgar Hoover’s job as director of the FBI, and that he’d led an investigation into a famous divorce case in which, records show, he played no part. The magazine printed his fabulations as fact.

In 1950, after a short illness, Sheridan Bruseaux passed away at Roosevelt Hospital in New York City, at the age of 60. Though he was once the toast of Chicago, his obituary in the Tribune consisted of only a single paragraph, buried in the back of the paper.

Emerging from nowhere, Bruseaux had fashioned himself into a Gatsby of Chicago’s ascendant Black bourgeoisie.

In the 75 years since his death, Bruseaux has mostly faded from history. Other than a few stray mentions in books about Marcus Garvey and Joe Louis, nothing of substance has been written about him. Bruseaux and his wife, Ethel, who passed in 1973, had no children together. Records show that Bruseaux had a daughter years before, from an extramarital relationship, and a single surviving great-granddaughter. When I reached out to her, though, she had little information to offer, noting that Bruseaux had not been involved in the life of her grandmother, who, to her recollection, never mentioned him.

Ethel, who was married to Bruseaux for 27 years, has numerous living relatives. She gave birth to a daughter before meeting her husband, when she was a teenager living in Baltimore. The daughter’s name was Dorniece; she was sent to live with cousins in southern Maryland.

I met Ethel’s great-grandson Damon Caldwell for coffee in Manhattan’s Columbus Circle, just a block from where Bruseaux died. Now in his sixties and retired, Caldwell graduated from Stanford University, followed by Harvard Business School, then enjoyed a long, successful career. As it turned out, his daughter, a doctoral student at the University of Wisconsin–Madison, was researching the changing nature of anti-Black violence during almost the exact years when her great-great-step-grandfather was investigating instances of that violence.

Caldwell had heard only vague accounts of Bruseaux, who, as a result of family lore, he’d always thought was a lawyer. Asked if Ethel had indeed hailed from a prominent Philadelphia family, as newspapers reported, Caldwell laughed: That was likely one of Bruseaux’s exaggerations.

Archival sources reveal that much of the professional backstory Bruseaux used to buttress the Keystone Detective Agency was bogus. During World War I, he was not employed in Europe by the Secret Service. According to his draft registration card, in 1917 he worked as a waiter on the Tacoma Eastern Railroad. He’d obtained an exemption from military duty by claiming that he needed to support his wife and mother. Nor did Bruseaux ever receive a law degree from the University of Minnesota—there’s no record he was ever even in the state. And while he was at one time employed by Chicago’s McGuire & White Detective Agency, it appears to have been in the role of telephone operator.

Bruseaux even appears to have been, at one time, the type of con artist he later investigated. In 1918, the year before he opened Keystone, a short article in the Chicago Whip reported that a “Sheridan Bruseau,” while pretending to be the head waiter at a local hotel, had fleeced a number of men by promising them jobs in the dining room in exchange for a fee. When the men realized they’d been deceived by Bruseau’s “smooth line of talk,” they threatened him. “Fellow employees testified to the unfaithful regard that Mr. Bruseau has for the truth, and seemingly are not surprised at this unlawful practice,” the article read. “It is also said that women have fallen prey to his beautiful word pictures to obtain them jobs as chambermaids.” (If Bruseaux added an x to his name to avoid association with his past misdeeds, it seemed to work—the Whip, which later set itself against Bruseaux, appears to have overlooked the fact that he had been in its pages before.)

Bruseaux, Caldwell and I agreed, was a complicated figure—a wealthy, charming man of tremendous talent who was also dishonest, profligate, and, at times, morally compromising. He stood as a paradox, someone who adopted advanced research methods in pursuit of justice, but also spread falsehoods when it suited him. Emerging from nowhere, he fashioned himself into a Gatsby of Chicago’s ascendant Black bourgeoisie. “It was refreshing to see that, at that time period, an African-American man could remake himself,” Caldwell told me. “He came from nothing and became something.” 

Would Bruseaux have achieved the same success if he had been honest about his past—if, while starting up his business, he’d copped to being, not a highly educated former government agent, but a mere porter with a two-year degree from a humble Baptist college? Almost certainly not.

Once he was established, however, his investigative skills were exemplary. By an act of will, Bruseaux became the very thing he’d claimed to be. Yet like the fictional Gatsby—a character who, Fitzgerald wrote, seemed to spring from his own Platonic conception—Bruseaux, though mastering a profession dedicated to seeking out obscure truths, hid himself in fiction. The raw facts of his own life seemed, perhaps, too shameful for candor.


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Conversations with a Hit Man

Conversations
with a Hit Man

A former FBI agent traveled to Louisiana to ask a hired killer about a murder that haunted him. Then they started talking about a different case altogether.

By David Howard

From Antarctica with Love

From Antarctica
with Love

Part II
Disaster

On March 3, following Atkinson’s instructions, Cherry arrived at One Ton Depot to await his dearest friends, the ones who had given new purpose to his otherwise aimless aristocratic life. He’d nearly died alongside Dr. Bill and Birdie Bowers during their treacherous journey in winter darkness to fetch valuable Emperor penguin eggs at Cape Crozier. His teeth had shattered in the brutal minus-70-degree cold, and his poor eyesight meant that he was unable to see the gorgeous auroras in the sky above them. But the journey was instrumental in making Cherry the type of man he wished to be. Bill and Birdie were steadfast and true, and Cherry found that he could be, too. He had been devastated to not continue on the polar journey with them and looked forward to their reunion. The inspiring Dr. Bill and the indomitable Birdie, along with Scott, Oates, and Petty Officer Edgar “Taff” Evans, were due to arrive at the depot any day. “My first feeling was one of relief that the Polar Party had not been to the Depôt and that therefore we had got their provisions out in time,” Cherry later wrote. “I decided to remain at the Depôt where we were certain to meet.”

Cherry waited and waited, a day and then another. He wasn’t worried. Even after seven days, he wrote, “I had no reason to suspect that [they] could be in want of food. Thus I felt little anxiety for the Polar Party.” He could not take the dogs farther inland to look for them, because there wasn’t enough dog food for the journey. So on March 10, Cherry returned to base camp, hoping—believing—that his friends were close behind him.

Weeks went by. The sun vanished. Winter darkness fell, and the truth finally set in. Everyone in the hut knew that the polar party’s supplies would have run out by now. Nothing and no one could survive on the Barrier without food and fuel. This meant only one thing: All five men were dead. Atkinson, as the highest-ranking naval officer at Cape Evans, was now in full command of the British Antarctic Expedition.

The group in the hut was down to 13—apart from Scott’s lost party, nine others had gone home on the Terra Nova. After a subdued midwinter holiday dinner in June, Atkinson called the men together—officers, civilian scientists, and seamen. Atkinson was a different kind of leader than Scott, and he wanted all the men to weigh in on what should be done when the sun returned. Should they go west and try to rescue Campbell’s party, who would have had access to seals and penguins for sustenance to see them safely through the winter? Or should they go south, seeking out the remains of the lost party?

The vote was unanimous. There was a chance Campbell’s party would make it back to base on their own. But if the men didn’t try to find what remained of Scott’s party, it was possible that no one would ever know what became of them. The dead could not recover themselves.

At the end of the winter, Atkinson wrote a long letter to Pennell about the situation. “It really has been a devil of a winter and a very trying time,” he said. “By Jove I shall be very pleased to see you again and shall have a good deal to say. I think we all need civilization pretty badly.” The rest of the missive was characteristically modest; Atkinson singled out others at Cape Evans for praise, especially Cherry. “Please remember and remind anyone that I could never claim any credit for anything that will be done,” he wrote to Pennell. “There is much more for the others, but I am ready to take any blame for myself.”

Atkinson hoped that he might find some peace with Pennell once they returned home. “Mind you try and throw over a few things,” he wrote, “and we shall get off into the quiet country somewhere away from people.”

The search party set out on October 29 and covered the 137 miles to One Ton Depot in two weeks, arriving on November 11. The next day, Silas Wright squinted through the vast brightness glaring off the Barrier and noticed a small, out-of-place dark spot. He skied over to investigate. Soon the other men saw him waving frantically, beckoning them to follow. When they arrived, Silas said, “It is the tent.”

The men dug it out from a winter’s worth of drifted snow. Inside it was quiet as a cathedral. Some would say later that the dead men seemed to be sleeping. Others would describe it as a horrible, gruesome scene. All would agree that Scott’s arm was out of his bag, stretched over Wilson.

The search party silently collapsed the tent over the bodies, built a cairn of snow atop it, and put up a cross made of a pair of skis. Atkinson led a funeral service. “The sun was dipping low above the Pole, the Barrier was almost in shadow,” Cherry would write years later. “And the sky was blazing—sheets and sheets of iridescent clouds. The cairn and Cross stood dark against a glory of burnished gold.”

Campbell’s party had spent the winter in a dug-out ice cave not tall enough to stand up in, lit only by a single, smelly blubber lamp. They’d survived—barely.

As the Terra Nova cruised toward Cape Evans in midsummer, the crew strung up celebratory bunting and readied champagne, cigars, and chocolate. The ship was scrubbed, the yards squared, and the Union Jacks and ensigns hoisted. It was the least the men on board could do for Scott to ease the disappointment of having come in second place behind the Norwegians, who after returning from the Pole had sailed directly to Australia and announced their triumphant news to the world.

Though Pennell was aboard the ship, he was no longer its captain: Evans had recovered and been promoted to commander, taking over just before the Terra Nova headed south again. Grumbled Pennell in his diary: “The position is of course a very awkward, one might almost say humiliating, one.” But leaving the expedition would have meant not reuniting with Atkinson, so he accepted the demotion to navigator.

Approaching Ross Island on January 18, 1913, in a beautiful and sunny calm, Pennell was relieved to see Campbell and the other members of his party through his spyglass, waving to greet the ship. They had made it through the winter and rejoined the main party; they even looked to be in good health.

“Are you all well?” Evans shouted. Campbell raised a megaphone as the Terra Nova approached. He hesitated for a moment. “The southern party reached the South Pole on the seventeenth of January last year, but were all lost on the return journey,” he called out. “We have their records.”

The ship bobbed in silence as the sun bounced off the water. It was Pennell who broke the quiet. “All hands to let fall anchor!” he ordered. The men jerked back into action. There was a splash and the rattle of a chain. Evans dispatched crew members to bring down the celebratory flags.

Soon Atkinson and Campbell were on board, giving the Terra Nova’s crew the news in detail. The story of Campbell’s party was inspiring: They’d spent the winter in a dug-out ice cave not tall enough to stand up in, lit only by a single, smelly blubber lamp. They’d survived—barely—on seal and penguin meat, and kept themselves sane by singing hymns and obeying strict naval discipline. The three seamen in the party pretended not to hear the discussions on the officers’ side of the cave, and vice versa.

Of the polar party’s story there was almost too much to take in, not least the pain and grief suffered by the men at Cape Evans. “No one can ever know quite how much Atkinson has been through this last winter,” Pennell later wrote. For Evans’s part, he was awed at the “grit and loyalty” Atkinson had displayed through such a trial.

The ship’s carpenter constructed a nine-foot-tall memorial cross, upon which the names of the dead were carved, along with a quotation selected by Cherry from “Ulysses” by Alfred Lord Tennyson: “To strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield.” It was erected on Observation Hill, above Hut Point, the last staging point on the way to the Pole.

Denis Lillie

Everyone left on the expedition was aboard the Terra Nova as it steamed north. Pennell observed that Campbell somehow seemed younger now than when the expedition first set out. But Atkinson was another story. “Jane is much more marked—lines all over his face, which now, in repose, has a thoughtful almost sad look,” Pennell wrote in his diary. “The expedition will I think affect him more (permanently) than any other member.”

Atkinson would have to tell the families of the dead—and the wider world—that Scott’s party had perished. He would have to explain what led to the tragedy, when he still did not fully comprehend it himself. He saw the dead bodies, frostbitten and starved, in his mind’s eye; he saw the cans of precious fuel at the depots on the Barrier, their contents evaporated through faulty seals. He alone had read the end of Scott’s diary, with its increasingly bewildered enumeration of each point of failure: “The loss of pony transport in March 1911… The weather throughout the outward journey… The soft snow in lower reaches of glacier… [T]his sudden advent of severe weather… [A] shortage of fuel in our depôts for which I cannot account…”

Pennell, among others, tried to convince Atkinson that the expedition had been, at least in some ways, a success: An Englishman had reached the Pole, and the Terra Nova was carrying back the most extensive scientific records of Antarctica ever collected, including more than 70 pounds’ worth of immensely valuable geological specimens from the top of the Beardmore Glacier, hauled to the very end by the polar party.

Lillie, ever eager to cheer up his comrades, drew one of his caricatures, depicting Pennell and Atkinson as a pair of what he called Penelopatchicus antarctica, or “Antarctic Love-Birds,” perched on branches underneath a bell jar. With plumage resembling naval dress uniforms, the birds appeared to be performing some kind of mating dance. Both men signed their names to the drawing, as if to approve it for posterity.

Pennell may have looked at the dark-haired, compact Atkinson—quiet, strong Jane—and seen a man sorely tested who now needed kindness, care, and rest.

In the dark early hours of February 10, 1913, Atkinson and Pennell were rowed ashore by Tom Crean in Oamaru, New Zealand. The local lighthouse, in Morse code, flashed, “What ship?” But the crew of the Terra Nova refused to reveal the ship’s name—just as Atkinson and Pennell refused to tell the night watchman onshore who they were. Britain’s Central News Agency had negotiated the exclusive rights to Scott’s story before the expedition, and neither man was about to violate the agreement.

After a few hours of sleep on the bemused harbormaster’s floor, Pennell and Atkinson headed to Oamaru’s small telegraph office at 8 a.m. sharp. They sent a wire to the expedition’s agent, J. J. Kinsey, informing him that they would arrive by train in Christchurch to deliver the full story in person. The Terra Nova was already steaming up the coast to meet them there.

As they waited for the train, Pennell and Atkinson sat together in a field near the station. When was the last time it had been just the two of them? Perhaps nearly two years, when Pennell visited Atkinson’s hotel room to confess his anxieties about taking command of the ship. So much had happened since then. Pennell’s difficulties, whatever they may have been, paled in comparison with what Atkinson had endured. Whatever words did or did not pass between them, Pennell may have looked at the dark-haired, compact Atkinson—quiet, strong Jane—and seen a man sorely tested who now needed kindness, care, and rest.

It was a hazy and warm late-summer day. A northerly wind sent ripples over the broad blue-green sea and blew the sound of morning birdsong toward the two men. It was a rare and precious moment, the calm before the storm.

The storm found them soon enough. By the time Pennell and Atkinson were on the train to Christchurch, reporters had gotten word of the Terra Nova’s return and were on their trail, dogging the men from station to station. Some recognized Pennell from his two winters spent in New Zealand; some mistook Atkinson for Scott. Pennell shielded Atkinson from their prying. “Sorry, but I can’t give you a word,” he told one overeager reporter. “You know we are bound to secrecy.”

They handed over the full dispatch, written by Evans, as soon as they arrived in Christchurch, and Kinsey assumed responsibility for its immediate transmission. The story of Scott’s demise soon reverberated worldwide; it was in the headlines of nearly every paper around the globe by February 11. It happened so quickly that Atkinson did not even have a chance to speak to Oriana Wilson, Dr. Bill’s wife, before she heard a newsboy at the train station shout word of her husband’s death.

“It’s made a tremendous impression,” Atkinson told Cherry afterward. “I had no idea it would make so much.” It felt to many people like another Titanic, which had sunk only the year before. In Britain, children assembled in school halls to be told the terrible news by teachers. St. Paul’s Cathedral hosted a memorial service with King George in attendance. Thousands gathered outside, straining to hear the hymns.

In New Zealand the press was in a frenzy, and the men of the Terra Nova were at the center of it. Many of the scientists and civilians decamped right away for home or holiday, but the naval officers, duty bound to stay with the expedition until given leave, had no such luxury as headlines turned from shock to blame, much of it focused on Atkinson. Had he done enough, reporters asked, to save Scott? Could he have been at fault for the whole ordeal?

After Atkinson, stressed and grief-stricken, escaped to Kinsey’s country home outside Christchurch for rest and privacy, a reporter from the Lyttelton Times raised the issue with some of the Terra Nova’s officers. Pennell interrupted him. “There is not the slightest ground for suggesting that criticism of anything Dr. Atkinson did came from a single member of the expedition,” he said.

“Especially from me, who was in charge of one of the parties he was trying to relieve,” Campbell put in.

“Or from me, whose life he saved by his professional skill,” Evans added.

Bad feeling among the crew did exist privately, but it was mostly directed toward Evans. Since Scott’s death, he had become the head of the entire expedition, much to the chagrin of those, like Atkinson, who thought him unworthy of the position. But there was no time to dwell on the issue in the face of so much to be done: speaking to the press, arranging for passage back to England, filling out paperwork, preparing the Terra Nova for the ship’s homeward voyage.

It was only on weekends that Pennell and Atkinson could find a moment to themselves, and they made the most of it. They created a sanctuary for themselves at Te Hau, Kinsey and his wife’s country estate. There they bunked in a cozy hut in the garden, meant to serve as a meteorological station in Antarctica but left behind for lack of room on the ship. “Mrs. K carefully arranged that J & I should sleep together in the Cabin & apologised very much for having to put us in the one room,” Pennell wrote. The men smoked their pipes. They listened to the gramophone. They leafed through books of fashion plates. They took photographs, posing cheerfully with fellow expedition members and local friends. A couple they befriended even chose them to be godfathers to the child they were expecting.

But it could not last. Atkinson was tasked with chaperoning the widowed Oriana Wilson and her unmarried sister, Constance Souper, home to England. They steamed away on the SS Remuera on March 6. The night before, Pennell and Atkinson spent a final evening together at the Royal Oak—“the best hotel in Wellington but such a dirty place,” Pennell wrote. They would not see each other again until June or perhaps July, when the Terra Nova would finally arrive back in England. Pennell, always the optimist, was already looking forward to their reunion.

“In some ways this has been a very happy month,” he wrote. “None could have imagined how nice everyone could be until this sort of thing occurred, the thoughtfulness & sympathy of all our neighbours, the press & the public has been wonderful.” Though he had been very busy, there was a silver lining. “The whole time has been practically with Jane & this need not be emphasised.”

Part III
Home

The men were not together for the long journey back to England, but they were on the same seas: from New Zealand around Chile’s Cape Horn, up the eastern coast of South America, and across the Atlantic to England. Teddy Evans had chosen to join his wife on a steamer back home, leaving a grateful Pennell once again in command of the Terra Nova.

Writing to Pennell from the Remuera, Oriana Wilson assured him that Atkinson’s help as chaperone was invaluable to her, and that her presence had eased his grief as well. “I have felt so for him,” she wrote, “but I can’t say it to him—it has been such a relief to see him cheering up and enjoying things.” On the Terra Nova, Pennell slept during the day so he could take the night watch. “You will be amused to hear that the last 2 days I have been dreaming of you,” he wrote to Atkinson. “The day before yesterday I was smashing your bottom with great gusto.” This was something he had delighted in doing when Atkinson was on board—catching him unawares with a firm smack.

The Remuera arrived in England on April 15; the Terra Nova docked in Cardiff two months later. It was the end of the line for the Terra Nova, which would now be sold, but for the expedition there was much work still to be done: scientific, administrative, financial. First, however, it was time for Pennell to go home.

He and Atkinson reunited in Awliscombe in June. Atkinson was exhausted from weeks spent traveling to meet with the relatives of the lost polar-party members, retelling the same horrible tale over and over—he badly needed a holiday. He got one in the form of a glorious summer week with Pennell: tennis on the court behind the family home, drives along country roads in a hired motorcar, a wooded hike to medieval earthworks, visits to various aunts and cousins in the area eager to meet two genuine Antarctic heroes.

Then the week was over and both men headed for London, where they moved into a house filled with other bachelors near Harley Street. “It is very comfortable here,” Pennell wrote of the place, “and being in the same house as Atkinson makes it most enjoyable.” During the week it was work, dinner, and then the theater—lots of it. (Pennell in particular was a fan of the stage.) Pennell took to waking Atkinson up at 6:30 a.m. to make the most of their days together; on the weekends he often escaped to family in the countryside while Atkinson remained in town.

In July, King George presented the Polar Medal to the members of the expedition at a state ceremony—everyone was in full dress uniform, with cocked hats and gold braid. Pennell proudly reported in his diary that the King “told Jane he had done very well, a kindly & well deserved acknowledgment of the way he has behaved.”

Soon it was time to part once more. On August 13, Pennell took a break from writing the report of the Terra Nova’s voyage to accompany Atkinson and his three sisters to Southampton. The Atkinsons were leaving on the passenger steamship Trent for the West Indies, where they were born and where their family still lived. They would be gone for a month.

Aboard the Terra Nova earlier that year, sailing for England, Pennell had written to Atkinson, “This little absence has given a very keen edge to the pleasure of looking forward to seeing you again. If the navy means everlasting break ups & paying offs it also means a great many meetings again & these are the pleasures of life.” For men like Pennell and Atkinson, the constant goodbyes and reunions were part of life, something to be endured in the former case and cherished in the latter.

A few days after Atkinson’s departure, who should show up in London but Gerry Hodson, with whom Pennell had served years prior on the Mercury and fallen in love. “Till I met [Gerry] I thought I should never know what real love was,” Pennell had written in his diary all those years ago. “And now he could twist me round his little finger.” Pennell spent two weekends in Gloucestershire with Hodson and his family. But his mind was elsewhere. “Find myself counting the days till Jane returns, it is almost aggravating at times to be so violently in love with a man,” he wrote. “It is lucky to have so many months with him now.”

As he waited for Atkinson’s return, Pennell kept busy—he knew no other way to be, really. He was always moving, always working. Finally, September arrived and Pennell was at London’s Waterloo Station to meet Atkinson’s train. “Jane was very bright & happy when he arrived & fled off to Essex where his lady love lives,” Pennell wrote in his diary, “but that is another story.”

Her name was Jessie Ferguson. She was a sprightly Scottish redhead whom Atkinson thought he might marry. It was the sensible end of the line for any man of his age and station. Passionate friendships between men were natural in the masculine worlds that Atkinson and Pennell inhabited. They’d both been boarders at private schools for the sons of gentlemen, where they would have acted as servants for older boys and then solicited obedience and devotion in turn from younger boys. As a teenage naval midshipman, Pennell might have harbored a crush—or “pash,” as he’d have called it—on a superior officer. But these feelings had a stopping point. A man, in particular a man in uniform, was supposed to get married. Atkinson and Pennell were keenly aware of social expectations and the repercussions of bucking them.

Men from Scott’s expedition were getting engaged left and right: to the sisters of other expedition men, to girls they’d met in New Zealand, even to the heiress of a pharmaceutical fortune. Atkinson, as Pennell knew very well, had always been a flirt, especially when tipsy. Dancing with a pretty girl appealed to him just as much as a bout of the sweaty naval boxing he excelled at before the expedition. Pennell, conversely, had never much seen the appeal of women. He had written with jealous undertones about Gerry Hodson’s dealings with local girls. When a fellow officer on the Terra Nova expressed his desperation to be reunited with his fiancée back in England, Pennell was bewildered. “Presumably I shall be the same when the world is entirely composed by one fair young thing—at present one simply marvels,” he wrote in a letter to Atkinson on the voyage.

Pennell contemplated all this while on a rainy shooting holiday in Scotland with Atkinson, Cherry, and Oriana Wilson in late September. One of Pennell’s role models was Dr. Bill, whose widow, Oriana, he considered a dear friend. “I never thought the Christ-life possible as an ideal till I saw it in your husband,” he once wrote to her. If Bill had managed to find such fulfillment in married life, perhaps Pennell could, too. He’d been promoted in the navy, giving him a new station in life. Maybe he ought to have a wife to go along with it.

Pennell had known Gerry Hodson’s younger sister, Katie, for nearly ten years. That summer, she had accompanied him and Gerry to the theater in London; she was a pleasant girl. Though she’d rarely featured in his letters or his diary, he now considered her a sensible enough choice—an obvious one, even.

The first weekend of November, he visited the Hodsons. “I proposed to Katie & dropped a bombshell in the vicarage,” Pennell wrote afterward. “Mr. & Mrs. Hodson & all the family are delighted … all except poor Katie who is having rather a bad time.” She was afraid of him—accomplished and handsome as he was, she barely knew him—and afraid of marriage altogether. She did not accept him right away; her family gave her the time and space to make her own decision.

While Katie weighed the idea of life with Pennell, he returned to London and to Atkinson. They dined at Les Gobelins and discussed—not marriage, anything but that—the prospect of another Antarctic expedition, which Atkinson was keen on. In a few years, might they be back on the Terra Nova together, on a journey to figure out what lay east of the Barrier? Marriage or not, they were looking forward to being in each other’s lives for a long time.

On November 27, Pennell received a telegram: Katie had agreed to marry him. “Dear little girl I am afraid it is a bigger step for her than for a man,” he wrote in his diary. “So you see I am not the confirmed bachelor you used to fear I was,” he wrote to a friend who had congratulated him on his engagement. Pennell celebrated at Piccadilly Restaurant with Atkinson and one of their housemates, followed by a showing of his favorite play, The Great Adventure—it was his fifth time attending it.

Then it was back to work. He finished preparing the Terra Nova’s charts and magnetic readings and submitted them for review. Antarctica’s Oates Coast, which Pennell had charted and named in honor of his lost shipmate, was soon to be an official landmark.

Pennell then joined Katie and her family for three weeks of ice skating, orchestral concerts, and cafés au lait in Lausanne, Switzerland. “It seems as if she had got over her sort of fear of me & only has to overcome her feeling of shrinkage at the thought of marriage—from its physical side,” he wrote in his diary. “Brought up in complete ignorance of natural functions as K. & so many others are this idea of copulation when first presented to a girl’s mind must indeed be frightening.”

Pennell harbored his own doubts and fears, many of them the same ones Katie had. When he returned to England at the end of January 1914, he spent a Friday with Atkinson at the London School of Tropical Medicine. Ostensibly, he was there to help Atkinson with his work in parasitology—a lot of fiddly and difficult microscopy, “counting papillae on worms’ tails,” as Atkinson put it. In truth Pennell wanted to know, in detail, what would be expected of him as a husband, a topic about which he was sure Atkinson knew more than he. “Jane has been splendid explaining aspects of the physical side of marriage,” he later wrote. “He is a friend such as most men never find.”

“So you see I am not the confirmed bachelor you used to fear I was,” Pennell wrote to a friend who had congratulated him on his engagement.

By February, Pennell and Atkinson had moved out of their shared home at 15 Queen Anne Street. For Pennell, the greatest joy of the past nine months had been living “with Jane under the same roof.” But he had been posted to the HMS Duke of Edinburgh as navigating commander, and Atkinson was given a new job researching schistosomiasis in China with a colleague, Cherry serving as their assistant.

The work mainly involved digging through feces to find evidence of infection-causing parasites along the Yangtze River. Work that many would hate, Atkinson enjoyed. What he didn’t enjoy, especially once Cherry departed for England in May, was his colleague, Robert Leiper, whom he found himself frequently butting heads with. “I don’t really think old chap you can fully realize how perfectly damnable this man can be,” Atkinson wrote to Cherry, fuming.

It was a seemingly intractable problem. But then war broke out, shattering the still, hot air of August 1914. Atkinson put himself on the first ship home.

Part IV
The Great War

If the navy in peacetime was likely to separate Pennell and Atkinson—“everlasting break ups & paying offs,” as Pennell had put it—the navy in wartime was worse. Atkinson arrived in England on August 29 and quickly joined the men on the HMS St Vincent, a flagship in Britain’s Grand Fleet. There was little time for personal meetings. “The illustrious Pennell turned up the other day and I was alongside him in the skiff as soon as she dropped anchor,” Atkinson wrote in a letter a few months later. “He really is an old dear and blessed with all the virtues and I would give anything to be with him. I have only seen him once since then as we are on different duties and are seldom in together.”

But if he longed to be with Pennell at sea, Atkinson also yearned to be assigned to the front, where he could be of real use, and petitioned the navy to allow him to investigate sanitary and parasitological problems in the trenches. By then the first of the Terra Nova crew had already died in the war: Lieutenant Henry Rennick drowned in the North Sea when a German torpedo hit the HMS Hogue. In the cold water, he handed his life preserver to an exhausted comrade before being swept below. Newly married, he left behind his pregnant wife, Isobel.

Perhaps it was with Rennick on his mind that Pennell took a few days of leave in April 1915 to marry Katie. War weddings were a common enough sight. It was only a pity that neither Atkinson nor Denis Lillie could get away from their war duties to be his best men, as he’d wanted. At least Oriana Wilson was there, still in her black widow’s garb. So were Pennell’s sisters and an abundance of Hodsons. Katie’s father, the rector, performed the ceremony. Pennell wore his gold-braided dress uniform, with cocked hat and ceremonial sword. Katie wore a dress of white silk, edged with lace, and a pearl and diamond pendant given to her by Pennell. She used Pennell’s sword to cut the cake, which was decorated with penguins, seals, and anchors. The couple posed for photographs and then took a short honeymoon in Devonshire. Then Pennell went back to his ship.

Atkinson was still squirming to get to the front. “I am so excited at the idea of getting over and this waiting is bad,” he wrote to Cherry in June 1915. “Penelope writes very cheerfully but unfortunately I have missed him as his squadron and ours have now changed billets and so I may not see him again before I go over.” Atkinson was finally dispatched to Gallipoli in August 1915, and on his way stopped to marry Jessie Ferguson in a quick civil ceremony in an Essex registry office.

Landing at Cape Helles, Atkinson found himself in trenches filthy with disease from infestations of flies and maggots. It may have seemed like hell, but it was a perfect laboratory for Atkinson’s work. He and his crew burned waste, improved latrines, removed garbage, and tested out new insecticides. Atkinson’s mitigation efforts quickly bore fruit. The number of vermin decreased rapidly, and the amount of sickness affecting the men soon dropped by a third. Atkinson felt that he was being useful. Even the threat of being bombed hardly bothered him. “I am a bit of a Jonah over shells and have been swiped and that sort of thing and it really is queer how callous one gets,” he wrote to Cherry.

Shrapnel was one matter, sickness another. Come winter, Atkinson was struck with severe pneumonia, pleurisy, and paratyphoid, and was sent home. “I have been badly bitten by the life and my work was going along splendidly when this [damned] thing happened,” Atkinson grumbled. Pennell wrote to Cherry when he heard: “It is very unfortunate about Jane. Luck of war of course, but one hoped he might escape.”

Cherry was sick, too, as he had been on and off since returning from the Antarctic expedition. This time he was an invalid at home with severe colitis. Haunted by his failure to meet the polar party at One Ton Depot, trauma was taking a physical toll on him, and Atkinson was concerned. “Look here old chap in my usual interfering way I have been worrying around,” Atkinson wrote to him in early 1916. He recommended that Cherry get in touch with Denis Lillie. If Cherry was angry at the imposition, it didn’t last—one couldn’t possibly be mad at sweet Lillie, who was soon invited to repose at Lamer, Cherry’s large Hertfordshire estate.

Once recovered, Atkinson spent the spring of 1916 in England, trying to get a posting on a warship—any would do. There was rumored to be a “big show” coming, a major display of naval force against Germany, and he didn’t want to miss it.

Pennell and Atkinson

The headlines that spring didn’t always convey news of the war. There had been another disaster in Antarctica. Shackleton’s Endurance expedition had not been heard from in nearly 18 months, and was now presumed lost. Something had to be done for Sir Ernest, a national hero ever since his close approach to the Pole in 1908. The Admiralty began to put together a rescue mission. Atkinson, having led Scott’s expedition through winter and the mission to find the lost party, was a natural choice to lead the search for Shackleton.

Atkinson wanted to turn the offer down—he had just been posted to France as medical officer for the howitzer brigade of the Royal Marine Artillery. An order from the Admiralty could not be ignored, however. So Atkinson relented and asked that Pennell be released from war duty in order to serve on the rescue mission together. The request was mistimed. On May 30, 1916, Pennell was on the HMS Queen Mary, steaming to the North Sea with the rest of the Grand Fleet, ready to engage German battleships in action: The big show had come at last.

Then, just as British ships were firing on the Germans, Shackleton suddenly reappeared. A telegram from the Falkland Islands reported the ordeal his men had survived: ship crushed by ice in the Weddell Sea, men starving on ice floes, sailing open boats to Elephant Island. The Admiralty could call off the rescue mission; Shackleton would save his own men.

As this spectacular news traveled around the world, Pennell and the men aboard the Queen Mary sustained a direct hit from a German ship. Then another. Then the Queen Mary’s munitions stores detonated. Amid the loud and brutal battle, the ship broke in two and sank fast.

By the time the thick black smoke had cleared enough to reveal the devastation, only scraps of debris of the Queen Mary remained, floating in an oil slick. There were 20 survivors in a company of nearly 1,300 men. None of them were officers.

If only Atkinson’s request that Pennell join him on the Shackleton rescue had been granted in time. “I wish to God now it had come off and he had been out of Queen Mary.”

“Penelope has gone and I am very sore at his loss,” Atkinson wrote to Cherry. It was a subdued response to the death of the man he loved, but writing was not Atkinson’s strength. (“He will not do so if he can help it,” Cherry once noted.) If there were any among their old crew to adequately translate grief to the page, it would have been the poetic, observant Pennell. Still, Atkinson tried. “Fate in these cases seems so hard and so very inexplicable. I would willingly have taken his place,” he confessed to Mrs. Kinsey in New Zealand, who had once provided the two men a cabin to share. To another friend of his and Pennell’s, Atkinson wrote, “Captain Pennell’s loss has been a very great blow to me.” If only Atkinson’s request that Pennell join him on the Shackleton rescue had been granted in time. “I wish to God now it had come off and he had been out of Queen Mary.”

With Shackleton safe, Atkinson remained in France attached to the howitzer brigade and its 94-ton guns, which were towed by tractors from trench to trench in pieces. There he stayed for a year, attending to the wounded. He survived a blast of shrapnel to the face and eye in July 1917, but insisted on returning to the front two weeks after it was removed.

By late 1917, however, he was growing tired morally, if not yet physically. “This affair is no longer the gentlemanly game that it was,” he wrote to Cherry. The summer of 1918 found him in England, at Haslar Hospital, for more shrapnel removal. With many mentions in dispatches and a Distinguished Service Order for his troubles, he could easily have attained a cushy posting away from the front, but such a thing was unthinkable. “So many of my friends have gone West through the aid of the Hun that it makes me most bitter and I want to do all I can against them as long as I can,” he wrote to a friend. In August, he received a posting to the HMS Glatton, a newly completed battleship that sailed to Dover harbor in September, preparing for a fall offensive.

On September 16, the Glatton caught fire while in harbor, and its amidships munitions exploded. Atkinson was temporarily knocked out by the blast. When he awoke, his cabin and the passageway outside were filled with smoke and flames. He began bringing unconscious men, one after the other, to the upper deck. On his third trip, another explosion rocked the vessel—the fire had reached another munitions store. The explosion blinded Atkinson, and shrapnel pierced his leg. He dug it out, then groped around for more men to bring to safety.

By this time the other ships in the harbor had sent aid to the Glatton and were pulling injured men onto the pier. Atkinson, according to newspaper reports, was found “on the upper deck in an almost unconscious condition, so wounded and burnt that his life was despaired of for some time.”

He recovered at the Royal Naval Hospital in Chatham, almost unrecognizable after losing much of the right side of his handsome, chiseled face. He was awarded an Albert Medal for saving five lives. Two weeks after the Armistice, he received a glass eye.

Epilogue

Atkinson never returned to Antarctica, instead settling into a mainly administrative navy career. He walked with a bad limp, had a loose piece of bone stuck in his head, and suffered chronic pain from his war injuries. Ten years after the end of the war, his wife, Jessie, died of cancer. They had no children.

Atkinson sank into a deep depression and drank heavily, and his family feared that he would soon follow his wife to the grave. Against their advice, he abruptly retired from the navy, married Jessie’s cousin, and shipped out as a doctor on a passenger steamship. “I shall be happiest at sea again,” he told Cherry. He died just a few months later in 1929, aged 47, aboard the liner City of Sparta. Some reports said that the cause was heart failure, others said fever. In any case, he seemed to have known that the end was near and wanted to meet it at sea.

Atkinson was dead; Pennell, too. And Lillie, such a dear friend to both men, was gone—not dead, but locked away in an institution. At the start of the war, the biologist declared himself a conscientious objector, went to work as a noncombatant in a military lab, and spent his rare weeks of leave at Cherry’s estate, pushing the temporarily wheelchair-bound Cherry around the large garden and cheering him with typically dreamy talk of reincarnation, alternate dimensions, and the universal flux. Cherry gamely tolerated what Lillie called his “heresies,” and Lillie in turn doled out abundant affection. He dreamed of a future in which neither man married, even once writing, “You will not fall [in love] until the real me turns up.”

But Lillie’s letters ended abruptly in early 1918, when he was institutionalized at Bedlam for suicidal depression and delusion. No one, not even Cherry, was allowed to see him. (Lillie, like so many others interned in British psychiatric wards during that era, remained there until he died, in 1963.) Cherry was now alone, with no way to talk to his dearest friends except to write about them. In an early draft of his acclaimed book, The Worst Journey in the World, Cherry wrote, “In Pennell’s heaven they will work thirty hours in the day.… He will perhaps keep the Celestial Log Book, and the record of the animals sighted.… And every now and then he would ask for leave to go and take some of his friends in Hell out for dinner. I hope he will ask me.” (Cherry, increasingly consumed by his guilt at not being able to save the polar party, imagined that he would not share an afterlife with the illustrious Pennell.)

Later, in the preface of a reprint of the book after Atkinson’s death, Cherry wrote, “I have never known a better rock than Atkinson was that last year down South. His voice has been with me often since those days: that gruffish deep affectionate monosyllabic way he used to talk to you when he knew you were ill and perhaps feeling pretty rotten. Not but that he was abrupt at times. It was of the manner of the man to be so; it was his pose. The funny thing was that he could not prevent the tenderness poking through, despite himself.”

The initial publication of the book, in 1922, had brought Cherry success, fame, and many fans, including T. E. Lawrence and Nancy Mitford, and cemented Cherry’s position as one of the best-known survivors of the Scott expedition. For a moment he was seen as a literary leading light, but he never wrote another book. “The Antarctic … was the highlight of his life’s experience; the long remainder was anticlimax,” wrote a biographer. He continued to struggle with his mental and physical health, and married a younger woman when he could no longer carry on alone. He passed away in 1959. His widow wed his doctor.

Captain Scott’s wife never liked The Worst Journey in the World, because it showed her husband as he was: an anxious, brave man, but not always an ideal leader, lovable and complicated and all too human. But that honesty became essential to the book’s longevity. It was a candor born of love and grief under extraordinary circumstances. “In civilization men are taken at their own valuation because there are so many ways of concealment, and there is so little time, perhaps even so little understanding,” Cherry wrote. “Not so down South.”

Only in a place like Antarctica, Cherry believed, could one man know another’s real character. It was where Cherry had felt most himself, where Captain Scott and Dr. Bill formed a friendship so deep it lasted until their deaths. And where Atkinson and Pennell came to know and understand each other. They could not escape the tragedy the continent held for them, nor the disasters that awaited them in the Great War—but how good it was that, for a while, they at least had each other.


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The Good Traitor

The Good Traitor

The Nazis feared journalist Carl von Ossietzky so much they sent him to a concentration camp. Could winning the Nobel Peace Prize save his life?

By Kate McQueen

The Atavist Magazine, No. 157


Kate McQueen is a writer, editor, and researcher who specializes in literary journalism. She is editorial director of the Pollen Initiative, a nonprofit that creates and supports media centers inside prisons. Her writing has appeared in Alta Journal, JSTOR Daily, Journalism History, and Literary Journalism Studies, among other publications.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Josie Le Blond
Illustrator: Gregori Saavedra

Published in November 2024.


ONE

The first time Carl von Ossietzky disappeared inside a prison, a crowd of supporters cheered him on. It was a sunny Tuesday in May 1932. Several friends had escorted the journalist across Berlin. They fastened black, red, and gold streamers to their cars and departed from the west-side offices of Die Weltbühne (The World Stage), the left-leaning magazine Ossietzky edited. As they paraded slowly toward Tegel Prison, in the north of the city, the colors of the German Republic fluttered around them in traffic.

In a wooded area outside the prison’s main gates, about 100 intellectual celebrities, sympathetic journalists, and general well-wishers had gathered in solidarity. The crowd violated Berlin’s ban on large group gatherings, enacted to quell violence between extremists on Germany’s left and right, but writer Kurt Grossman, the secretary of the German League of Human Rights, a pacifist organization of which Ossietzky was a member, persuaded the police to keep patrols away from the area for 90 minutes. Ossietzky could take his time bidding his audience farewell. “I’m not surrendering,” he said. In prison, he insisted, he would “remain a living demonstration against a judgment from the highest court.”

Fourteen months earlier, the 42-year-old editor had been charged with treason for publishing an article about the German Air Force’s rearmament efforts, which were in violation of the Treaty of Versailles. The treaty forbade Germany from accumulating war matériel or maintaining more than a small defense-oriented military. The facts of the rearmament were not widely known until Die Weltbühne’s story ran. In turn, the military accused both Ossietzky and the author of the article, Walter Kreiser, of betraying their country.

Die Weltbühne’s circulation was small but its readership influential; this included thought leaders in politics and culture both in Germany and beyond its borders. Anticipating international outcry, the German Foreign Office expressed doubts about prosecuting the two men, but the state attorney proceeded with a closed-door trial anyway. For two days, Ossietzky and Kreiser sat side by side in a vast empty gallery, listening to the echoes of lawyers’ competing voices. “Uncanny, such a theater without an audience,” Ossietzky later wrote. The men were ultimately convicted of a lesser charge—publishing military secrets—and sentenced to 18 months’ imprisonment. They were given until early May 1932 to hand themselves over to the authorities. Kreiser fled Germany to avoid doing time. Ossietzky made a point of staying.

Ossi, as his friends called him, was a small, quiet man with a high forehead, a long narrow nose, and knife-thin lips. His striking face made him easy to caricature, and newspapers often did just that. He tended to cast his eyes down at the floor during casual conversation, holding a lit cigarette between gently shaking fingers. His reserve, coupled with the “von” in his last name, which was traditionally a marker of noble lineage, caused strangers to mistake him for an aristocrat. But Ossietzky came from a working-class neighborhood in Hamburg. He barely finished secondary school, and then worked listlessly as a clerk in Hamburg’s judicial administration until 1914. His experience serving in the Great War cemented his commitment to peace and galvanized his interest in writing. He relocated to Berlin in 1919, where he became secretary for the German Peace Society and gained acclaim as a political commentator who argued against militarism and for democracy.

Journalists, he believed, ought “to hold a mirror up to the times” and be “the conscience of the day.” Week after week, Ossietzky turned out articles that vibrated with energy. His colleague Rudolf Arnheim once said that Ossietzky could interest even the most unpolitical readers in the country’s fate because his “thoughts [were] not brought forward with jargon but rather in a language in which one can describe flowers, music, and women.” Ossietzky’s articles were those of an advocate for a fledgling democracy stretched to the breaking point by increasingly radical political factions. He didn’t want the young republic to die on his watch.

After Ossietzky took over Die Weltbühne in 1927, he spent long hours working in shirtsleeves amid messy piles of papers at the magazine’s office. He was the kind of editor who preferred pencil stubs to red pens, who remembered to buy the printing crew beer and sausages. Under his leadership, Die Weltbühne published pieces from across the political left, a fact that exasperated contributors who wished he’d hew to a more radical line. The magazine became a necessary if solitary stage for those not strictly aligned with Germany’s leading workers’ parties. 

One frequent topic of discussion in its pages was Germany’s militarism, an original sin that had led the country into the Great War and paved the way for incipient fascism. This got the publication in trouble more than once with state authorities. Prior to Ossietzky’s 1931 trial, Die Weltbühne had already faced a lawsuit over its coverage of the Schwarze Reichswehr, a right-wing paramilitary group that carried out numerous vigilante killings in the early 1920s. The magazine’s articles pressured Germany’s Department of Justice to prosecute the murderers and embarrassed the military, which had denied the existence of underground armed groups even as it sanctioned their activities. Later, the military insisted that another charge be brought against Die Weltbühne, this time for publishing a commentary declaring that “soldiers are murderers.”

The terms of Ossietzky’s punishment for publishing military secrets jarred his friends and admirers. People convicted of high-profile political crimes in Germany were often given festungshaft (fortress confinement), a more comfortable form of imprisonment. Such was the case for Adolf Hitler following the 1923 Beer Hall Putsch; while incarcerated, he had permission to receive visitors, and it was during that period that he wrote Mein Kampf. Yet the court ordered Ossietzky to serve his time in a common prison alongside thieves and murderers. Justice, many on Germany’s left grumbled, was only blind in the right eye.

Ossietzky insisted that his sentence was in keeping with the principles of his profession. “They may condemn us, today, tomorrow, the day after, [and] we will accept it,” he once wrote. “But our pride will be in … becoming more energetic, sharper, denser and tougher. That’s why we are journalists.” His stance inspired fellow members of the press.

Though it had not been his goal, by overseeing coverage of Germany’s militarism and facing judgment for it, Ossietzky also became a symbol for the German peace movement—and for those opposed to fascism. “If you want to fight effectively against the corrupt spirit of a nation,” he told a Die Weltbühne contributor, “you must share its fate.”

The day Ossietzky reported for his sentence, he made a final promise: When his friends saw him again, he would be “released but not reformed.” Hat in hand, he waved to the crowd and allowed himself to be swallowed by the prison’s redbrick walls.

“If you want to fight effectively against the corrupt spirit of a nation,” Ossietzky told a Die Weltbühne contributor, “you must share its fate.”

His freshly painted cell with its stone floor reminded Ossietzky of a bathroom. The food the prison gave him was meager. He needed a doctor’s permission to smoke, and was limited to ten cigarettes per day. But the situation wasn’t too terrible, he told his wife, Maud. He could read and write, at least. Ossietzky penned countless letters to supporters and to Die Weltbühne’s contributors. He drafted articles, smuggled out of Tegel by one of his lawyers, that were published under the pseudonym Thomas Murner. And he wrote to Maud with dozens of small requests: books, soap, lanolin for shaving, shoelaces, handkerchiefs, underwear. Sometimes he asked for paper, other times for envelopes.

Maud, a tiny Anglo-Indian woman with enormous brown eyes, did not have a battle-axe sensibility. She passed on many of Ossietzky’s requests to the magazine’s gruff but efficient operations manager, Hedwig Hünicke, whom one staff member referred to, with equal parts love and fear, as the “corset rods” of the publication.

Die Weltbühne forged ahead thanks to Hünicke and Hellmut von Gerlach, Ossietzky’s close friend and a longtime colleague in the peace movement. Gerlach was in his sixties, with a graying goatee and a boyish sense of humor. His weekly editorials drew on his wealth of experience as a journalist, a former politician, and the current chair of the German League of Human Rights. Gerlach supervised the production of 42 issues of the magazine in Ossietzky’s absence, publishing work by a dozen well-known male contributors and a few women, who wrote under male pseudonyms. 

Gerlach’s decades-younger companion, Milly Zirker, was one of those women. The fashionable Zirker worked as an editor for the daily 8 Uhr Abendblatt and wrote political commentary for Die Weltbühne under the name Johannes Bückler. According to Gerlach, Zirker was as tough in person as she was with words; she is said to have saved his life once during an antiwar protest that turned violent. Hilde Walter was another no-nonsense Die Weltbühne contributor, who wrote articles on unions and women’s issues. Friends described Walter as assertive and opinionated, but not ambitious or vain; sometimes rude but always honest.

In addition to keeping its own doors open, Die Weltbühne assisted the German League of Human Rights and the German branch of the PEN Club with collecting 42,036 signatures in support of a reduction in Ossietzky’s sentence. The petition failed, but Ossietzky was released early anyway as part of a mass amnesty pushed through parliament by an unusual alliance of representatives from the Nazi, Communist, and Social Democratic Parties. Ossietzky walked out of Tegel on December 22, after seven months and 12 days behind bars. He would not be free for long.


The second time Ossietzky disappeared into state custody, it was under guard in the dark morning hours of February 28, 1933. Hitler had been appointed chancellor four weeks prior, though the Nazis had not yet achieved a parliamentary majority. Elections were scheduled for March 5. Representatives of the German League of Human Rights knew that Ossietzky was on the Nazis’ arrest list, prepared in anticipation of the moment when the party gained full control of the government. Robert M.W. Kempner, a Berlin public prosecutor who would later become the U.S. chief counsel at the Nuremberg Trials, was one of many people who urged Ossietzky to leave the country. Just a few more days, Ossietzky said. He would wait until the election was over.

On the evening of February 27, Ossietzky sat quietly with close friends and listened to a radio report about an arson attack on the Reichstag. Then he returned home to Maud. The couple tried to sleep but couldn’t. They got up in the middle of the night and drank coffee, as if expecting the knock that eventually came at 3:30 a.m.

As the Reichstag smoldered, Hitler’s government used the incident as a pretext for exerting unprecedented powers. It ordered law enforcement to round up critics. The police came for socialists, pacifists, clergy members, lawyers, professors, artists, journalists, and writers. Under the watchful eyes of two officers, Ossietzky pulled on his clothes and told a terrified Maud not to worry. “Head up! I’ll be back soon,” he said. Maud, shocked by the night’s events, told herself that nothing too terrible could happen; after all, her husband had done nothing wrong.

Ossietzky was taken to police headquarters at Alexanderplatz. The corridors were packed with people under so-called protective custody. Members of parliament and the Constitutional Court, newspaper editors and novelists, peace activists and academics—all stood shoulder to shoulder. “The entirety of cultural bolshevism,” Egon Erwin Kisch, a flashy socialist reporter from Prague with a chest famously covered in tattoos, later marveled. “Everyone knew each other, and every time the police dragged in another one, we all greeted him.”

The guards were not the usual civil servants with shiny-elbowed suits, but animated young men with swastikas emblazoned on their arm bands. They addressed the detainees insolently and punctuated their commands with insults. Scumbags! Dirty swine! Eventually, they marched the large group to a single cramped cell in the basement.

A day later, the detainees were shuttled to the city’s old military prisons, which had been repurposed by the newly formed Geheime Staatspolizei, better known as the Gestapo. The days dragged on. In letters to Maud, Ossietzky put up a brave front. “My dearest Maudie,” he wrote. “I’ve been brought under sensibly; the cell is large and airy, the guards are friendly—there is no reason to complain. You shouldn’t fear that I’m doing poorly. Gradually I’ve gotten used to any situation I find myself in.” He encouraged her to rely on Hünicke, who already had ample practice arranging Ossietzky’s affairs.

By March 11, a steady flow of men had surfaced from the cells—the well-connected, people deemed minor players by the Nazis, and holders of foreign passports. Among them was Kisch, who emerged to a reception area full of wives desperate for news. He was promptly deported.

Many other political prisoners, including Ossietzky, waited another three weeks to learn their fate. Finally they were placed in chains, loaded into transport vehicles, and driven to the train station. There they were squeezed into boxcars and carried east, to a concentration camp.

TWO

Within days of the Reichstag fire, Die Weltbühne’s ranks had thinned dramatically. The magazine was prohibited from publishing, and many of its contributors fled to neighboring countries as quickly as trains and private cars could carry them.

By mid-March, Hünicke and Walter were about the only friends of Ossietzky’s remaining in Berlin who were willing and able to help him. They knew that the Gestapo was watching them. The authorities searched the magazine’s office in the first week of March, combing through files and confiscating boxes of papers. Officers unsuccessfully hassled Hünicke to name the people behind the magazine’s writers’ many pseudonyms. The police also raided Walter’s unit in Die Künstlerkolonie (the Artist’s Colony), a massive Art Deco complex in the Wilmersdorf neighborhood that offered affordable housing to the mostly left-leaning members of Berlin’s writers’ and stage-workers’ guilds. Officers blocked off major streets to the complex, used fire-engine ladders to enter upper-floor apartments via the balconies, and proceeded to arrest known Communists and confiscate Marxist literature.      

Walter sensed that the Nazis were not taking her and Hünicke very seriously, at least not yet. They had not arrested her, despite the fact that she was Jewish, a liberal journalist, and a card-carrying member of the anti-fascist German Social Democratic Party. She and Hünicke, who was not Jewish, decided that they would use their relative freedom, however long it lasted, to aid Ossietzky and his family.

Maud, in particular, presented a problem. Her mental health was rapidly deteriorating. She drank heavily, and Walter suspected she had been hallucinating when she reported that police had searched her home. Hünicke and Walter decided to send her to a sanatorium in one of the city’s lake-filled suburbs. Then they arranged for Rosalinde, the Ossietzkys’ 12-year-old daughter, to leave for England. In order to draw less attention to the departure, Maud stood at the end of the platform and nodded to the crying girl as her train left the station.

Everything cost money: Maud’s care, Rosalinde’s schooling, packages of food, cigarettes, and newspapers that Ossietzky managed to request from prison. Hünicke extracted some cash from what was left of Die Weltbühne’s unseized funds, but it wasn’t enough. Hünicke and Walter wrote letters to the expatriated German left and to sympathizers in England and the U.S., soliciting money. They hoped it might keep the family afloat. Soon they would need it to save Ossietzky’s life.

Ossietzky was one of the roughly 40,000 opponents of the Nazi regime who were rounded up in Prussia, Germany’s largest and most populous state, in the first few months of 1933. To house so many new detainees, the Nazis requisitioned abandoned factories, underused schools, military barracks, crumbling castles, and aging detention facilities. The 100-year-old prison compound known as Sonnenburg had closed in 1931 because of dangerous sanitary conditions. But there were cellblocks available to be filled, and by the first week of April, transports from Berlin began to arrive. In short order, the prison was occupied by a thousand men, including Ossietzky.

Once the detainees had exited the trains, locals in the town where Sonnenburg was located watched as officers beat the men with truncheons and forced them to sing the German national anthem while marching to their confinement. Some of the cells were without chairs or beds, so the men squatted on the cold ground or leaned against damp, mildewed walls. What sleep they managed to get was on piles of rotting straw. Their water came from a well in a courtyard, and they relieved themselves in chamber pots. 

The Gestapo administered Sonnenburg, but the prison was guarded by divisions from the paramilitary Sturmabteilung (SA), whose members were known as brownshirts. The SA filled its ranks with fascism’s truest believers, men eager to take advantage of extrajudicial power. SA officers forced prisoners to sing Nazi songs and perform what was euphemistically called exercise. For hours each day, the men were required to lie on the ground, stand up, lie down and stand up, over and over again, until they were exhausted. Those who fainted or whose bodies gave out got a boot to the belly or a fist in the face.

Ossietzky deteriorated quickly in these conditions; he was often too weak to stand. He would lie without protest as drunken officers beat him and screamed, “You Polish pig, die already!”

Because the Nazis considered Ossietzky a traitor for Die Weltbühne’s revelations about Germany’s rearmament efforts, he was among those subjected to heightened cruelty. He was made to dig his own grave, on the pretext of being shot. He always seemed to be on latrine duty, forced to carry chamber pots at nose level across the prison yard. It took just six days at Sonnenburg for him to suffer his first heart attack.

Ossietzky’s few, sparse letters to Maud revealed nothing of this treatment—they had to pass through censors, after all—but press coverage of the camps was not encouraging to those worried about his fate. Journalists from the U.S. and England had taken a particular interest in the sudden disappearance of a large swath of the German left. Thanks largely to the testimony of released or escaped prisoners, word of the tortures at Sonnenburg trickled out: Detainees with lice were forced to pull out their pubic hair by the roots. Prisoners knelt while officers pricked their naked buttocks and sex organs with pins.

Reporters demanded to see the more famous political prisoners, wanting proof that they were alive. The braver corners of what remained of the free German press produced reports about Sonnenburg, regularly referencing Ossietzky’s detention. Among them was Die Neue Weltbühne, a version of Ossietzky’s magazine produced in exile, first from Vienna and then from Prague.

Critical coverage, no matter how minor, chafed at the Nazi government. But since Hitler’s regime was still eager to remain in the good graces of the democratic world, the government agreed to occasional press tours. One of the journalists who visited Sonnenburg in May 1933 was the Hearst Press Group correspondent Hubert Renfro Knickerbocker. A beanpole of a Texan with red hair, Knickerbocker had a talent for interviews, even with a subject as shifty as Joseph Goebbels, the Nazi’s minister of propaganda. Following a dinner conversation with Knickerbocker, in March 1932, Goebbels complained in his diary of feeling “squeezed dry like a lemon.” Still, Knickerbocker was extended an invitation to tour Sonnenburg, along with his bespectacled colleague, Louis P. Lochner, the Berlin bureau chief of the Associated Press.

The day of the visit, every cell door was thrown open. Prisoners were forced to sing work songs refashioned with fascist lyrics. Reporters were invited to ask any question of anyone, so long as it was under supervision. No one uttered a bad word about their captors.

Knickerbocker and Lochner had been on friendly terms with Ossietzky for years and sought him out. Questions about his treatment drew stiff, nonspecific responses. Then Knickerbocker broached the subject of books—what kind would Ossietzky request if it were possible for him to receive them? Lochner took note of a puckish smile that crossed Ossietzky’s face. “I think medieval history would be very apropos,” he dared to say.

Ossietzky would lie without protest as drunken officers beat him and screamed, “You Polish pig, die already!”

When the first opportunity for a family visit to Sonnenburg arose, in May 1933, Walter borrowed a car, drove Maud to the prison, and walked with Ossietzky’s wife to the visitors’ entrance. The young guard at the gate mistook the “von” in Maud’s last name as a sign that she was a member of Germany’s upper class, and assumed Walter was hired help. He allowed both women in. 

Once inside they watched Ossietzky approach across the wide, deserted prison yard. “Ossietzky could only move with great effort, with small, obviously painful steps,” Walter later wrote. “Both of his arms hung stiffly at his shoulders, as if his limbs were splinted, almost motionless … and his cervical vertebrae were tightly wrapped in a stiff gray soldier’s neckband, which prevented him from turning his head even a few centimeters to the right or left.” His body looked skeletal. Walter found his rigid expression during their short, near wordless encounter heartbreaking.

“How are you?” the women asked.

He answered in monotone, but with a meaningful pause: “Things are OK… for the moment.”

In his 1950 memoir, gestapo chief Rudolf Diels recalls hearing from Ossietzky’s friends and supporters about the conditions at Sonnenburg and feeling obliged to visit the prison himself. Contemporaries thought Diels was more of an opportunist than a fanatic. Prior to 1933, he had worked for the Prussian Ministry of the Interior and regularly socialized with left-leaning civil servants. He did not have the taste for cruelty that animated large swaths of his agency and the SA. And he did not brace himself for Sonnenburg. He later described it as a place from a demonic dream that made his blood run cold.

Upon entering the prison, Diels demanded to see Willi Kasper, a Prussian state representative for the German Communist Party who was being held there. Diels was escorted to a dungeon-like cell, where at the shout of “Attention!” men in tattered clothes slowly raised themselves to stand. Their swollen heads looked like pumpkins, Diels thought, and their faces were yellow, green, and blue. Welts and clotted blood speckled exposed skin. Kasper was unable to speak, his face contorted in tearless sobs. When Diels saw Ossietzky, the journalist dared to ask in a weak voice that someone rescue him from this hell.


In October 1933, Maud’s sanatorium closed after its Jewish owner was hounded into emigration. Maud was then packed off to distant relations in Hamburg. Walter’s apartment was searched again and again. In November, the Gestapo confiscated correspondence showing that she had been seeking funds on Ossietzky’s behalf. Walter didn’t need to be told to leave: She fled to Paris, leaving Hünicke as Ossietzky’s last close friend in enemy territory.

There were already more than 59,000 German refugees in France, including Gerlach and Zirker. Many in Paris gravitated to artist-friendly Montparnasse and neighborhoods along the Left Bank. Some found shelter in crumbling hotels. Others rented furnished apartments in shabby working-class buildings, sharing hallway bathrooms with masons and shop assistants. Many lived precariously, lightheaded with hunger, their shoes slowly falling to pieces.

Walter found a room at 59 Rue Froidevaux, across the street from the Montparnasse Cemetery. It was an easy walk to Rue Jean Dolent, where the German League of Human Rights kept a tiny office, occupied by Gerlach, Zirker, and a young law student turned volunteer named Konrad Reisner. Zirker served as Gerlach’s secretary while also playing a leading role with the Association of German Journalists in Exile.

From Paris, Gerlach, Zirker, Walter, and Reisner began their first attempts to rescue Ossietzky. They started with legal channels. In early 1934, they tried to hire Alfons Sack to represent Ossietzky and push for his release. Sack was a far-right lawyer who had effectively defended one of the men accused of plotting the Reichstag fire. He turned them down.

Ossietzky had well-connected supporters in London, including playwright Ernst Toller, peace activist Otto Lehmann-Russbüldt, and Ossietzky’s former lawyer, Rudolf Olden, and his wife, Ika. They all made attempts at backdoor political influence. With their help, Gerlach asked the Countess Fanny Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, sister-in-law of Hermann Göring, the second most powerful Nazi, to advocate for amnesty, but was told Hitler opposed the idea.

Lord Ponsoby, an English Labour member of Parliament with contacts in the German Embassy in London, funneled updates on Ossietzky’s health to his friends. Wickham Steed, the former editor of the London Times, published the first major public letter about Ossietzky in his old paper. “He is the symbol of a living protest against tyranny,” Steed wrote. “If it is too much to hope for his release, his claim to the sympathy of the civilized world ought not, I think, go entirely unheard.”

Nothing worked. The efforts at diplomatic and legal intervention went nowhere, as did the influence campaign. Ossietzky remained at Sonnenburg, deteriorating by the day. Fearing the worst, his friends decided to get creative.

THREE

The suggestion first appeared in the pages of the Pariser Tageblatt, produced by and for German exiles in France. On April 16, 1934, editor in chief Georg Bernhard made the case that Ossietzky should be nominated for a Nobel Peace Prize. Days earlier, the Nobel committee had announced that there would be no winner for 1932. It had been a relatively common occurrence since 1914; in the chaotic years after World War I began, eight passed without a winner. But to skip another year without emphasizing the importance of peace, Bernhard ventured, would be a mistake. He urged the committee to look beyond the usual candidates: signatories of treaties, famous politicians, founders of influential organizations. If the prize was a metaphor for peace, who better to receive it than someone suffering for the cause—someone like Ossietzky?

Many of Ossietzky’s supporters quickly rallied behind the idea, hoping that the Nazis would be more likely to release Ossietzky if he won the prize. Gerlach followed Bernhard’s editorial with one of his own. “Before he became a journalist, he was general secretary of the German Peace Society,” Gerlach wrote of Ossietzky. “As a journalist, he championed the idea of ​​peace without wavering. As editor of the Weltbühne he led the fight against the armament of Germany in violation of the treaty.”

Some supporters took the suggestion as a direct call to action. One month after Bernhard’s editorial appeared, Ossietzky’s longtime friend Berthold Jacob sent a nomination letter to Oslo on behalf of the Strasbourg chapter of the German League of Human Rights. Kurt Grossman, who had once convinced the police to let Ossietzky say goodbye to his friends outside Tegel prison, did the same from exile in Prague.

Both men received polite letters of decline. The deadline for submitting nominations for 1934 had already passed. Besides, they learned, only a handful of people were allowed to nominate candidates: former Peace Prize recipients; members of the Nobel committee; members of international governing bodies, the international court in the Hague, or leading peace organizations; and professors of law, history, or philosophy. If Jacob and Grossman wished to secure a nomination for Ossietzky, they had until the prize’s next deadline, the following January, to find a qualified person to submit one.

The rejections provided something of a road map for action by Ossietzky’s friends. “We wanted to save this courageous and in every way excellent man, if possible, from death,” Konrad Reisner wrote years later. Of course, there was no guarantee that a nomination or even being awarded the prize would get Ossietzky out of prison. Still, it might send a message. “It was an incredible chance to deliver a resounding slap in the face to the hated, accursed criminals who had taken possession of our country,” Reisner wrote.

Not everyone in Ossietzky’s network was convinced that embarking on a Nobel campaign would be worth it. Among the skeptics was Walter. She worried that, because Ossietzky wasn’t as well-known as past recipients, it would take considerable work to raise his profile and get the right people in his corner. She also feared that his candidacy could backfire: Too much chatter from the German left in exile could infuriate the Nazis, who might punish Ossietzky for it. And if the Nazis found out that Ossietzky’s friends were behind the effort, they could easily discredit the campaign as a public relations stunt.

Walter agreed to set aside her misgivings under one key condition: Support for Ossietzky’s candidacy could not appear orchestrated by people who knew him. It needed to seem organic and independent, embraced by the public and by official nominators, ideally in countries likely to hold some influence with the Nazis. Only then, Walter believed, could Ossietzky’s supporters hope to exert moral pressure on Hitler’s government, possibly leading to their friend’s release from custody.

The next deadline was just eight months away—there was no time to waste. Walter and Gerlach reached out to their networks in the U.S., which included two Princeton professors, Albert Einstein and Otto Nathan. Einstein, the 1921 Nobel Prize winner in physics, had been a leading member of the League of Human Rights in his Berlin days, and while not himself eligible to nominate Ossietzky, he had enviable professional connections. Nathan, an economist, was similarly well-positioned and was able to provide an essential lift: the financial support to employ a full-time organizer of the behind-the-scenes work by Ossietzky’s inner circle.

This informal group of a few dozen supporters, scattered across Europe and the U.S., would come to call themselves Freundeskreis Ossietzkys, or Ossietzky’s Circle of Friends. It included Gerlach, Zirker, and Reisner in Paris, Grossman in Prague, and Hünicke in Berlin. From London, Toller, Lehmann-Russbüldt, and the Oldens played pivotal roles. The paid organizer was Hilde Walter.

If the prize was a metaphor for peace, who better to receive it than someone suffering for the cause—someone like Ossietzky?

By the time the Circle of Friends began to coordinate its efforts, Sonnenburg had closed as a prison, and its detainees were transferred to labor camps newly designed by the Nazis. In February 1934, Ossietzky and hundreds of others arrived at Esterwegen. The camp was one among a constellation of detention sites in Germany’s Emsland region, sunk into the moors 19 miles from the Dutch border. The prisoners’ burden was to support a massive 120,000-acre wetland reclamation project.

Esterwegen housed up to 1,000 prisoners in wooden barracks organized in two orderly rows, with a street running down the center. The SS called it Hitler Alley; prisoners knew it as the Alley of Sighs. Every morning, officers marched the prisoners through the alley and into the humid, waterlogged fields, where they were forced to dig, using only picks and spades, a minimum of 13 cubic yards daily. Men who failed to meet the daily quota risked violent punishment. (The prisoners became known, among themselves and later in popular culture, as the moorsoldaten, or “peat bog soldiers.” Their field songs would soon rally the Republicans of the Spanish Civil War and symbolize resistance to fascism across Europe.)

Already weakened from the abuse at Sonnenburg, Ossietzky relied on the help of fellow prisoners. They called him Carlchen, their “little Carl.” Out on the moors, they would place him in the middle of a row so the men alongside him could help him dig his quota. Tougher prisoners acted as human shields, placing themselves between Ossietzky and a beating. A former taxi-company operator and boxer from Berlin named Georg Schmidt sometimes followed Ossietzky around like a bodyguard, watching over him during even the briefest cigarette breaks.

Still, Ossietzky’s fragile body often gave out, and he spent weeks at a time in the sick bay. Nazi records did not reflect his declining condition. Reporting to the German Foreign Office just days before Ossietzky’s transfer to Esterwegen in February 1934, Gestapo representatives noted that his “health, according to the camp doctor’s professional opinion, has by no means worsened during his imprisonment, but rather improved.” Seven months later, Esterwegen’s doctor made a similar report: “Current illnesses: none, feels fine. Up until now had no complaints…. Healthy and capable of working. Has not suffered any accidents here.”

Ossietzky was often placed on what was known as household duty. He swept and dusted the barracks. He peeled potatoes in the kitchen. When no guards were around, he read aloud from newspapers until someone whispered, “Achtzehn!” The German word for the number 18 sounded very much like achtung (danger). Achtzehn was the code word for approaching guards. 

Fellow prisoners liked to hear Ossietzky talk. Many hailed from the working classes and participated in labor movements, and Ossietzky’s eloquence on political matters was a special treat. “It was always an experience for us to listen to him, discuss things with him, ask him questions and sometimes hear what he had to say in response to our objections,” prisoner Hubert Serwe later said. “He gave more than he could receive from us.

Ossietzky sometimes joined Theodor Haubach and Wilhelm Lueschner, former representatives in the Reichstag, in discussing literature. They talked animatedly, until they heard the soft call—

Achtzehn!

Sometimes the men would pretend that they were on Berlin’s Kurfürstendamm, their old stomping grounds. They’d meet at Kempinski’s, maybe, order the roast beef, and continue their discussions over a nightcap under the vault-like ceilings of the Romanisches Café—

Achtzehn!

Even in the sick bay, surrounded by emaciated leaders of Germany’s Workers Party, Ossietzky was tempted to make dark jokes: “Now that just about everyone is gathered here, we could form a provisional government”—

Achtzehn!

By all accounts, Ossietzky never talked about his experience at the camp, in letters or with other prisoners. He preferred to discuss the news, politics. When a topic interested him, prisoner Alfred Bender remembered, “Despite his tattered health, everything in him became lively.” Bender sometimes thought it would be wiser to try out some frivolous, less strenuous chatter. No luck. It was impossible, Bender admitted, to have a pedestrian conversation with Ossietzky.


From mid-1934 to early 1935, the campaign for Ossietzky’s Nobel candidacy gained steam. The flow of letters was constant—hundreds of messages written by or to the Circle of Friends, delivered from or sent to France, England, the U.S., Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and Czechoslovakia. Letters of introduction. Letters of request. Letters of instruction. Letters that in some places could be confiscated from homes, be intercepted in the post, or fall into the wrong hands, alerting the Nazis to what the Circle of Friends was up to and endangering Ossietzky’s life.

As coordinator of the campaign, Walter was a direct but careful communicator. She did what she could to maintain secrecy and urged others to do the same. Her letters were laced with warnings that increased in urgency as time went on: “Confidential.” “Extremely confidential!” “Interesting for us internally but under no circumstances for publicity.” “Confidential! Read alone!! Don’t show anyone!!!” Walter knew that the key to success was keeping the Circle of Friends’ involvement in making Ossietzky a Nobel candidate hidden from the Nazis.

The Circle of Friends and its closest advisers drummed up several nominations before the submission deadline. Einstein, Nathan, and Oswald Garrison Villard, the former editor of The Nation, helped recruit Jane Addams to the cause. The 1931 Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Addams had founded the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom and was one of ten cofounders of the American Civil Liberties Union. She was joined in nominating Ossietzky by Harold Laski, a professor at the London School of Economics; Helene Stöcker, a German feminist and activist who was on the council of the International Peace Bureau; and Ludwig Quidde, the aged former German Peace Society president and 1927 Nobel Peace Prize laureate. Quidde provided his support reluctantly. Like Walter had been, he was concerned that Ossietzky was too much of a long shot to win the prize, and that nominating him could threaten his safety.

Another nomination came from V. Emil Scherer, a member of the Swiss parliament. “No other advocate for the idea of ​​peace has had to suffer as much,” he wrote. It would be nice, he added, “if the Nobel Prize were awarded not to a famous Prime Minister or Foreign Minister,” but instead to someone who distinguished himself “through loyalty and fearless work in a dangerous position.”

With several nominations secured, Walter turned her attention to increasing Ossietzky’s profile around the world, and particularly in England. The country still clung to appeasement as a viable approach to the Nazi regime, and Ossietzky’s supporters hoped that English nominations might be viewed as less politically motivated. Ossietzky, who by now had been informed of the campaign, seemed to think that this was the right strategy, too. “On the whole, he expressed the wish that everything that happens should, if possible, only happen from England,” Walter wrote, “and that publications should not be in our press, but in the bourgeois world press.”

For help, Walter turned to English journalist Amabel Williams-Ellis, who wrote a pamphlet entitled “What Was His Crime? The Case of Carl von Ossietzky.” It was distributed to influential readers and gained support from some of the most illustrious members of the English intelligentsia, including Aldous Huxley, Bertrand Russell, and Virginia Woolf.

The Circle of Friends faced setbacks. In August 1935, Gerlach died suddenly. And even the most energetic of Ossietzky’s supporters worried that the nomination would not gain traction. Willy Brandt was then a 21-year-old Socialist Workers Party organizer sheltering in Norway. Brandt hustled in Oslo to stoke interest in Ossietzky’s candidacy among journalists and members of the Norwegian parliament. By the end of September, though, he worried in a letter that too many people thought “O. is not well-known enough.”

In October 1935, Swiss diplomat Carl Jacob Burkhardt managed to enter Esterwegen on behalf of the International Red Cross. During his visit, Burkhardt asked to see Ossietzky. At first the camp commander refused, relenting only with extreme reluctance. The reason became apparent when a pair of guards emerged from the barracks carrying a small, frail man. Burkhardt stood face to face with a trembling, deathly pale Ossietzky and took heartbroken inventory: “One eye swollen, teeth apparently smashed in, dragging a broken, poorly healed leg.”

Burkhardt told Ossietzky that he had come as a representative of the Red Cross, but that he also brought greetings from Ossietzky’s friends. “I’m here, in as much as it is possible, to help you,” he said.

At first, Ossietzky said nothing as his eyes filled with tears. When he spoke, he lisped through sobs. “Thank you, tell my friends I’m at the end,” he said. “It’ll be over soon, almost finished. That’s good.” After a moment’s pause, very softly, he added, “Thank you.”

Burkhardt remained to see the five o’clock return of imprisoned workers from the moors. There were about 30 men in all, “a group full of Ossietzkys, cripples emerging from the darkness, under the light of the arching lamps.”

Burkhardt sent reports about his visit to the Nazi government. He arranged for one to be delivered to Hitler directly. There would be no plausible deniability about camp abuses on Burkhardt’s watch.

Walter also heard from numerous prisoners released from Esterwegen, who had found their way to Berlin, Prague, or Paris. She was told that the Circle of Friends’ efforts sometimes made things worse for Ossietzky. “He is said to have said to his wife: ‘The articles abroad have done me great harm,’ ” Walter wrote. “But later he was said to have thought that it might actually be a good thing after all.”

In a letter to Ika Olden, Walter reasoned that “Ossietzky would not be alive today if the international world had not shown an interest in him.” At that same time, she feared that the Nazi apparatus would let him die if the attention fell away. The day the Nobel committee made its decision, she wrote, could be “a death sentence for Ossietzky, if not enough care is taken.”

FOUR

On November 19, 1935, the Nobel committee announced that it would not award a Peace Prize that year. Whatever fears they had, Walter and Ossietzky’s other supporters decided that they had no choice but to double down in the hope of keeping Ossietzky alive. Walter quickly placed an announcement in Le Temps and Le Populaire, France’s biggest dailies, declaring that Ossietzky would be nominated for the prize again, with support from “a large number of important people in Europe and America.” The next Nobel deadline was about two months away, in January 1936.

In Paris, Ossietzky’s supporters published a star-studded appeal designed to attract attention. The 22-page document included a biographical sketch of Ossietzky’s life and a list of Esterwegen’s abhorrent conditions. Heinrich Mann, the German novelist—elder brother of Thomas—provided a foreword. So did journalist and historian Konrad Heiden, one of the first chroniclers of the Nazi era. An appendix shared letters of support from, among others, Einstein, Wickham Steed, and Romain Roland, the beloved French writer and winner of the 1915 Nobel Prize in Literature. Hundreds of copies were sent to professors and members of parliament in nine countries.

Soon, nominations began inundating the Nobel committee. One came from 63 members of France’s Parliament, who cosigned a statement saying, “For millions of people around the world, Ossiesky [sic] is a living symbol of the intrepid struggle for peace.” Leo Polack, a professor of philosophy from the University of Groningen in the Netherlands, wrote, “Carl von Ossietzky dedicated his life to international pacifism in the spirit of the prize, even to the point of martyrdom.”

Serendipitous timing may have boosted the campaign’s efforts. The world’s eyes were trained with particular intensity on Germany in 1936, as it hosted both the winter and summer Olympics. The Nazis had hoped to make the events a showcase for their “new” Germany, but as the international press descended for the Winter Games in February, journalists noted the overbearing presence of soldiers and the signs barring Jews from entering villages—worrying indicators to the international community that all was not well in Germany.

Meanwhile, Ossietzky’s health had worsened. Karl Wloch, a journalist for the communist newspaper Die Rote Fahne who was interned at Esterwegen in 1936, was “shocked to his core” the first time he met Ossietzky. “What I saw living on that sack of hay were just his eyes; he hardly moved his mouth when he asked me short questions,” Wloch later said. “I had to listen carefully in order to understand him.” Ossietzky asked for the latest news from Berlin and listened closely as Wloch reported what he knew. “He wasn’t at all world-weary,” Wloch recalled, “although he knew how difficult it would be to come out of the grasp of the SS executioners alive.”

Their conversation turned to cases of suicide in the camps. “Whether we survive is neither certain nor the main point,” Ossietzky insisted. “But how people think about us later is as important as that they think about us. In that, our future lies. Thus, we have to keep living here as long as we breathe. A Germany that thinks of us will be a better Germany.”

Sixty-three members of France’s Parliament cosigned a statement saying, “For millions of people around the world, Ossiesky [sic] is a living symbol of the intrepid struggle for peace.”

As Ossietzky’s candidacy for the Nobel Peace Prize received more coverage in the international press, the Nazis began to worry that he might actually win. Goebbels himself took to the radio on March 12, 1936, to rage at the prospect. “Treason was once a socially acceptable thing, even a fashionable thing,” he yelled. “And there are still people today who apply for prizes for traitors. However, we only saw a traitor as a criminal. Therefore: Off with his head!”

A few weeks after Goebbels’s speech, the Dutch press reported that Ossietzky was close to death, based on testimony from a prisoner in Esterwegen. The New York Times reprinted the news. The same month, a concentration camp inspector, Theodor Eicke, toured Esterwegen. His internal memo about the visit stated that SS chief Heinrich Himmler’s office should be aware of the possibility of Ossietzky’s imminent demise. It further suggested that Ossietzky receive medical attention at the camp, and that it be documented to counter the inevitable outcry his death would elicit.

Instead, on May 28, the Nazis transferred Ossietzky from Esterwegen to the prisoner’s wing of the Berlin Police State Hospital. The hospital’s supervising physician diagnosed him with an advanced case of tuberculosis. Bacteria had carved deep necrotic caves into the upper lobe of his left lung. In a report to the Red Cross, the Gestapo downplayed his illness as tonsillitis. The Nazis also arranged for Ossietzky to sit for an interview with a regime-friendly Danish journalist, Hans-Wolff Juergensen, in the hospital’s prison ward. Juergensen wrote that Ossietzky was completely changed and on his way to embracing National Socialism.

Then, just a few weeks before the Nobel committee was set to announce its decision for the 1936 award, Maud learned that the Gestapo planned to release her husband, provisionally. Walter suspected that the decision was about optics, that the regime preferred the prize to go “to a free [Ossietzky] rather than to the prisoner.”

On November 7, Maud and Hünicke met Ossietzky at the Gestapo headquarters on Prinz-Albrecht-Strasse. They held their breath as the last bits of paperwork were completed, then hastily exited the doors and emerged into the loud city center. Maud paused just long enough to notice the look of uncertainty on Ossietzky’s pale face. He had been imprisoned for three years and seven months—how could he trust a freedom that came so slowly, then all at once?

Attempts by the Nazis to ensure that Ossietzky didn’t win the Peace Prize weren’t over. Göring himself summoned Ossietzky to his office and tried to persuade him to withdraw himself from consideration. Ossietzky made no concessions. The German ambassador to Norway, Heinrich Sahm, warned his host country that an award for Ossietzky would be considered a hostile act, and that Germany would respond accordingly. There was only so much the Norwegian parliament could do, though; it had the power to select the Nobel committee, but the committee did not consult the government about its decisions. In order to avoid the appearance of a conflict of interest, the two committee members who were also politicians—foreign minister Halvan Koht and Johan Mowinckel, former prime minister and leader of the Liberal Party—stepped away from their award responsibilities.

By the time the Nobel committee was expected to make its decision, nearly 1,000 nominators had submitted their support for Ossietzky. They included six previous Peace Prize recipients, 69 members of the Norwegian parliament, and 59 members of Swedish parliament, who chose to support his candidacy over that of their own prince’s. Ossietzky’s nomination count remains the highest in the award’s history.

On November 23, the committee made its announcement. The 1936 Nobel Peace Prize went to Carlos Saavedra Lamas, the foreign minister of Argentina, for his leadership in brokering the 1933 Argentine Antiwar Pact, which would prove a vital stabilizing force in South America for years to come. The committee also retroactively bestowed the 1935 prize to Carl von Ossietzky.

The exiled German press in Paris exploded in celebration. The news made the front page of the Pariser Tageszeitung, the successor to the Tageblatt. An editorial in Das Neue Tage-Buch called the decision “an exceptional case of moral courage” in a world that sadly lacked it. The international press offered a more blunt interpretation: Ossietzky’s prize was a “slap in the face of fascism,” according to The New York Times.

The German press, now thoroughly beholden to the Nazis, agreed that the decision was an affront to the country’s leadership. “The bestowal of the Nobel Prize on a notorious traitor to the nation is such a brazen provocation and insult of the new Germany, it will be met with an appropriate response,” the German News Agency said in a brief statement. Editors of the Völkischer Beobachter, another official organ of the Nazi Party, didn’t issue a response for three days. When it finally did, it called the Nobel committee’s decision ridiculous. “One could laugh themselves to death” over it, the editors said.

Three days after the announcement, Goebbels complained in his diary, “Yesterday: huge response in the press because of the Nobel Prize to Ossietzky. He’ll be stripped of citizenship and no more Germans will take the Nobel Prize.” Instead, Hitler announced the country’s own awards program, the German National Order of Art and Science. It ran for two years and honored seven Nazi luminaries, including Alfred Rosenberg, the primary theorist of the party’s racist ideology (later hanged at Nuremberg), and SS officer Ferdinand Porsche, whom Hitler had commissioned to engineer a car for the German people, better known as the Volkswagen.

The Circle of Friends acknowledged one another quietly. Securing the prize for Ossietzky had taken the efforts of everyone in the group, but no one had done as much as Walter. “You should be proud,” Konrad Heiden wrote to her. “As far as I can see, it was you in the first place. Surely others also did their good part. But if the recognition of a political possibility, concentration on the one goal, complete commitment of the person and tenacity until the last breath turn a political idea into an action, then you have undoubtedly brought this action into being.”

FIVE

The Nobel Peace Prize ceremony took place in Oslo on December 10, 1936. Ossietzky did not attend, nor did Maud; the Nazis withheld the necessary travel visas. Also absent were the Norwegian king and the crown prince. The same was true of ambassadors from England, Italy, and Denmark, whose governments had ordered them to stay home. An ensemble played the Norwegian anthem but not the German one.

Frederik Stang, a professor of law at the University of Oslo and a former minister of justice, stood before the thin crowd and read a short speech about Ossietzky on behalf of the Nobel committee. Stang opened by emphasizing that Ossietzky did not belong to any political party, and in fact no political tag could easily be pinned on him. If anything, he said, Ossietzky was a “liberal of the old school,” with “a burning love for freedom of thought and expression; a firm belief in free competition in all spiritual fields; a broad international outlook; a respect for values created by other nations—and all of these dominated by the theme of peace.”

He conceded that the laureate was mainly known for his work as a journalist, but disputed the notion that Ossietzky was less deserving of the award because he had become “a symbol of the struggle for peace rather than its champion.”

“In religion, in politics, in public affairs, in peace and war, we rally round symbols. We understand the power they hold over us,” Stang said. “But Ossietzky is not just a symbol. He is something quite different and something much more. He is a deed; and he is a man…. It is on these grounds that Ossietzky has been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, and on these grounds alone.”

Walter made the journey to Oslo, as a messenger rather than an honored guest. She hoped to persuade the Nobel foundation’s treasurer to postpone sending Ossietzky’s monetary award—163,849 Norwegian kroner, or close to $900,000 today—to Germany. Walter was not alone in fearing that the prize money would fall into the wrong hands. (Ultimately it did: The lawyer Maud hired to oversee the transfer pocketed it and was later convicted of embezzlement.)

Oslo was dark and cold. A hotel strike sent Walter looking for shelter at the home of a local journalist, where she squeezed herself nightly into a child’s bed. Her letters to Zirker in Paris conveyed exhaustion. “The physical hindrances caused by lack of sleep, lack of space, warmth and comfort are terrible for me,” Walter wrote in a moment of unusual vulnerability. “Hands and other places are chapped and sore from the cold.” Other passages in her letters were perhaps intentionally vague. “A lot of other things … wouldn’t be so bad if the fear about the end didn’t come,” she wrote. “I think I can say with a clear conscience that it couldn’t have been done better. But that doesn’t say anything about the final success.”

Walter did not specify what that success would look like, but she may well have meant a plan to get the Ossietzkys safely out of Germany. Officially, Ossietzky wasn’t a prisoner any longer, but Gestapo documents show that the Nazis had no intention of letting him leave the country. Whatever Walter hoped, Ossietzky’s illness was too advanced for him to travel anyway. In February 1937, two months after the Nobel committee had toasted his win, Maud moved into her husband’s hospital room. They stayed there together for 15 months, under strict supervision of the Gestapo.

During that time, Ossietzky wrote letters to his daughter, now living in Sweden. “Our life here is completely uneventful; we don’t have much to report,” Ossietzky wrote. “We think about you a lot; you are our major topic of discussion. I would like to know so much about you! Write us again, it is so nice to get letters from you. I kiss you, your Father.” He read English detective novels, including The Wisdom of Father Brown and Mystery in the Channel. He watched over a little yellow parakeet, a gift from his nurse, which sat in a cage on his bedside table.

Ossietzky died on May 4, 1938, at age 48. “The death of Carl von Ossietzky is a sad loss for the Germany in which I believe,” Ernst Toller wrote in a letter to a friend. “I have known this man since many years. He was one of the few who lived conformed to his ideas.”

Maud planned to engrave pax aeterna on her husband’s headstone, but the Gestapo refused to place any marker on his burial plot in the Berlin-Niederschönhausen cemetery. They wanted an anonymous resting place for the traitor who had become a martyr. No pilgrims would grace Ossietzky’s gravesite on their watch, and no eternal peace would dawn on their horizon.

Germany invaded Poland on September 1, 1939. France and Great Britain declared war two days later. Most of Ossietzky’s friends in European exile scrambled to find a new sanctuary. A way out opened for the Oldens when the New School for Social Research in New York City offered Rudolf a teaching position. On September 13, 1940, the couple joined 406 passengers and crew—including 90 children—on the SS City of Benares. A German submarine torpedoed the ship, sinking it 600 miles from land. More than half of those on board drowned, including the Oldens.

The Paris team needed rescuing. Ossietzky’s friends survived for several weeks in a French internment camp before catching the attention of the Emergency Rescue Committee and the American Friends Service Committee, American relief groups dedicated to relocating anti-fascist refugees. Late in the summer of 1940, organizers arranged U.S. visas and passage on the SS Nea Helles for Walter, Zirker, and Reisner, accompanied by his wife and 16-day-old baby. The ship was departing from the Port of Lisbon, so Ossietzky’s friends had to escape France on foot, walking into Spain across the Pyrenees. Berthold Jacob also attempted to escape but only made it as far as Lisbon, where he was kidnapped by SS operatives and dragged back to Berlin. Kurt Grossman had a less harrowing journey; he settled in New York City and spent the war advocating for refugees with the World Jewish Congress.

Hedwig Hünicke never left Berlin. She struggled to make ends meet by working for small publishing houses. She kept watch over the elderly parents of exiled Jewish colleagues until they were moved to the death camps. After her family home was destroyed in the war, she lived in a cold, damp room in an apartment near Nollendorfplatz, and worked in the circulation department at the Tagesspiegel. She stayed there until her retirement in 1958.

Walter returned in 1952 to a city decimated. With so many familiar buildings gone, homecomers had to rely on street signs, like tourists, even in the neighborhoods of their youth. Once Walter had settled back in the formerly fashionable west end, she again contributed articles to the German press and worked on book projects. Sometimes she’d meet her childhood friend, the once famous trial reporter Gabriele Tergit, at Café Reimann, an old haunt still standing on the Kurfürstendamm. Their talk often turned to Ossietzky. Walter clipped any and all postwar coverage she could find about the man, filling her apartment with binders full of articles. Many she had written herself.

At some point, Walter contemplated publishing a lengthier account of Ossietzky’s story. Among her papers at the Munich Institute for Contemporary History, sandwiched between newspaper clippings and letters typed on tissue-like paper, is an undated book proposal. The 30-page document contains a tidy outline and descriptions for 14 chapters. The project’s title, Der Preis für einen Friedenspreis (The Price of a Peace Prize), suggests a behind-the-scenes account of the Nobel campaign. But what Walter plotted instead was a rather anemic biography of its subject.

As for the Circle of Friends, the proposal contains only one oblique reference to a “narrowly limited group of people based in Paris.” Her papers do not contain any correspondence with publishers, making it impossible to know whether she submitted the book idea for consideration.

Ossietzky was a legend. His name adorned street signs, libraries, and schools across Germany.

What was the price for the Nobel Prize? When she chose her title, Walter may have had Ossietzky’s suffering in mind. Arguably, too, Walter accepted a personal cost—that all she had done for Ossietzky would go largely unknown, in order to preserve the idea that he had received the Peace Prize as a result of a groundswell of international support rather than a hard-fought political campaign.

Prior to Walter’s death in 1976, no one had disclosed the full activities of the Circle of Friends, not even Grossmann, whose 1963 biography of Ossietzky told all manner of stories in its nearly 600 pages. It wasn’t until some 50 years after Ossietzky’s death that a complete picture of his supporters’ quest emerged. In 1988, the University of Hamburg organized an exhibit about the Circle of Friends and published a corresponding book. The University of London published a collection of letters from the Oldens’ papers in 1990, further illuminating the group’s efforts. 

By then Ossietzky was a legend. His name adorned street signs, libraries, and schools across Germany; his statue stood in parks. He had become a physical part of the postwar landscape, the one that elected his supporter Willy Brandt, first as mayor of Berlin, and later as chancellor of the republic.

Brandt did not let Walter go entirely uncelebrated. On her 70th birthday in 1965, just over a decade prior to her death, he presented her with Germany’s Federal Cross of Merit. Unlike the Nobel, this prize, which honors service to the public good, is not a mighty weapon of influence. Since 1951, the German government has handed out more than 262,000 of the small red, black, and gold crosses. The number is so high, in fact, that the Office of the Federal President does not keep a comprehensive list of recipients, nor does it document exactly what each award is meant to praise.

Of this kind of muted recognition, Walter surely approved.


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Who Killed the Fudge King?

Who Killed the Fudge King?

How I (possibly) solved a cold case on my summer vacation.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 143


Tom Donaghy writes for theater, television, and film. His plays have been produced by the Atlantic Theater Company and Playwrights Horizons, among others. He created the ABC drama The Whole Truth and cocreated, with Lee Daniels, the Fox musical drama Star.

Editors: Jonah Ogles and Seyward Darby
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Kyla Jones
Illustrator: Nate Sweitzer

Published in September 2023.


The fudge sold at Copper Kettle was so creamy, so sweet, so beyond compare, that many candy shops on the Ocean City boardwalk didn’t even sell fudge, because there was no point. During summer vacations to the Jersey Shore in the 1970s, my father would take my brother and me as a treat, when we behaved. A pretty girl in a pinafore would greet us outside with a tray of free shavings. We’d load up on them until her smile strained, then proceed inside. Once we popped actual cubes of the magic stuff into our tiny mouths, we were as high as kids are allowed to be.

For decades, Copper Kettle lived in my head as a kind of childhood memory-scape: the salt air coming off the ocean, the shiny vats of molten fudge, the too much sugar all at once. Then, during the pandemic, my family decided to return to the Jersey Shore for my mother’s birthday, so everyone could gather outside. I told my brother we should make our way back to Copper Kettle, and he informed me that it had long since gone out of business. He had some more information too: about what had become of Harry Anglemyer, the man behind the fudge.

In the early 1960s, Harry had a string of Copper Kettle Fudge shops up and down the Shore. So revered were his stores that Harry was known far and wide as the Fudge King. He was even in talks to build a fudge factory—something that would’ve taken his Willy Wonka–ness to the next level—when he was savagely beaten to death on Labor Day 1964. His body was stuffed under the dashboard of his Lincoln Continental, parked at an after-hours nightclub called the Dunes. The case was never solved.

I spent the next two years sorting through a trove of whispers and accusations around the murder. At first I was just curious, but the more I learned about Harry—a figure beloved by friends and strangers alike—the more intent I was to identify his killer.

I scoured blogs, Facebook groups, newspaper archives, and thinly veiled fictional accounts of the crime. As one local put it, over the years a veritable “Jersey Shore QAnon” had blossomed around the murder, raising questions of culture, class, sexuality, and hierarches of power. I discovered a plausible myth, a trove of red herrings, and, finally, what appeared to be the truth.

Almost six decades on, I wasn’t sure anyone wanted to hear it. When I visited Ocean City while reporting this story, a shop owner I engaged about Harry Anglemyer lowered her voice and said, “You know he was murdered, don’t you?”

I admitted that I did.

She responded, by way of warning: “You sneeze in this town and everyone hears it.”

The Fudge King became one of the richest men for miles, with no qualms about flashing his wealth.

Harry Anglemyer, a stocky charmer out of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, was born in 1927. His high school summers were spent in Wildwood, New Jersey, where he apprenticed at Laura’s Fudge Shop. He was told that this was a little sissy. He didn’t care.

He left high school to join the Navy, served two years at the end of World War II, then returned to the Shore to open his own fudge shop in 1947. In those days, Ocean City seemed postcard perfect. Ten blocks at its widest, situated on a barrier island about 11 miles south of Atlantic City, it was lined with boarding houses, deep porches with rattan rockers, and striped canvas awnings that softened the summer sun. It called itself—and still does—America’s Greatest Family Resort.

The author Gay Talese, who grew up there, once described Ocean City as “founded in 1879 by Methodist ministers and other Prohibitionists who wished to establish an island of abstinence and propriety.” Prohibitionists remain. To this day, you can’t buy booze within city limits. Or have a cocktail at a restaurant. Or go to a bar, since there are none. If you want to bend an elbow, you must belong to one of the few private clubs that allow it. You can also import your own adult beverages, stopping at the Circle Liquor Store in Somers Point before entering town across the Ninth Street Bridge.

You would think that such a gauntlet might encourage at least a semblance of abstinence and propriety, but a 2017 USA Today article deemed Ocean City the drunkest city in New Jersey. It was and is a place of contradictions.

Just like Harry Anglemyer was a man of contradictions. He donated generously to civic causes and charities, including religious ones. He sat on the city’s planning board at the behest of the mayor. He joined the Masons and the chamber of commerce. He befriended prominent men and their wives, whom he squired to social functions when their husbands were busy. He hobnobbed with local luminaries, including the Kelly family of Philadelphia, who kept a summer cottage in Ocean City that Grace Kelly visited—first as a child, then as a movie star, then as a princess. Harry was so well regarded that 1,500 people showed up at the Godfrey-Smith Funeral Home in September 1964 to view his body. Businesspeople, politicians, and socialites came to pay their respects, packing the place with flowers.

Many of them also knew of Harry’s other, less civic-minded side. When he wasn’t delighting families with his fudge or charming the local elite, he liked to go out. He shut down bars. He was a fixture at Atlantic City’s racetrack, where he played the horses. He spent time at the nearby Air National Guard base. During the summer of 1964, he seemed to have acquired boyfriends from both locations.

Harry was, in fact, a little sissy.

Which everyone kind of knew. He was 37 and handsome, he’d never married, and he dressed fastidiously. He had a small dog, acquired on a trip to Fort Lauderdale—which, he confided to a friend, was perhaps “too obvious.” He once had a girlfriend who wondered why they weren’t having sex. She seems to have been the only one in the dark. Men both known and strange came and went from his large suite of breezy, ocean-view rooms above Copper Kettle, right on the boardwalk, where he lived in the summer.

Harry took no pains to hide any of this, an astonishing fact given the pre-Stonewall, postwar pinko-homo panic. In the early 1960s, and especially in small towns like Ocean City, which had a population of about 7,500 during the off-season, men were expected to find a girl and put a ring on her. Especially handsome men with killer smiles, fitted jackets, and penny loafers that shined like onyx.

But something saved Harry from too much scrutiny—for a time, anyway. He was an entrepreneur, and he elevated the boardwalk’s game. He saw the future, which might have been his shield. Other local business owners looked past his sexuality. They wanted even a little piece of his magic.

Harry placed gleaming copper kettles in the windows of his boardwalk shop, poured in liquid fudge, and positioned above them teenage boys with bronzed skin and sparkling white teeth, gripping big wooden paddles, churning and churning. Outside on the boardwalk, children panted as they watched, their faces cracked from too much sun, their bare feet sandy, their eyes wet and hungry. They wanted that fudge so bad. At night, after the last box was sold and the shop had closed, the kettles remained pin-spotted from above like Ziegfeld girls.

Money surged in like the tide. Soon Harry had shops in Atlantic City, Sea Isle City, and Stone Harbor as well. The Fudge King became one of the richest men for miles, with no qualms about flashing his wealth. He purchased a two-story colonial in the Gardens, Ocean City’s fanciest neighborhood, where he lived in the off-season, and kept two cars: the Lincoln Continental where his body would later be found, and a Chrysler Imperial purchased just months before his death.

Most spectacularly, he acquired a blinding ring: five emerald-cut diamonds, approximately eight carats total, set in a band of white gold. It was valued at about $10,000, almost $100,000 in today’s dollars. Harry wore it everywhere. Which was quite a big deal. With the exception of a few families, including the famous Kellys, whose fortune came from brickmaking, Ocean City was for the most part a resort of the working class. Its tourists and year-round residents had likely never seen such jewels except on television, worn by the likes of Zsa Zsa Gabor. Or Liberace.

Harry’s success made him an object of allure and envy, though by all accounts he shared his fortune with others. He frequently bought dinners for his staff. He gave loans to friends and told them to take their time paying him back. (After his death, his family found a drawer full of IOUs.) He even had a brand-new clothes dryer delivered to a young mother burdened by a bad marriage. She wept knowing there was at least one good man in the world.

That’s what most people said about Harry: how good he was, generous and kind, fun-loving and curious. But in the summer of 1964, they noticed something else about him. The Fudge King was uncharacteristically on edge.

Harry was up against the upright citizens of America’s Greatest Family Resort who feared it would become another Atlantic City, that den of iniquity next door that was fast sinking into squalor and corruption.

Of course, the whole country was on edge. JFK had just been assassinated. Vietnam was heating up, and the draft was coming for young American men, including those stirring that fudge in Copper Kettle’s windows. The Civil Rights Act was signed into law on July 2, and now Ocean City could no longer confine people of color to the Fifth Street beach. (Before that, according to one resident, if Black beachgoers breeched the jetty that separated their beach from the other beaches, they were greeted immediately by a chorus of “Go back!”)

Meanwhile, the Mad Men era of whiskey sours and steak Diane was giving way to the Beatles, beads, and flower power. On August 30, the week before Harry’s murder, the Fab Four themselves came through Atlantic City on their first North American tour, and the young people of the state lost their minds.

The youthquake was on the horizon. The Greatest Generation was holding its breath. If Ocean City wasn’t immune from time’s great march, what was?

Certainly not Harry, who saw himself out in front of that particular parade, a fact he’d made clear two years prior by challenging Ocean City’s so-called blue laws. For decades the blue laws had handed over the seventh day almost entirely to the Lord. Most business was prohibited, unless it was church business. You attended service, then went home and kept quiet.

Abstinence and propriety were enforced, as merchants who occasionally tested the laws learned. Two arcade owners were fined for opening their doors; a grocer was arrested for selling a cantaloupe. But generally the boardwalk, both its amusements and its stores, remained shuttered. An ordinance forbade Harry from even making fudge on Sunday.

All this seemed ridiculous to him. How could a resort community be closed for business for an entire day every weekend? The weekends were the moneymakers! If it rained on Saturday, keeping beachgoers at home, it was a total bust. Harry had come to believe that “puritanical restrictions” were holding Ocean City back.

Some in town were inclined to agree. Those who owned businesses, specifically. They appointed Harry head of both the Ocean City Civic Betterment Association and the Ocean City Boardwalk Association. Harry seized the moment, gathering friends and colleagues, telling them that while it was fine for shops to be closed on Sunday mornings for church, they should be allowed to open for the remainder of the day. He further informed them that he would state his case privately to D. Allen Stretch, Ocean City’s director of public safety and the custodian of the blue laws.

Stretch did not agree with Harry. Even a little. He wasn’t about to have the so-called Fudge King tell him what to do, no matter how many business owners Harry had at his back.

Emboldened, affronted, or perhaps not quite reading the room, Harry refused to stand down. During a meeting at city hall, he decided to say aloud to everyone in town what he’d said to Stretch. All hell broke loose as an opposing faction coalesced—one that wanted to keep the laws in place. Harry was up against the upright citizens of America’s Greatest Family Resort who feared it would become another Atlantic City, that den of iniquity next door that was fast sinking into squalor and corruption.

Ocean City’s commissioners, wringing their hands, decided to put the matter of the blue laws to a referendum. When voting day arrived in May 1963, enough locals sided with Harry that the laws were relaxed, allowing certain shops to open their doors on Sunday for the first time. Newspapers reported Harry’s triumph over the pious prohibitionists, who were none too pleased.

This is where things get weird.

Three weeks after the referendum, Harry was arrested on three counts of carnal indecency, or what the press described as “homosexual behavior.” He was fingerprinted and booked at the Cape May County Courthouse. The thing that everyone had pretended to overlook was now being used to indict him. This was no misdemeanor. Sodomy laws were still on the books in New Jersey, punishable by up to 20 years in prison.

Interestingly, the accusers were all public employees: Thomas Sullivan, a bridgetender for the state highway department; James Luddy, who worked in the office of the city engineer; and a local detective, sergeant Dominick Longo, who claimed that “an incident” had occurred in Harry’s apartment above the fudge shop. An explanation for why Longo was up there in the first place came from none other than D. Allen Stretch, who announced that he had instructed Longo, an ambitious cop looking to advance his career, to “get the goods” on Harry because of complaints his office had received, although Stretch did not specify what those complaints were.

According to Longo’s New Jersey Superior Court indictment, Harry Anglemyer “unlawfully, malicious, lewdly and indecently did take the private parts of him the said Dominick Longo in the mouth.” Stretch insisted to the Philadelphia Inquirer that if Longo had permitted Harry’s “unnatural attentions,” it was only because he was “doing his duty.” (The other two alleged incidents came to light soon after Longo made his accusation—apparently, they’d gone unreported for years.)

Harry was furious. He vowed to the Philadelphia Inquirer that he would continue his campaign against the blue laws “despite this legal action which has been brought against me personally.” He then promptly filed his own complaint against Longo. He didn’t deny that there had been what the press called an “incident.” Rather he claimed that it was Longo who’d tried to force Harry into giving him a blow job.

None of this was a good look for America’s Greatest Family Resort. Yet however much the thought of homosexuality disgusted many people, some residents quietly agreed with their beloved Harry that Stretch and Longo were retaliating for his campaign against the blue laws. A grand jury, however, upheld the charges against Harry while dismissing those against Longo.

The first case—the one regarding Sullivan, the bridgetender—went to trial in early April 1964. Harry was acquitted in 18 minutes. The jury, it turned out, felt that something was amiss. Harry took the news in stride, telling a reporter for the Philadelphia Inquirer that he was a “sitting duck for all the nuts around here until I beat the rest of these charges.” He then vowed to permanently dismantle Ocean City’s blue laws, come hell or high water.

The town roiled, people chose sides, and a trial was scheduled to litigate the remaining charges against Harry—the ones involving Longo—two weeks after Labor Day.

This is when friends noticed Harry’s fastidious presentation begin to fray. Trouble seemed to follow him. He was the victim of several robbery attempts. Some he reported, others he only discussed with friends. Investigators would later learn that he was rolled for money by two young punks, one of whom dragged him from his car at a stoplight and gave him a black eye in the middle of the intersection.

In the weeks leading up to his death, Harry sported not one but two black eyes. He laughed them off as injuries from clumsy falls or from dancing too hard and running into a wall. Maybe he didn’t want people to be more worried about him than they already were. One of his fudge cutters suggested that he hire a bodyguard. Harry said no thanks, he could take care of himself.

Later, people would speculate that he was meeting Longo, that the latter had suggested a late-night rendezvous to lure the Fudge King to his death.

Harry loved the Dunes, an after-hours nightclub just over the bridge from Ocean City, parked on a sandbar at the edge of Egg Harbor Township, an unincorporated no-man’s land. “Dunes to dawn!” patrons liked to say. Harry said it a lot that summer. He was well-known at the Dunes, to staff and patrons alike. Some even suggested it was where he’d met Longo the night “the incident” took place.

The music at the Dunes was loud, the beer plentiful, the air sweaty. On the night Harry walked through the door for the last time, 2,500 people were crammed inside, dancing to house bands the Rooftoppers and the Carroll Brothers.

Harry had been on a bit of a bar crawl that night. First he went to the Bala Inn to arrange for Copper Kettle’s annual employees’ dinner the following night—he told proprietor Engelbert Bruenig to expect at least 80 people. Then he was off to the Jolly Roger Cocktail Lounge, before heading to Steel’s Ship Bar for some live music. Next up was Bay Shores, followed by Tony Marts, where Bill Haley and His Comets sometimes jammed. Here, Harry invited two women to come with him to the Dunes, but it was 2 a.m., too late for their blood.

He tried again at O’Byrne’s—this time inviting a former Copper Kettle worker and his girlfriend. They too said no. On the way out, Harry asked Mrs. O’Byrne herself if she wanted to come with him. She declined.  

Harry continued on to the Dunes. He had to meet someone there. He seemed ambivalent about the mysterious rendezvous, but also determined to go. He mentioned this to a couple of people that night, in one of the many places where he was allegedly seen. Over the years Harry, like Elvis, was reported to have been seen in more places the night he died than would have been humanly possible.

Later, people would speculate that he was meeting Longo, that the latter had suggested a late-night rendezvous to lure the Fudge King to his death. If Longo could get Harry out of the picture, people theorized, there wouldn’t be a trial in September and Longo could get back to his ambition. (He would become Ocean City’s chief of police in 1975, and remain in that position for 20 years.) But considering the two men’s legal tango, it didn’t make sense for Longo to have initiated the encounter, much less at a place where they’d both be recognized. And even if Longo had made such a request, surely Harry wouldn’t have fallen for it.

Who, then, was Harry meeting?

Sometime between 3:30 and 4 a.m., his maroon-colored Lincoln, its whitewall tires dusted with sand, pulled up to the Dunes. The parking lot was so full, Harry had to circle the building, and two doormen would later recall him searching for a spot. He eventually found one on Ocean Drive.

Once parked, he proceeded in the side door, box of fudge in hand. (He’d brought every proprietor he saw that night their favorite kind, as an end-of-summer gift.) He settled in at the bar, where owner John McCann—a former bootlegger—bought him a drink. They shared some laughs, including one at Harry’s expense: When a man on the prowl for a date wandered over, McCann pointed to Harry and said, “Why do you need a girl when Harry’s right here?”

Harry laughed the loudest, bought people drinks, then fought off sleep while waiting for whomever he was supposed to meet. At about 5 a.m., he left.

Six hours later, as the tide went out and the mud hens squawked, one of Harry’s delivery men, making a fudge run to Atlantic City, observed his boss’s Lincoln still in the parking lot. Peering through the window, he saw Harry’s body wedged on the floor of the passenger side. Conspicuously absent was his spectacular diamond ring.

He was 37 years old.

The news hit the papers that afternoon. People in town were horrified to read that Harry had been found with “severe head injuries,” his skull fractured in at least two places. Though some were quoted as saying that Harry “practically asked for it,” or that he’d made “too many important enemies.” In the Philadelphia Inquirer, Stretch and Longo expressed their regret that the criminal charges brought against Harry never resulted in his “being ordered to accept psychiatric treatment which he badly needed.”

The rumor mill roared to life. Was this a revenge killing? A robbery gone wrong? A crime of passion? Because it wasn’t immediately clear who had killed the Fudge King or why, a fog of dread set in. The Dunes was padlocked. The grocer who’d been fined for selling the Sunday cantaloupe claimed that he’d received an anonymous phone call warning him not to drive by the Dunes ever again—as he did every day on the way to market in Atlantic City—or he too might meet his end.

The investigation ran into an immediate snag: The crime had occurred on the busiest day of the year for New Jersey state police. Potential witnesses had already scattered to the winds. With the summer season coming to a close, some 150,000 people took to the New Jersey Turnpike, migrating back to their suburban lives in Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland. To make matters worse, there were no fingerprints in Harry’s car, the result of what police described as a “film of dust which adhered to the dampness of the dew from the previous night.”

But within 48 hours, investigators caught a break. They identified two witnesses to the murder: a young couple, Joyce Lickfeld and Kenneth McGinley, who were sitting in a red convertible parked two car lengths behind Harry’s Lincoln. The couple reported that when Harry approached his car after leaving the Dunes, he was with another man. Lickfeld and McGinley weren’t locals, so they didn’t recognize Harry or who he was with. The two men slipped into Harry’s car, and all was quiet for several minutes.

Then Lickfeld and McGinley heard someone shout, “Get out of here, you creep!” Harry and the man burst from the car and brawled onto Ocean Drive, tangling viciously. Soon after, the couple heard a loud crack as Harry’s head hit the pavement.

According to Lickfeld and McGinley, the man told Harry to get up, but Harry lay motionless, facing up toward the crescent moon. Cars began to honk; one, parked across Ocean Drive, seemed to do so with particular urgency. Suddenly, two men appeared out of the darkness, running toward Harry. They grabbed him under each arm and dragged him, penny loafers scraping the pavement, to his car. They told the couple that they had matters in hand. The couple, shaken, went inside the Dunes.

Lickfeld and McGinley helped police make a sketch of the killer. If anyone else saw what happened, they never came forward.

Months went by. The Dunes remained padlocked. Harry’s sister, Elaine, took over the fudge shops. Then months became years. Finally, in 1967, authorities announced that they had indicted someone, but not anyone who’d been whispered about by locals. Instead, it was a man named Christopher Brendan Hughes, 27, who was in a federal prison for his part in an extortion ring that targeted gay men. But while the Kansas City Star reported that “shaking down homosexuals had been Hughes’s major source of income for several years,” he insisted to the paper that he was no killer and pleaded not guilty to murdering Harry. Still, the authorities felt sure that they had their man—not least because Hughes had been in possession of Harry’s ring.

Harry’s sister told reporters that her family was glad to see a suspect in custody, and many Shore locals agreed that Hughes must have been the culprit. Three years after the crime, they were hungry for a trial, for answers. Meanwhile, Joyce Lickfeld did her best to keep her head down. She was told she would be the prosecution’s most important witness—she, not McGinley, had gotten a look at the killer’s face.

In September 1969, the case finally went to trial. This was just two months after the Stonewall riots, and the culture was shifting. Gay people were suddenly willing to fight their oppressors. Some were beginning to think of them as a protected class. In this climate, the Atlantic County Prosecutor’s Office might have felt a keener pressure to convict the killer of a well-known gay man.

Harry’s bloody penny loafers, slacks, Ban-Lon polo, and pinstriped jacket were entered into evidence. Scores of witnesses were called. Expectations ran high that there would finally be justice. But the whole thing sank like a stone. A onetime cellmate of Hughes’s named Ronnie Lee Murray, who had an uncanny ability to break out of jail—he’d managed three escapes in his career, and was even caught trying to flee his cell in the weeks just before the trial—refused to repeat under oath what he’d apparently told police during the investigation: that Hughes had confessed to the murder. Even being charged with obstruction of justice didn’t loosen Murray’s tongue. When the judge asked why he’d changed his mind, he replied, “I don’t want to get into it.”

A conviction would have to rely entirely on Lickfeld’s testimony. She took the stand and was asked to describe what she’d seen at the Dunes, and then to point out who in the courtroom resembled the man who killed Harry. Lickfeld fretted and fumbled and looked right past Hughes, who was sitting a few feet away from her. Instead, she pointed to a very surprised sheriff standing in the back. The courtroom erupted.

Hughes’s attorney, Leland Stanford III, called no witnesses. Hughes was acquitted in under an hour. His wife and sister leapt from their seats and cried, “My God!” The Ocean City Sentinel-Ledger reported that unless new suspects appeared, “law enforcement officials regard the murder case as closed.”

No suspects ever did.

The trial had been a horrible show, nothing more, she told me. She was glad someone “on the outside” was finally looking into the story.

For a long time, for a lot of people, this is how the story ended: abruptly, unceremoniously, with what seemed like more questions than answers. But a cohort of Ocean City residents insisted that the answers were right there for anyone who bothered to look. They believed that a toxic brew of prejudice, rage, and power had doomed the Fudge King.

I agreed, and thought that the story might make a great screenplay—a kind of South Jersey noir or David Lynch fantasia, where the flowers are pretty above the surface but gnarly worms lurk just below. Yet, soon I was hooked more deeply by the story of a fellow gay man living a relatively out life in the town where my family had spent our summer vacations. Someone whose reward for trying to yank Ocean City into the future was to become a target of hate and hypocrisy.

I started my research by reaching out to William Kelly, a journalist, local historian, and blogger who had written about the case on the ground in South Jersey. Initially we talked on the phone. His voice was reedy, phlegmy—I imagined him with a white beard and a fisherman’s cap. He assured me that the case could be solved entirely by the evidence from the investigation. But law enforcement didn’t have that evidence, he told me, because it had been destroyed. Which was convenient, he claimed, since law enforcement itself was involved in the crime. Ocean City power players at the highest levels.

There was someone he wanted me to talk to immediately: the young mother in a bad marriage to whom Harry had gifted that new clothes dryer. Now in her eighties, she remained angry about Harry’s murder, adamant that he’d been crushed by a cabal of powerful locals—and certain she knew who’d killed him. The trial had been a horrible show, nothing more, she told me. She was glad someone “on the outside” was finally looking into the story. She felt that it was time for “the truth to be known.” And while she insisted on remaining anonymous, she did have some information for me.

She was at the Dunes the night Harry was killed, she told me. Her father was a manager there. She saw Harry leave, and whom he left with. “Everyone knows who got away with murder,” she told me.

The killer, she claimed, was a ne’er-do-well from a prominent family. He was still very much alive, in Florida, to which he’d relocated soon after the crime. Where exactly in Florida she didn’t know. But she promised to engage his family in Ocean City, with whom she socialized on occasion. Perhaps they would tell her where he was.

For a while it seemed like this would happen, but then the balking began. “Maybe this whole thing wasn’t such a good idea,” she said. Then: “You have to promise me you won’t tell anyone.” Then: “Oh, I won’t see his family for a while.…”

When I expressed my frustration to Kelly, he advised me to forget about her, but to follow up on what she’d told me. What I needed, he said, was to get my hands on a certain affidavit that would prove her allegations. The document in question, which Kelly claimed to have seen, was dictated by a milkman named Lou Esposito who’d been out making deliveries the morning Harry’s body was found. Esposito told Kelly that he’d driven by the Dunes, seen state police examining the scene, and pulled off the road to learn what he could. At that point, he claimed, he’d heard voices behind him in the marsh. “He didn’t have to die,” one of them supposedly said. Esposito then turned around and recognized three local men, including the one the young mother told me she’d seen leave the Dunes with Harry. He was throwing a bloody shirt into the water. Esposito then sped off, believing he’d gone undetected. That night, however, he got a call demanding his silence or else. Soon after, Esposito purported, he was awarded a long sought-after job with the fire department—a reward, he believed, for keeping his mouth shut.

At the end of his life, Esposito wanted to unburden himself, so he dictated all this to his lawyer. He then gave a copy of the affidavit to Kelly, who promptly made copies for several of his friends for safekeeping. Kelly had since misplaced his copy, and most of the people he’d given the others to had died—as had Esposito and his lawyer. The only person who might still have one, Kelly said, was a local architect named Jack Snyder. But Snyder didn’t return any of my calls. Or emails. Or letters. Because he had recently died.

I felt more than a bit of skepticism about the affidavit. But at this point, I was in thrall to the local myth, however unbelievable it sounded. I was also struck by an anonymous comment in one of Kelly’s blogs that said of this story, “I believe the delivery man you refer to was my dad. He told me many of the details you mentioned [before] he died in 2003.”

If this was Esposito’s son, perhaps he would know where the affidavit was. Kelly told me that the son had the same name as his father and was “listed in the phone book.” So I called him. Lou Junior picked up on the first ring, listened to my spiel about the affidavit, and paused before responding.

It was a dirty bit of business, he finally said—a broad cover-up, he agreed. Harry was a great guy who did a lot for Ocean City, and law enforcement had most definitely been involved in his death. Lou had been ten years old when Harry was murdered, and even then he knew that Harry was gay. Everybody did. But he couldn’t help me with the affidavit, because, he told me, I was talking to the wrong Lou Esposito. See, there had been two Lou Espositos in town, and I was talking to the son of the other one.

His father had known the Lou Esposito who supposedly gave the affidavit, because they used to get each other’s mail. His father had even made payments on the other man’s car loan before the mistake was discovered. The correct Lou Esposito had some daughters, he told me. Maybe they would have their father’s affidavit? They were still around, but he didn’t know their names: “They got married and stuff,” he said.

I longed to set sail from the land of dead architects and lost affidavits. I wanted concrete information. Preferably a gun that smoked.

I decided to return to Ocean City, declare myself a child of its summers, and talk to locals and the law enforcement agencies that had handled the initial investigation. Maybe doors would open, and documents—if any were left—would be coughed up. At the very least I could hear for myself that they no longer existed.

I flew from Los Angeles to Philadelphia in May 2022, picked up my brother and our mother—who asked, “Is it wrong to be excited about a murder?”—and headed down the Shore.

The three of us stood at 11th Street and the Boardwalk, where Harry’s flagship store had been. The shop was no longer the gleaming showstopper I remembered, and it now had the affrontery to sell someone else’s fudge. Above it was the suite of rooms where Harry had lived, where Longo went “to get the goods.” Its many windows were flung open, and inside a cleaning crew busied about, readying the place for summer.

Standing in the shade of the old Copper Kettle, the full force of what I experienced as a child suddenly returned. Something had never felt quite right about Ocean City: I could never really be a part of it, however much I wanted to. There was nowhere for someone like me, with my queer desires, to go in America’s Greatest Family Resort, except under or out.

Which made me wonder: Why had Harry stayed? Why didn’t he park his talents elsewhere? In the 1960s, large communities of gay people were establishing themselves in his hometown of Philadelphia and in New York. Harry had to know about them. Why would such a charming and innovative businessman remain in Ocean City?

Just then my phone flashed: “Cape May County Prosecutor’s Office.” The very office where Harry had been booked on lewdness charges. Before my flight, I’d left a message with Lieutenant Joe Landis, its LGBTQ liaison, thinking I’d have a sympathetic ear.

Landis told me that he was not in his office, that he was still working remotely because of the pandemic, and that the records on the lewdness charges against Harry were probably long gone. He suggested I call Captain Pat Snyder at the Atlantic County Prosecutor’s Office, which might have records on Harry’s murder.

I left Captain Snyder a message, then followed my mother into a bookstore, where she asked a clerk if they had any books on Copper Kettle. This was the clerk who lowered her voice and said, “You sneeze in this town and everybody hears it.” Realizing that I had a live one, I pushed the issue of Harry’s death, asking if she had any idea who might have been involved. She paused, then wrote a name on a piece of scratch paper and passed it to me.

“Longo.”

She then insinuated that Harry and Longo had been having an affair. My mother looked at me, her eyes big behind her glasses. On the same piece of paper, I wrote another name—the one given to me by the young mother in a bad marriage. The man she said had left the Dunes with Harry, the same man Lou Esposito allegedly swore was one of the men he saw in the marsh after the killing. I passed it back to the clerk.

She glanced at it. Yeah, he was involved, too.

Could she tell me more? She exchanged looks with another clerk behind her. No, she said, that’s all she had. Could she think of anyone who might tell me more? She suggested a local author who had written a book that included a chapter about Harry’s murder, albeit in fictionalized form. But the book was out of print. And its title escaped her.

I asked if I could have the author’s name so I could search for the book online. She exchanged another look with her fellow clerk. No, I could not have his name—he was a local who wrote under a pseudonym “because he knew too much.”

But he came into the store all the time, she added. I left my contact for her to convey when she saw him next. She promised she’d pass it along, to which I responded, trying to break the accumulating tension, “I’m just in it for the fudge.”

The two clerks chuckled, then fell silent as we left.

I decided to call the young mother in a bad marriage, to tell her that I was in town and that someone had just confirmed the name she’d given to me. She seemed startled that I was in Ocean City, claimed she was under the weather, and said she’d call back. I never heard from her.

Bells were ringing, locals were ghosting, and there was, I have to admit, something delectable in the Nancy Drewness of it all.

“Atlantic County Prosecutor’s Office” flashed on my phone. Captain Snyder himself was now calling, intrigued by the message I’d left. His voice was serious, full, resonant. I launched into my spiel about the Fudge King’s unsolved murder.

“Was that the case where the victim was gay and romantically involved with a cop?” he asked.

He told me that he would ask around for any materials that might still exist, although after all these years it was probably a long shot.

I hung up and googled Captain Snyder. He was one of the top detectives in Atlantic County and a graduate of the FBI Academy. Not a bad person to have taken me seriously. Better still, from his online photo he looked to be somewhere in his forties—which meant that he was one or two generations away from anyone still spooked by the crime. Also, he didn’t stumble on the word “gay” like several locals had up to this point.

I circled back to William Kelly, the blogger. Could he meet? He suggested the Anchorage, one of the bars where Harry was allegedly seen the last night he was alive. I left my mother and brother on the boardwalk and drove our Kia rental to Somers Point, where the Anchorage, a candy-colored Victorian tavern, sits just a few yards from Great Egg Harbor Bay.

I immediately spotted Kelly at the bar—a big man in his seventies, ruddy, with watery eyes, his breathing loud and labored. He was sitting with his girlfriend, a Kewpie-ish redhead somewhere in her sixties, and a male friend, around Kelly’s age but smaller, taut, watchful.

Kelly told me that he’d just had a blood transfusion and wasn’t sure how long he’d last with his health problems. Every man is remembered for one thing he did on this earth, he said. Solving the Fudge King’s murder would not be his. He implied that he had bigger fish to fry, glancing around. His friends were silent.

I wondered if we shouldn’t move to a quiet corner. We were in full view of the other patrons. But he said that he wasn’t scared to discuss the crime out in the open, or to have written repeatedly about it over the decades, naming names and pointing fingers at people he’d known his entire life.

“What could they do,” he said, “kill me?”

Kelly told me not to put too much stock in Captain Snyder’s promise to help. “He had to say that,” he said. He offered more names of people who might have intel on Harry’s murder. A well-connected local who had mob connections. Another milkman who’s now a real estate agent. His friend suggested that I talk to a UPS guy who parked himself on a barstool at Gregory’s at 5 p.m. every day.

I felt myself once again drifting from the facts.

In the small talk gluing it all together, we got onto the topic of the Warren Commission. Kelly looked at me incredulously and said, “You don’t actually believe one gunman killed JFK, do you?”

I slumped, dejected and day drunk, into the parking lot—just as Captain Snyder called back. He had found something, he said, sounding a little amazed. Materials pertaining to the investigation.

What materials? I asked, astonished.

He was not permitted to say, he replied.

I said I’d be right over. He said no, I would need to file a public records request. The entire process would take some weeks, and he couldn’t guarantee that what had been found would be made available to me.

OK, I said, could he at least tell me the nature of what he’d found?

No, he could not.

Because the windshield of their convertible was covered with dew, she couldn’t see what was going on, so she peeked over it. That’s when she witnessed Harry being assaulted.

Back home in Los Angeles, I called a lawyer friend to ask her about submitting an Open Public Records application. She offered to be the Harper Lee to my Truman Capote, holding my hand as I drafted the request. She cautioned me not to get my hopes up: “Records in these cases could mean cops’ coffee receipts.” I worked with my Harper, lit votives, burned sage, sent my request, and was rewarded two weeks later with a terse email that read, “The agency possesses no responsive records.”

I called Captain Snyder with more than a little bass in my voice and said, “What gives?” He paused, reiterated that some materials had been found, and instructed me to file again—this time to a certain person’s attention. I refiled, cc’ing the good captain to let him know I meant business.

Two weeks later I received in my inbox 168 pages of investigative material pertaining to Harry Anglemyer’s murder: from the initial investigation by the New Jersey State Police, through the handoff to the Atlantic County Prosecutor’s Office some years later, and up to but not including the trial. The courtroom records, I learned after filing another request, had been destroyed, which was standard procedure at the time for any trial resulting in an acquittal.

Captain Snyder had been slyly schooling me about how to get what I wanted, and now it was pouring out of my printer. Scores of typewritten interviews and reports, much of it reprinted from old-timey carbon copies, then mimeographed, then digitized into PDFs. There were redactions everywhere, and big chunks of it were out of order, as if everything had been thrown loosely together and shoved in a filing cabinet.

I stayed up all night reading, ruining my eyes. The pages filled out gaps in the news reports from the day, revealing much that had been hidden from the public. I’d expected Mayberry-level ineptitude, but this was a comprehensive investigation with almost 100 witnesses, handled by the New Jersey State Police, law enforcement agencies in several other states, and the FBI.

According to news reports, they began by looking for anyone with damaged fists, as the assault had been so brutal. Meanwhile, they talked to people who’d seen Harry in the 24 hours prior to his death: His secretary, Daniel LeRoy. His sister Elaine, who also had an apartment above the fudge shop. Dunes staff who remained local when the summer ended. All of them were eliminated as suspects. Many couldn’t recall seeing Harry at all that night, nor could two Egg Harbor Township patrolmen assigned to the area—although one had noticed Harry’s distinctive car gleaming under the parking lot’s lights.

Two bartenders who’d been swigging champagne in the parking lot said that they’d seen Harry in the hours before his death with his head on the bar. Standing next to him was a man in his late twenties, taller than Harry, who had long dark hair and was wearing a dark suit; he was “possibly Italian.” The bartenders asked the man if Harry was “bothering” him. The man said no. They asked Harry if he needed help to his car. He said what he always said, that he could take care of himself.

The police interviewed Copper Kettle staff, including a former fudge cutter who’d apparently vowed to “get Anglemyer’s ring by Labor Day.” They also spoke to a local with a “Beatles haircut” who turned out to be one of the punks behind Harry’s black eyes. The young man claimed that Harry had grabbed him “by the privates,” then admitted to being after Harry’s ring too. Both the fudge cutter and the punk had criminal records. But when they took polygraphs, they registered no reaction when questioned about the killing. Police ruled them out as suspects.

Investigators soon located Joyce Lickfeld and Kenneth McGinley, who were in their twenties and had broken up earlier in the summer, only to run into each other that fateful night at the Dunes. They weren’t up to no good, as some newspapers implied—they were discussing what had torpedoed their relationship. (Eventually, the intensity of the investigation and their role in it would bring them closer, and they would marry.)

Police asked them to recount what they’d witnessed that night. Lickfeld said that they were sitting in the car when “two fellows” approached from the rear. One of the men, presumably Harry, was “walking like a girl.” The two men entered the car in front of Lickfeld, then, after a few minutes, exited and began arguing. Because the windshield of their convertible was covered with dew, she couldn’t see what was going on, so she peeked over it. That’s when she witnessed Harry being assaulted. McGinley intervened, offering his help. Harry’s assailant replied, “That’s OK, buddy,” as if he and Harry were just a couple of drunk friends having a bad night.

Lickfeld told police that she got a good look at the killer because she was sitting against the convertible’s passenger-side door, facing the Dunes, when Harry and the man walked by. She said that the man was in his late twenties, white but with a dark complexion, and sported slicked-back hair. He was “maybe of Italian extraction,” medium build, taller than average, wearing a dark suit, white shirt, and black tie. This sounded to me a lot like the man the two drunk bouncers saw Harry talking to at the bar.

When the sketch of the killer was published in newspapers, people called investigators in droves.

It looked like a cook in a Wildwood restaurant who “beats up women and queers.”

Someone’s daughter’s piano teacher.

“That manager of Aunt Jemima Restaurant.”

“An usher at the General Motors exhibit” at the New York World’s Fair.

A man who “acted like a homosexual, spoke of hairdressing, and made remarks of being in Harry’s pad.”

People inserted themselves everywhere, throwing enemies under the bus, suggesting people who bore no resemblance whatsoever to the sketch, and offering up their opinions as they pretended to be Harry’s best friend—or distanced themselves from him when questioned about being seen with him that summer.

At one point, investigators wondered if Harry’s nephew Charles, who worked at Copper Kettle, was involved in the killing, but Charles denied it. He said that he’d always worried about his uncle. When Harry “talked openly about his homosexual problems,” Charles counseled him to “do it elsewhere,” so as not to get in trouble in Ocean City. Yes, he’d sometimes followed his uncle, but only to make sure he was safe.

Some of the more promising information came from Catherine Lee Gordon, Harry’s maid. Gordon had seen quite a bit while keeping house for Harry that summer. Men came and went via the apartment’s three entrances. Investigators asked her to provide names of everyone who’d visited the apartment that summer, especially anyone she thought was close to him. Straight away she mentioned jockey Howard Grant, whom Harry had picked up at the Atlantic City racetrack. Grant had moved into the apartment in July, bringing with him his mother and one of her girlfriends.

Gordon also told police about airman Thomas Campbell, who’d come into the picture even before Grant moved out. Gordon found him more agreeable than the jockey. Campbell liked to play the piano, so a besotted Harry had one delivered to the apartment. Next came Campbell’s friends for raucous parties; they liked to sing into the wee hours, full of whiskey. This was the kind of party that took place the weekend before Harry’s death, Gordon said. It started with dinner, after which a man who resembled the sketch stopped by. Harry showed him around the apartment, but Catherine didn’t get the man’s name.

All these tips were dead ends. There is no record of Grant ever being questioned by police, and case files show Campbell learning about Harry’s death from a mutual friend on the beach, then flying to Germany a few days later to fulfill his Air Force duties.

Longo’s name comes up three times in the entire 168 pages. The first is with regard to an anonymous letter that arrived at the offices of the state police. “Why don’t you ask Longo what happened?” it read. “A couple of the ones involved in those ‘morals charges’ would love to have Harry out of the way.” Later, a caller told police that the sketch of the suspect looked like Longo, then hung up after refusing to give her name. The third reference to Longo came courtesy of the man himself: He contacted an investigator to say that the sketch resembled a “drifter from Longport whose father has an Esso gas station.” Longo knew this man to play the horses and hang out at the Dunes, and Ocean City police had a warrant out on him for writing bad checks.

Stretch’s name appears once in the files. An anonymous caller claimed, “Stretch is the guy who put the money up to have Anglemyer killed, and three henchmen did the job.” The tipster promised to call back the following week with more information but never did.

If police followed up on these tips—including Longo’s drifter—there’s no record of it in the files made available to me. Nor is there any documentation of Longo or Stretch being questioned about Harry’s death or providing alibis for the night of the murder. Though parts of the file were redacted, nothing I read suggested that law enforcement considered either man a suspect. Lickfeld and McGinley don’t seem to have been shown their photos either. I couldn’t ask Longo, who died in 2006, or Stretch, who died in 1985.

As I was coming to the end of the files, I found something that made the hair on the back of my neck stand up: a formal mention of the 1963 lewdness charges against Harry in a two-page memo issued by an Atlantic County detective. Dated the day after the murder, it lists his three accusers: bridgetender Thomas Sullivan, engineer James Luddy—but not Longo. Instead, the memo gives the third man as someone named Bill Blevin.

That was the name of the man the young mother in a bad marriage told me she saw leaving the Dunes with Harry. One of the names supposedly in Lou Esposito’s missing affidavit. The person the bookstore clerk believed was involved in the killing.

But how had Blevin’s name wound up replacing Longo’s in the memo? It appears nowhere else in the investigation files I received. And no one else I spoke to could connect Harry to Blevin.

I attempted to locate Blevin, turning up an address at a Fort Lauderdale strip mall and one on the Gulf Coast. Letters sent to both were returned. I reached out to his cousin Robert—who as it happened had worked with Longo on the local force before succeeding him as chief of police—and also to a surviving Blevin sibling, without success.

Then I got a tip. A friend of Blevin’s had heard that I was asking around, and he was willing to talk.

I was skeptical. The friend had been described to me by one local as someone who was less than trustworthy. Maybe so, but information he gave me checked out. He knew all the places Blevin had lived since leaving Ocean City when no one else did. And he provided me with Blevin’s obituary from 2002, printed by a newspaper in Knoxville, Tennessee, establishing that he was not alive and well in Florida.

And the story he told me was this: For reasons that are unclear, Blevin had become a target of Longo’s ire and, knowing Longo’s expanding sphere of influence, set sail from the Shore forever.

This at least had a ring of truth. Longo, according to some of my local sources, had a history of personal retaliation. People started calling him King Dominick at a certain point because of the power he wielded around town. Still, this was just one man’s version of the past.

With Blevin’s obituary in hand, I was able to locate two of his children: Beth Blevin and Teri Gagliardi. My heart about stopped when they described their father as “Italian looking”—just like Lickfeld, McGinley, and the Dunes bouncers had characterized the man last seen with Harry. But the Blevin daughters also described their father as scrawny, which didn’t square with the description of the suspected killer. And neither Beth nor Teri had any recollection of the names Harry Anglemyer or Dominick Longo.

I was no closer to determining how Blevin’s name wound up in the memo instead of Longo’s. It certainly seemed odd, because everyone in town knew that it was Longo, not Blevin, who’d accused Harry of lewdness. (And Blevin’s name appears nowhere else in the investigation files.) Could Longo have replaced his own name with Blevin’s as part of his grudge against the man?

Maybe, so many years after the fact, no one could provide the answer. But I did begin to wonder if the erroneous memo naming Blevin, along with the references—or lack thereof—to Stretch and Longo in the case files, were the seeds from which a legend grew. Perhaps these mysteries made their way into Ocean City’s water, reaching people like William Kelly and the young mother in a bad marriage and the bookstore clerk—people perhaps inclined to believe that the grassy knoll was lousy with gunmen.

Just as bootlegging arose from Prohibition, so did the extortion of gay men arise from laws criminalizing queer behavior.

Over the course of the investigation, New Jersey law enforcement ruled out suspect after suspect until only Christopher Brendan Hughes’s name remained. He was the father of two small children with a common-law wife in Pennsylvania whom he hardly saw because he was busy extorting money from gay men from Baltimore to Chicago. His name was given to New Jersey state police by the FBI, after the bureau interviewed an associate of his named Thomas Rochford, aka Tommy Ryan.

The extortion ring Hughes and Rochford were in was known to police as the Chickens and the Bulls. The group’s MO was what law enforcement used to refer to as “fairy shaking,” where they would target a gay mark, then send in a “chicken” to lure the target to a hotel room. Soon after, a “bull” would bust into the room, flashing a badge and handcuffs, pretending to be a vice cop, and demand money. If the mark didn’t comply, the bull would threaten arrest, which carried the risk of being named a homosexual in the press.

The Chickens and the Bulls were an insidious success, managing to snare thousands of targets, from congressmen to military brass. It was rumored that they almost brought down Liberace, but Mr. Showmanship could afford to pay them off. Other men weren’t so lucky. They went bankrupt, got divorced, lost jobs—one Navy admiral even killed himself.

Law enforcement had long overlooked crimes against gay men, and even tacitly encouraged them. Just as bootlegging arose from Prohibition, so did the extortion of gay men arise from laws criminalizing queer behavior. But around the mid-1960s, law enforcement became interested in prosecuting the Chickens and the Bulls, in no small part because cops didn’t appreciate being impersonated by criminals. So began what the FBI referred to as Operation Homex, a coordinated effort to take down the Chickens and the Bulls.

Hughes was netted in the operation. He was a chicken—and an effective one. He was young. He was smart. He was pretty. And according to FBI files, Hughes took Harry’s ring to Chicago to fence it. The ring was later stripped of its stones. One became part of an engagement band given to the fiancée of one of the Bulls; another was placed in a tie pin for which a dirty cop held the pawn ticket.

Prosecutors couldn’t lean on other members of the Chickens and the Bulls to place Hughes at the Dunes the night of Harry’s death. Rochford was institutionalized—his lawyer said that his memory was “wiped from shock treatments.” The boss of the whole ring, Sherman Kaminsky, was in the wind. (The FBI didn’t catch him until 1978, when he was living in Denver under an assumed name and overseeing a business breeding rabbits.) Law enforcement interviewed some of Hughes’s associates from Marcus Hook, the hardscrabble Pennsylvania town where he grew up, but none of them were called to testify at trial. Instead the prosecution relied on Ronnie Lee Murray, Hughes’s old cellmate. But he ultimately refused to take the stand.

And then there was Joyce Lickfeld. According to the Philadelphia Inquirer, Hughes looked “a good deal like the police sketch drawn of him,” the one Lickfeld made possible. But that wasn’t true. He had fair hair, blue eyes, and a slight build. “Slender and stoop-shouldered,” the Ocean City Sentinel-Ledger wrote, “looking more like a high school teacher than a brawler.” It’s no wonder that when Lickfeld looked around the courtroom for Harry’s killer, she didn’t finger Hughes.

But then hadn’t the prosecution showed Lickfeld photos of Hughes during the investigation? Only one person could tell me for sure.

Joyce was afraid because the case remained unsolved. She was worried that people might come for her.

Joyce is now divorced from Kenneth and remarried, with a different last name. She’s in her eighties and lives in a ranch-style home in a small central New Jersey town. Inside, on practically every surface, are seashells.

“I just love the seashore,” she said.

It hadn’t been easy to find Joyce, and at first she wasn’t sure she wanted to talk. Eventually she said yes, and we scheduled a visit via text, which included a lot of emojis on her end. Now we sat at her dining table having coffee. She’d put out an array of muffins. With her were her sister and her son with Kenneth.

Joyce had startling blue eyes, almost turquoise, and she wore a blouse of the same color. Her hair was chestnut red. Her manner was shy, and there was something about her that felt like it needed protecting. Which is perhaps why her son and sister were there.

She told me that for years she kept a scrapbook of news clippings about the murder. She wasn’t eager to bring it out. I proceeded gingerly. Joyce was afraid because the case remained unsolved. She was worried that people might come for her. She also felt partly responsible for the mysteries that had accumulated over the previous 60 years, and also guilty that she couldn’t help Harry’s family find closure. Even though she knew none of it was really her fault. Still, “witness trouble” was what law enforcement officials had blamed the collapse of the case on, and she was keenly aware that she’d been the prosecution’s sole eyewitness.

Her recall was quite good, and the account she gave me of the murder matched the one she’d given the police, including the sound of Harry’s head hitting the road, that crack so sickening she can still hear it today.

She did add one thing that she hadn’t mentioned to investigators: As Harry walked past the convertible where she was sitting with Kenneth, he was holding hands with the other man. Why hadn’t she mentioned this to investigators? I asked. Because, she said, such things weren’t discussed back then. Instead she told police what I had read in the files, that Harry “walked like a girl.” This was, she said to me, the best she could do in 1964.

As for Christopher Brendan Hughes, yes, Joyce had seen mug shots of him in 1967, when he was indicted. And back then she thought, sure, this could be the man from the Dunes. But she never saw Hughes in person until the trial, because he’d been in prison. When she finally did, it seemed to her that he could only be the killer if he’d lost a lot of weight and dyed his hair. Ultimately, she didn’t believe he was the man she saw that night. So she pointed to the surprised sheriff in the back, who had dark skin and hair, because of all the men in the room he looked the most like the culprit.

“Would you like to see the scrapbook?” Joyce finally asked.

She picked it up off a credenza behind her and placed it between us. In it were not only newspaper clippings about the murder, but also souvenirs from her life: coasters from the bar where Kenneth proposed, postcards, dried flowers. There wasn’t one section for the murder and one for mementos—it was all mixed together, showing her life, the good and the terrible, as it happened.

Was there anything else she wanted me to know? Only that she’d met Harry’s mother and sister at the courthouse right after the trial, and they told her she could have a job at Copper Kettle if she wanted. That meant a lot to Joyce.

After our visit, I went to Harry’s grave at Northwood Cemetery in Philadelphia. He’s buried in a mausoleum along with his mother, though it wasn’t his initial resting place. Mrs. Anglemyer had her son disinterred at some point and commissioned the much grander resting monument for the two of them. From it you can see the house they lived in when Harry was a child.

The cemetery was ancient, in disrepair. A groundskeeper led me to the plot, explaining that Harry’s mother had paid for “perpetual care.” The mausoleum gleamed, and the grass around it was mowed, while the rest of the cemetery was gray-brown.

Tucked in the iron grate of the mausoleum’s door, through which I could see Harry’s name and that of his mother on the crypt, was a small American flag—the kind you’d wave in a parade—and a nosegay of fresh flowers. Two striking flashes of color in an otherwise monochromatic landscape.

I remarked to the groundskeeper that the flowers and the flag must have been part of “perpetual care.” But he said no. He had no idea who’d put those there.

“Are you sure they’re all dead?” Joyce had asked me about the suspects. It was a hard question to answer—the uncertainty shot through the whole story meant that there were surely names of suspects I didn’t know about. But there were plenty I did know about, based on my interviews and the investigation files. Some of them had been ruled out by law enforcement, but I wasn’t convinced—the files weren’t thorough enough for that. I started making a list: men of interest.

Longo and Stretch were on it. So were Kaminsky and Rochford. Bill Blevin, though I had serious doubts. The fudge cutter who claimed he “would get Anglemyer’s ring by Labor Day.” Arthur Marshall Brown, aka Arthur Kebabs, and Frank Ozio—the punks who rolled Harry a few weeks before he died. A Dunes bouncer named Saba “Buddy” Taweel, who looked like the sketch of the suspect and whom Lou Esposito allegedly named in his affidavit as one of the men in the marsh near the scene of the killing. Frank “Birdman” Phelan, who’d gunned down a couple in the basement of a Philadelphia restaurant. John “Chickie” Binder, a diamond-obsessed burglar who, according to an informant, had spotted Harry at the Dunes that summer and knew him to be “an important queer” he might roll. Another Dunes bouncer. A Dunes doorman. Christopher Brendan Hughes’s associates from Marcus Hook, who had rap sheets and, in interviews with police, placed themselves at the Shore the night of Harry’s death.

I couldn’t ask the Atlantic County prosecutor who worked the case—the aptly named Solomon Forman—for his opinion on any of these names. He was long dead. I assumed other key figures from the 1969 trial were gone, too. But maybe not Hughes’s attorney, whose job it had been to at least consider alternate theories of the crime. Hughes was a small-time crook who, despite his success in the Chickens and the Bulls, surely didn’t have the money for a private attorney. Which meant that he would have had a public defender. Perhaps someone precocious, eager to make a name for himself. Someone at the start of his career. Someone in his twenties in 1969 who might still be alive.

After Joyce couldn’t identify Stanford’s client in court, the only thing Atlantic County had on Hughes was Anglemyer’s ring.

“My client was innocent,” Leland Stanford III told me. Hughes was only put on trial “because of all the public pressure, because of Harry Anglemyer being so popular and well-known.”

Stanford, like Joyce, is in his eighties. Retired now, he left the Jersey Shore over a decade ago and today lives in a beach community farther down the coast. He had more to say than anyone I’d talked to, and not only about Hughes, his former client. His memory of the trial was astonishing. He attributed this to it being an indelible moment in his life, his first high-profile case, an extremely heady time.

Stanford had never seen the case files—the process of discovery back then was much more selective—so I told him what I knew. And he told me what he knew. He said that the sheriff standing in the back of the courtroom, the one Joyce had pointed to, was a buddy of his, a man named Samuel Shamy who was, incredibly, the first cousin of Dunes bouncer Saba “Buddy” Taweel. Was I once again in the land of local conspiracy? Stanford said no, Taweel’s alibi was airtight. That his cousin was in the courtroom had been merely a small-town coincidence.

What Stanford did think significant was that Shamy and his cousin were of Lebanese descent, with dark skin and hair, as Joyce and Kenneth had described the killer having. Further, both men had a unibrow, as did the suspect in the artist’s sketch. This was the first I’d heard about this detail. But when I looked closely at the sketch, I could see what Stanford was talking about: a dusting of hair above the bridge of the nose. No descriptions of Hughes mention it.

Stanford had no knowledge of the Longo and Stretch theory, nor of the name Bill Blevin. He told me to be wary of narratives built up over time. His only concern was clearing his client based on what he knew from his own pretrial investigation. And he felt certain that Hughes had not committed the crime. “The first words out of his mouth were ‘I’m innocent,’ ” he said. Hughes was a career criminal, I pointed out, and one who extorted gay men. But Hughes told Stanford that he never would have gone after Harry, that he only targeted men who didn’t want the world to know they were gay. Stanford was saying that Harry was basically too out of the closet to be extorted.

He had a point. In fact, when Harry was accused of lewd acts by Longo and the other men, he didn’t deny being gay—he only denied the specific charges against him. He didn’t have a wife to worry about, or a boss who might fire him if the truth came out. He wasn’t the kind of target the Chickens and the Bulls preferred.

Also, after Joyce couldn’t identify Stanford’s client in court, the only thing Atlantic County had on Hughes was Anglemyer’s ring. “He looked nothing like the drawing, and there was no direct evidence of any kind identifying him,” Stanford said. It wasn’t enough to prove murder. Which Stanford didn’t believe Hughes was capable of, physically or otherwise.

Did Stanford have any idea who had killed Harry Anglemyer?

He said that he did.

Could he tell me?

No, he could not.

Why?

Because the person might still be alive.

Was he afraid that this person would come after him?

No, he said. They’d be very old at this point. And the case could hardly be retried after all this time, so he wasn’t being professionally cautious.

I changed tack: Why was he convinced of the real killer’s identity?

Finally, he said: “Because of some things Christopher Hughes told me.”

When other bars closed, Hughes and his friends proceeded to the Dunes. Inside was Harry Anglemyer, diamond ring blazing.

Suspicious of lawyers, Hughes initially represented himself. Eventually Stanford came on board, and midway through the trial, Hughes trusted him enough to take him into his confidence. He admitted to Stanford that he was indeed at the Shore the night of the crime, partying with some of his boys from Marcus Hook. When other bars closed, Hughes and his friends proceeded to the Dunes. Inside was Harry Anglemyer, diamond ring blazing.

According to Hughes, it was one of the other guys from Marcus Hook who targeted Harry—a guy who looked Italian. He wasn’t known to be a member of the Chickens and the Bulls, but was extremely close to Hughes—at the very least familiar with Hughes’s line of work.

Hughes, then, may have been one of the men who came running when Harry hit the pavement, who helped the real killer stuff him in the car. Hughes admitted to Stanford that he eventually absconded with Harry’s ring, which explained why he was able to transport it to Chicago.

Hughes’s version of the story describes a crime of opportunity that happened to involve a member of the Chickens and the Bulls. While I still didn’t have the real killer’s name, I was inching closer to the truth. But one thing still rankled me: Harry had told various people that he was going to the Dunes to meet someone. Perhaps the whole thing, I pondered, was more planned than Hughes admitted to Stanford. Maybe Hughes or one of his associates identified Harry over the summer from all the press they’d been reading in connection with the lewdness charges brought by Dominick Longo, with D. Allen Stretch’s support. Maybe they arranged to meet Harry that night for what they hoped would be an easy grab-and-go robbery, only to have it end in murder.

I ran all this past Stanford, who, ever the lawyer, refused to speculate. I asked him if he’d encountered the man Hughes had identified as Harry’s killer before.

He said that he had. Several times. The man actually attended Hughes’s trial on and off—though presumably not the day Joyce testified, lest she identify him. He also showed up, unannounced, in Stanford’s office during that time. Stanford didn’t know why and sent him packing. “I wanted nothing to do with him,” he said.

Which makes it all the more notable that the day after the acquittal, Stanford received a call from this man. “He sounded like he was partying,” Stanford told me. “He just wanted to make sure, in my opinion, that he could not be charged with the murder now. I told him no, it didn’t appear he could be. He would have been charged by then if prosecutors felt they had something. The fact is, they had stopped investigating.”

Did you ever give his name to anyone else? I asked Stanford.

He said that he had. To none other than Solomon Forman, shortly after the Hughes trial.

Forman, then in his sixties, never learned how to drive, so he often got a ride to the courthouse with Stanford. It was during one of these drives that Stanford told him that they’d picked the wrong suspect to prosecute, then offered the name Hughes had provided as the real killer of Harry Anglemyer

On hearing it, Stanford said, Forman became quiet. He then admitted that he’d thought the county’s case against Hughes was lousy, and agreed that the wrong person had been tried. Furthermore, he said that he’d been assigned to the case—he was Atlantic County’s best trial attorney at the time, and after five years of the Fudge King’s murder remaining unsolved, there was considerable pressure to put the damn thing to bed.

About the name Hughes had given Stanford, Forman didn’t disagree. “You are probably correct,” he said.

But if the wrong person was indicted, I asked, why hadn’t authorities retried the case with a new suspect? Because there wasn’t enough evidence, Stanford explained. Nothing physical certainly. And because no one wanted to touch the matter at that point. Prosecutors had spent five days putting witnesses on the stand, only to end up with a drubbing acquittal in under an hour. They had lost all credibility. Without an utterly airtight case, they weren’t going to charge anyone else with Harry’s murder.

I understood that to get the suspected killer’s name from Stanford, I would need to prove that he was dead. Immediately after our call, I snail-mailed him the obituaries I’d assembled of everyone I considered to be a suspect. I would have sent them via email, but for some reason Stanford never received the other messages I sent that way. He never called me either, so after I knew the obituaries had arrived, I called him. Repeatedly. Comcast kept telling me that his cell phone was offline for “service interruptions.”

When I got through, an excruciating week later, I asked him if he was satisfied that the person he believed had killed Harry was well and truly dead.

He was, yes.

Was he now prepared to tell me his name?

He was. And he did.

The name made immediate sense. Investigators had tried to reach him as they looked into Harry’s murder, but were unable to locate him.

It was Kevin Hughes, Christopher Brendan Hughes’s younger brother.

Kevin had a longer—and more violent—rap sheet than Christopher, including a string of burglaries, two years on the lam, armed robbery, and assault and battery of a police officer. Witnesses told investigators that he was a “cop hater.” And he looked much more like the artist’s sketch of the killer than his brother did. He was taller, dark, muscled. According to Stanford, “It was like they had different parents or something.”

Although Kevin’s photograph was requested by police, there is no information that it was ever received, let alone shown to Joyce and Kenneth, or that he was ever considered a suspect. His brother was the more obvious culprit, said Stanford—the guy fencing Harry’s ring and extorting rich gay men. Kevin Hughes would live out his life without ever being implicated in the murder. He died in 2004 at Shore Memorial Hospital, the same hospital where Harry’s autopsy took place.

As I researched the Hughes brothers, a few things pulled me shockingly close to them. Things I couldn’t have imagined when my brother first told me about the Fudge King’s murder. They grew up in the same county I did—Delaware, aka Delco. They went to the same Catholic high school I briefly attended, where I, like Harry Anglemyer, was called a sissy and smacked around by tough boys like the Hugheses.

I searched my school’s online archives and found their names and class—but no photos. Some kids couldn’t afford to have their pictures taken back then. Or didn’t bother to. Or they dropped out before graduation. Kevin and Christopher Brendan Hughes’s names were accompanied by blank squares.

It’s a long shot, but maybe someday soon there will be a measure of justice for the Fudge King after all.

In the spring of 2023, I was in Philadelphia visiting my mother when I noticed a brass plaque on an old brownstone near Rittenhouse Square. It read “The Vidocq Society.” I knew this to be a consortium of private investigators, largely former law enforcement, who had banded together to help solve cold cases—most recently, Philly’s infamous “Boy in the Box” case from the 1950s. My mother, still excited by murder, wondered if we shouldn’t go in. We did, and there we met with director William Fleisher in his mahogany-paneled office, the walls filled with degrees and citations. He listened patiently to everything I’d uncovered about the death of the Fudge King.

What I told him was, of course, only a theory—hard to prove without, say, forensics. Harry’s bloody clothes or shoes, for instance. He nodded, then said he couldn’t help me. The Vidocq Society only works with police agencies, not private citizens. But he suggested I contact someone with the recently formed New Jersey State Police Cold Case Task Force. He then handed my mother his card with his cell number, in case she ever got “in trouble in the neighborhood.”

I called the task force and connected with detective Taylor Bonner. He was reluctant to look at the case, as he didn’t have any files on it, or even a file number. I had all that, of course, but after I presented it to him, there was still a bit of hesitation on his part. It was Atlantic County that had tried the case, and Bonner felt it was theirs to reopen or not. I offered Captain Snyder’s name immediately—with more than a little ta-da—and Bonner said he’d get back to me.

It took him some weeks, but he did. He had spoken with Pat Snyder—Snyder has since been promoted to chief—and after some back and forth they wanted me to know that they would work together to re-review the case. Currently, there is an Atlantic County detective assigned to it and one other high-profile cold-case murder. It’s a long shot, but maybe someday soon there will be a measure of justice for the Fudge King after all.

If this new theory turns out to be true, it will complicate the local myth surrounding Harry’s death, the one whispered and blogged about and alluded to in a hastily scribbled note from a bookstore clerk. Blogger Kelly says he’s fine with that—and continues to offer the names of people who might know more.

But Leland Stanford III, for all his help, has been impossible to reach recently, either by phone or registered mail. I even sent him a box of assorted fudge but received no reply. I can only hope that he stopped talking to me because he’s now talking to the Atlantic County Prosecutor’s Office as it reinvestigates the case.

Whatever comes of the theory that Kevin Hughes was Harry’s killer, I’m not keen to let Longo and Stretch off the hook. Their fear and loathing of Harry—businessman, dandy, Good Samaritan, and the thing that dare not speak its name—may have set in motion a string of events that culminated in his death. Their open bigotry and defamation of Harry, both during his lifetime and after his murder, mark them as villains in my book.

It’s gratifying to feel that I may have moved the needle on an unsolved murder. Especially the murder of Harry Anglemyer, a man I came to see more vividly as time went on, as if he were emerging from a fog, bringing the past back to life—both his and mine. I am not a great believer in ghosts, but I can say that on more than one occasion these past two years I have felt his nudge. Sometimes quite forcefully. As if Harry wanted this solved, the truth finally revealed.

Harry, like all of us, was caught in the grip of time. Of the world changing, as it insists on doing, and too fast for some people’s liking. In Harry’s case, he found himself caught between midcentury notions and a more tolerant era approaching, firmly believing—perhaps naively so—that he could ride the seismic cultural shifts coalescing around him to wealth and happiness.

But history’s rhythms can be maddening. Advance, retreat. Waves against the shore. Ocean City was recently in the news for replacing several members of its school board with those endorsed by Moms for Liberty, a right-wing nonprofit that advocates for “parental rights” with regard to shaping what kids are taught about, among other things, LGBTQI issues. The featured speaker at one of its campaign rallies was pastor Gregory Quinlan, who believes Christ “defined sex.”

What would Harry make of this? I imagine he would have looked to the horizon while savoring everything as much as he could. Which is what he did in the summer of 1964, even with so much on his mind. He was by all accounts a good and charming and, yes, horny man who believed that in the end, if we’d only live and let live, have more sex, cheer on more jockeys, sing more songs while someone tickles the ivories, and buy fudge on Sundays, the future might be a much more delicious place.


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Dead Reckoning

Dead Reckoning

Fourteen U.S. destroyers barreled down the California coast in a dense fog—until a wrong turn led to the largest peacetime disaster in American naval history.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 142


Robert Kolker is the author of the New York Times best-selling Lost Girls and Hidden Valley Road. He is a National Magazine Award finalist whose work has appeared in The New York Times Magazine, Wired, Bloomberg Businessweek, and New York magazine, and through the Marshall Project.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Darya Marchenkova
Illustrator: Harry Tennant

Published in August 2023.


1.

There is a noise that, for a Navy captain, may well be the worst sound imaginable—worse than the boom of cannon fire, the whistle of a missile, or the whoosh of a torpedo. That noise is the long, piercing scrape of metal against rock. It’s the sound, quite simply, of everything going wrong.

Edward Howe Watson heard that noise on September 8, 1923, at 9:05 p.m., while sitting in his ship’s quarters, directly beneath the bridge of the United States Navy destroyer Delphy. Watson was a 49-year-old naval commander—a privileged and pedigreed, blue-blooded son of an admiral, Kentucky born and Annapolis trained. A year earlier, he’d taken command of the Delphy’s entire squadron of 19 destroyers. This had been a promotion, a welcome sign of forward momentum in a long and varied Navy career. Privately, Watson told his wife that he’d have preferred a battleship. But he seemed just one promotion away from getting that too, and after that perhaps an admiralty, like his father before him.

The Delphy had left San Francisco that morning and spent the day speeding south along the coast of California. Thirteen more ships in Watson’s squadron trailed behind. The destination was their home port in San Diego. This was a training exercise—a speed trial, the sort of thing the Navy, under considerable budget pressures, hadn’t tried since the war. All day the destroyers maintained top speeds in challenging conditions: bad weather, massive waves, a civilian vessel requiring rescue. By late afternoon, no one on any of the ships could make out the coastline through the haze. Watson wasn’t concerned; he had one of the Navy’s best navigators for the Delphy’s skipper, and he was using dead reckoning—the time-tested technique of calculating location from a ship’s compass direction, estimated speed, and the amount of time traveled—to ensure that they were where they needed to be. Best of all, a rival squadron of destroyers, part of the same training exercise, were making worse time. Watson was winning the race.

By nightfall, the Delphy was coming close to the Santa Barbara Channel, with San Diego in reach by dawn. A few minutes before 9 p.m., Watson ordered a turn east toward the coast for the final approach into the channel. The entrance was a risky place for a squadron traveling at 20 knots—littered with rocks, reefs, and shipwrecks just beneath the water’s surface—but it was the shortest route, and using it all but guaranteed that Watson would win. The other ships would follow, and they’d all be home in record time.

That was when Watson heard the noise—first the scrape, and then a thunderous boom. In that flash of a moment, Watson knew. They were running aground. Careers would be destroyed, reputations and legacies wiped away—and, worst of all, lives could be lost. But he could not have known that what happened next would become the greatest peacetime disaster in the history of the U.S. Navy. That it would prompt a court-martial of 11 officers, also the largest of its kind in history. And that, in the aftermath, he would be forced to rethink everything he believed about the price of honor and the true meaning of leadership.

And that, even now, 100 years later, there would be no end to the arguments over who exactly was to blame.


The destroyers under Watson’s command were known as four-stackers, marked by a quartet of tall, identical cylinders arrayed neatly in a line down the ship’s center, like the bristles of a toothbrush. Each ship was 314 feet long and 32 feet wide, nimble and powerful enough to target German submarines during the First World War. But by the time Watson took command of Squadron 11 in 1922, the war was over, fuel was being rationed, and military funding had been slashed across the board. While four-stackers could carry as many as 131 men, budget cuts reduced the number on board to roughly 100. It was an unfortunate time to be rising in the Navy. America may have just won a war, but the nation’s reputation was fragile. Washington was a hotbed of corruption; President Warren Harding’s Teapot Dome bribery scandal had implicated naval secretary Edwin Denby. Now more than ever, the Navy needed a demonstration of confidence, of authority. And Watson needed the Navy, too, in his own way.

Watson had grown up amid privilege, his only care, perhaps, the burden of expectation. He was the eldest son of a powerful Kentucky family, a member of America’s brand of aristocracy. One of his great-grandfathers had served as governor, was a five-term U.S. senator, and advised two presidents. The family superstar was his father, John Crittenden Watson, who earned his place in history as a Union Navy lieutenant during the Civil War battle of Mobile Bay. In 1864, Captain James Farragut of the battleship Hartford led a squadron of ships into Confederate waters and shocked everyone around him when he ordered his fleet into a mine-strewn waterway, crying out, “Damn the torpedoes, full speed ahead!” Watson’s father was Farragut’s faithful aide-de-camp. He’d heard the captain say it, and quoted him for years afterward, codifying the legend.

Watson grew up with that story, which was also becoming the Navy’s story—the daring squadron commander defying all odds, cheating death, seizing his place in the world. He entered the Navy in his father’s shadow: The elder Watson went on to be an admiral, and often told the tale of how he’d been the one to lash Farragut to the Hartford’s rigging, so his body would be found if the ship went down. Between the younger Watson’s many postings—on the Amphitrite, the Maine, the Brooklyn, the Baltimore, the Richmond, the Prairie, the West Virginia, the Detroit, the Iris—his father would step in and offer plum assignments; Watson even went along as his father’s aide to the coronation of King Edward in London. He married well—a St. Louis socialite named Hermine Gratz, whose sister married a Rockefeller—and a life of ease awaited once his time in the Navy ended. But during the Great War, Watson only managed to take command of a battleship late in the effort, and he never saw combat. So when the destroyers of his squadron were given a chance to prove their worth, the opportunity couldn’t have come soon enough.

On Friday, September 7, 1923, Watson summoned Squadron 11’s commanders to a meeting. The ships were docked in San Francisco, where the crews were on shore leave. Watson announced that he’d lead them to their home port in San Diego on a training exercise, coupled with gunnery and tactical drills. Their orders, Watson said, were to travel at 20 knots, faster than any ship had been permitted in years.

For the first time since the war, these destroyers would do what they’d been built to do, although it would come with some risk. There was no telling what toll such an extreme pace would take on the ships’ turbines when sustained for 453 nautical miles. Watson shrugged off such concerns; that was what the exercise was for. Besides, Squadron 11 wouldn’t be the only fleet of destroyers bound for San Diego that day. Squadron 12 was going, too. This would be a race, and Watson intended to win it.

William L. Calhoun was ten years younger than Watson, in his late thirties, and a touch portly, with thinning blond hair. Like Watson, he had something of a pedigree: His great-grandfather was John C. Calhoun, the South Carolina senator who served as vice president under John Quincy Adams and Andrew Jackson. But unlike Watson, no one seemed to expect great things from Calhoun. He grew up in Palatka, Florida, and went to public school before scoring a spot at the Naval Academy. Calhoun once said that on his way out of town, a schoolteacher told him he wouldn’t amount to anything.

Calhoun proved that teacher wrong, working his way up from ensign to gunnery officer to chief engineer before switching to submarines, commanding a division of them during the war. He came home highly decorated in 1918, but endured several more humdrum postings before, in 1923, he was given command of a ship—a destroyer in Watson’s Squadron 11.

If the new job intimidated Calhoun, he didn’t show it. Aboard the ship, the young commander was something of a breath of fresh air, at least compared with his predecessor, whom many had found brusque. As a leader, Calhoun cultivated a mix of relentlessly demanding and personally appealing. The crew liked him straight away. They wanted to impress him.

Then, in September, came the orders from Watson. After paying his dues and biding his time, Calhoun was facing his first trial as the skipper of his own ship.


Eugene Dooman was in the lobby of the St. Francis Hotel in San Francisco when he spotted his old friend Edward Watson. It was September 7, the same day Watson had given his squadron their orders. Dooman was a 32-year-old career diplomat who’d been stationed at the American embassy in Tokyo for a decade. He’d met Watson during the three years the captain lived there after the war, serving as a naval attaché. Watson and Dooman shared a love of Japanese culture and a fascination with the country’s history and the traditions of its royal family. Now Dooman was at the start of a long leave back in America and glad for this chance meeting, because he was in a jam.

Dooman had brought something bulky and valuable with him from Japan—a heavy leather valise containing $3,000 in silver coins. This, oddly enough, would be his travel budget during his time away from Japan. Instead of paper money or a letter of credit, his bank in Tokyo persuaded him to accept silver; the bank would need to back up any large withdrawal with silver anyway, and if Dooman took it to America with him he’d save the bank freight and insurance. For his trouble, the bank gave him an extra $400.

Dooman hadn’t counted on the bank being closed when he reached San Francisco. Worse yet, it was a Friday. Dooman would be stuck with a burdensome valise filled with silver until Monday, and he was scheduled to leave on Saturday for his next stop, Los Angeles. But now, in the hotel lobby with Watson, a solution presented itself.

Watson told Dooman that he was taking his squadron to San Diego early the next morning, and he invited him along. It would require a little domestic diplomacy on Watson’s part: His wife, Hermine, had asked him to bring their nine-year-old daughter, Clifford, on the Delphy, while she accompanied some friends on a road trip to San Diego. But Watson never warmed to the thought of having along a young girl on a destroyer. With just one available cabin on the ship, Dooman was a convenient excuse for Watson to change the plan.

The diplomat said yes right away. The invitation neatly solved his problem. It would be easy enough to get a train to Los Angeles from the squadron’s destination of San Diego, and Dooman’s silver would be well protected during the journey. Watson cleared his guest through official channels, and Dooman arranged for a trunk with the rest of his belongings to be sent ahead to his hotel in Los Angeles.

The next morning at 7 a.m., Dooman, valise in hand, arrived at the San Francisco Navy pier. The diplomat was ushered aboard the Delphy and into the guest cabin, where he changed into a heavy tweed suit to block the wind while on deck. He intended to enjoy the trip.

Watson was coming up on 50 years old. This was a chance, maybe his last, to prove himself at sea.

For Watson, it was no small thing to run into a friend from Tokyo. Japan was Watson’s last posting before taking command of Squadron 11. His time there may have been the most successful of his career. Decades later, a colleague called Watson “one of the most likable and dynamic, intelligent and alert naval attachés we have had in any country.”

Watson arrived in Tokyo in 1919 with orders to monitor the country’s designs on expansion. Japan had been making strides toward imperialism, and Washington was determined to maintain U.S. influence around the world after the war. Watson’s predecessor left him with very little in the way of intel, forcing him to start with next to nothing. But after hosting parties for his Japanese counterparts, Watson discovered that he had a knack for eliciting information. His technique, as later described by an underling, was “telling them too much so that they could learn too little.” Japanese officers found Watson’s chattiness mystifying, and disarming. He produced memos full of policy insights—many of which proved especially useful leading up to an international disarmament conference Japanese officials attended in Washington in late 1921. And he exposed attempts by the Japanese to bribe Navy officers for information.

Watson was making a name for himself for the first time, excelling at a game his father, the illustrious Civil War hero, had never played—a modern, 20th-century pastime, built for an age of global politics. Beyond his canny way with people, Watson also had a knack for seeing around corners. He insisted that the U.S. counter Japan’s efforts to control the Pacific, and when Washington failed to follow some of his recommendations, he issued a dire prophecy. “If we know the minute details of Japanese plans for aggression,” Watson said in 1922, “we are in a position to thwart them while they are still in the planning stage… Otherwise we shall one day be confronted with a surprise that will hit us right between the eyes.”

Watson seemed well positioned for the life of a diplomat, proto-spy, and statesman. All that ended abruptly when he received a promotion to command a squadron of destroyers. His career lurched back onto a familiar track—his father’s trajectory, the family business. Not without some regret, he returned home. Watson was coming up on 50 years old. This was a chance, maybe his last, to prove himself at sea.

Now Watson’s two paths were converging, or at least bumping up against each other for a day. At the very moment he was called upon to show his stuff as a naval commander, he also had the chance to catch up with a trusted colleague from his time in the Far East. The timing was even more welcome given how, just a week earlier, Japan had experienced a once-in-a-lifetime catastrophe. The great Kanto earthquake—even today the most lethal natural disaster by far in the nation’s history—had laid waste to much of Yokohama and Tokyo, followed by typhoon-fueled fires and powerful tsunamis. More than 100,000 deaths were estimated, and Tokyo was under martial law. Many around the world, Watson included, were anxious to hear what had been destroyed, how many lives lost. On the water, he and Dooman would have time to talk about it all.

2.

Patches of sun broke through the San Francisco fog on the morning of Saturday, September 8, as Watson’s ships set off down the coast. Fourteen of the squadron’s destroyers would take part in the exercise, divided into three divisions, with Watson aboard the Delphy in front. The Delphy would handle navigation for all the ships. The others would follow the leader, just like many great Navy squadrons before them, including Farragut’s in Mobile Bay.

They hit a wall of haze at 8 a.m., but the gunnery exercises took place as scheduled. At 11:30 a.m., the crew of the Delphy spotted a lighthouse at Pigeon Point, one of several shore locations ships used for a visual fix. All seemed well. But this would be the last time that day anyone would be able to see land.

The weather was changing—first fog, then more haze. For the rest of the afternoon, the Delphy’s crew used dead reckoning to estimate its position. Lieutenant Commander Donald T. Hunter, the Delphy’s skipper, had taught navigation for two years at the Naval Academy. The California shoreline did not present much of a challenge. Based on the ship’s estimated speed of 20 knots and the typical currents, Hunter, working alongside the ship’s navigator, Lieutenant Laurence Blodgett, calculated their location and continued hurtling down the coast.

But a few hours passed and still no visibility. The Delphy had one more tool to assist with navigation: a radio device that allowed ships to request compass bearings from shore stations. Radio direction finding, or RDF, was still in its infancy—it would be the precursor to radar, which wouldn’t come to ships for more than a decade—but the technology had been a great help during the war, detecting the location of German submarines when they surfaced to send wireless transmissions. After the war, RDF had been slow to catch on. While a number of lighthouses up and down the East and West Coast were equipped with it, ships like the Delphy had only a clunky-looking circular antenna on board. Upon request, a lighthouse worker would use an RDF device to send a signal to the ship’s antenna, then contact the ship by traditional radio to provide a compass reading. If a lighthouse was, say, due east from a ship, a navigator could use that reading to calculate the ship’s position. The system was far from ideal. There was, in fact, no way to tell which side of the looped antenna the station had detected, which meant that every reading came with an opposite possible “reciprocal” bearing. A bearing of due east sometimes really meant due west; it was up to the navigator to discern which was most likely correct.

To many seasoned Navy officers, RDF seemed almost foolish. What navigator worth his salt would trust dubious readings from a lighthouse jockey and a loop of wire over his own calculations? Hunter, who’d once famously made his way into an Alaskan port through a blinding fog, usually had little use for RDF. But three hours was a long time to go without seeing anything, so at 2:15 p.m. Hunter had his crew contact the only RDF-equipped station along the route—the lighthouse at Point Arguello, at the edge of the rugged coast that jutted out 80 miles northwest of Santa Barbara.

A radioman at the lighthouse sent back a compass reading: 167 degrees. This suggested that the ship had already passed Point Arguello, which was obviously wrong; they hadn’t been on the water nearly long enough. Hunter asked for a repeat bearing and got a similar reading. Meanwhile, the crew still weren’t able to see anything on the shore to confirm their position. When Blodgett, Hunter’s second-in-command, suggested moving closer to the coast to improve visibility, Hunter said no—that would force them to slow down and scuttle the squadron’s speed exercise. Instead, Hunter questioned the lighthouse radioman, radioing back that they were north of Point Arguello. The radioman supplied the reciprocal reading. That seemed to produce reasonable verification that they were where they thought they were.

For consequential calls like this one, Hunter turned to Watson, his commander, for approval. For much of the day, Watson had stayed off the bridge; by at least one account, he’d spent that time in his quarters, in conversation with Dooman, stepping out every hour or so to sign off on Hunter’s decisions. Watson agreed with his captain that they were where dead reckoning placed them—that the RDF had to be wrong. They continued on, the Delphy in front, 13 destroyers following. But their location on the route was hardly a trivial concern. Point Arguello marked the spot where Watson’s ships needed to turn left into the Santa Barbara Channel. If they turned too soon, they risked running headlong into Honda Point.

Everyone on the ships knew about Honda Point—a hook of land jutting out from the coast a few miles north of the entrance of the Santa Barbara Channel. The shore along Honda Point is made up of sharp igneous rock and steep bluffs with few beaches. The waves are relentless, and boulders and reefs lurk below the waterline like booby traps. Its original name, Point Pedernales, was from the Spanish como un pedernal, or “like flint.” Some referred to it as the Devil’s Jaw.

Then, as if to demonstrate the hazards ahead of them, news came of a crisis in the channel. Another vessel—not a Navy ship, but a steamer called the Cuba—had run aground that morning in the fog along the rocky shore of San Miguel Island, at the channel’s southern boundary. The Cuba had been full of passengers; a hundred people were floating in lifeboats or had already made it to shore. One of Watson’s division commanders, Walter G. Roper, aboard the destroyer Kennedy, asked to join the relief efforts.

Watson refused. The squadron had its orders, and another ship had already been sent to the Cuba’s aid. Watson thought it best to stay out of the way of the rescue operation, along with the rocks where the Cuba ran aground. He and Roper argued about it over the squadron’s party line—which meant that other crew members on Roper’s ship heard the exchange—and finally Roper relented.

For generations, the Navy had allowed its commanders extraordinary leeway in decision-making. It was standard procedure not to second-guess the man in charge. This was the ethos Watson grew up with, his father’s credo. He believed that his squadron needed him to lead, especially as the weather got worse—fog, rain, buckling waves, and the coast nowhere in sight.

One of Watson’s ships, the John Francis Burnes, had dropped out of the exercise with a boiler problem. That was unfortunate, but for Hunter and Watson it was no reason for the rest of the squadron to slow down. At 4:27 p.m., with the fog even thicker, Watson ordered the remaining destroyers to assume a column formation, each boat following the one in front by sight, with just a few dozen yards between them.

At 5 p.m. the sun came out briefly, but Hunter still couldn’t make out the horizon through the haze. Watson’s column of ships continued on for three more hours, unable to tell exactly where they were, yet confident they were far enough south of Honda Point.

The clock was ticking: To wait any longer would risk the ship hitting the far side of the channel.

At 8:35 p.m., the Delphy received another compass reading from the Point Arguello lighthouse. This time it placed them well north of the channel entrance. Watson, summoned to the bridge after dining with Dooman, couldn’t believe it. How could they have traveled all day and still be so far from the channel?

The more Watson thought it over, the less he trusted RDF. They were again faced with a choice: trust the new technology, or trust dead reckoning. And once again, they had a solution available to them that made sense of the confusing information they’d received: the reciprocal compass reading. When they flipped the RDF compass point, yet again the Delphy was where dead reckoning placed it. Problem solved, it seemed.

The Delphy’s navigator, Blodgett, knew that there was another tool they could use to make sure the ship had reached the channel: a fathometer, which measures depth. A shallow reading would mean the Delphy was too close to the coast to safely turn. Blodgett wanted to do a depth sounding. Hunter said it wasn’t necessary. And of course, to do a sounding they’d have to slow down.

Watson affirmed Hunter’s conclusion. He agreed that they had passed Point Arguello. This meant that the clock was ticking: To wait any longer would risk the ship hitting the far side of the channel, repeating the Cuba’s mistake. And so at 8:45 p.m., the Delphy laid plans for a 55-degree course change to port—a left turn, straight into the channel. Watson returned to his quarters.

From the bridge, Hunter could see the lights of ten or more ships behind him in the dark. Maybe visibility wasn’t so bad after all? But then, just after the turn, the Delphy plunged once again into a thick fog bank. The men on board couldn’t see a thing.

Two boats behind the Delphy on the Young, William Calhoun still couldn’t make out the lights from Point Arguello. Perhaps the fog was too thick, or the Young too far from shore? But he did see the lights of the Delphy and the S.P. Lee, just ahead, and some of the other ships behind. So he continued to follow the leader.

Then came a jolt to the ship—not so much heard as felt, a slight trembling in the hull. At once, Calhoun thought they’d been rammed, but by what? He rushed to the bridge just in time for a second jolt. There was nothing slight about this one. The Young’s navigator had lurched out of the formation—technically the correct reaction for a ship running aground—only to slam into something harder.

Right away the Young started to list, its engine room filling with water through a gash in the hull. It took just seconds for the entire destroyer to lean about 30 degrees. Then the power went out. Between the darkness and the fog, no one could see a thing. By the time Calhoun ordered his executive officer, Lieutenant Eugene Herzinger, to pass the word to stand by to abandon ship, the ship was listing nearly 45 degrees. This meant that the lifeboats were no longer an option—they were completely submerged.

Calhoun was left with one narrow hope: that the Young could somehow settle against whatever it was they’d rammed into and avoid sinking entirely.

He crawled up to the ship’s port side, which had now risen out of the water. The hull was coated in oil, and so slick that the crew that made it up there before him now had nothing to hang on to. Some had fallen into the water, and there seemed to be no way of helping them. To follow them in would doom them all.

And so Calhoun retracted his own order to stand by to abandon ship and told everyone around him to spread the word to gather on the port side, and above all not to jump into the water. “Don’t leave her—she is on the rocks!” Calhoun cried. “She can’t sink. Stick and you’ll be saved!”


On the Delphy, Dooman was with Watson in the captain’s quarters when a noise came from beneath the ship. That scrape of metal against rock was unmistakable. Even he, a civilian, knew that they had hit bottom.

Then came the crash. The ship lurched, sending both Dooman and Watson toppling and shattering the glass of the portholes. Dooman was thrown against the window at his back. Drawers jumped out of cabinets, papers flew, everything not nailed down was suddenly somewhere else. Without a word Watson dashed to the bridge, leaving Dooman alone.

The bridge was in chaos. As far as Watson and Hunter were concerned, there was only one possibility: They’d gone too far ahead, hitting the same spot that claimed the Cuba, San Miguel Island. They’d soon learn how wrong they were. But in that moment, Watson ordered two radio messages to the other ships: “keep clear to the westward” and “nine turn”—turn to port, where he thought the others could still get to the channel.

The collision with the rocks had sent the bow of the Delphy high into the air. Waves swung the ship around so that it was now astride the beach, braced against a series of rock outcroppings. Each new surge sent the vessel into spasms, quickly rupturing the hull. Down-the-line ships had followed the Delphy’s lead. The S.P. Lee swung around to the side of the shore and halted. The Young was next, lurching sideways and sinking; it smashed into the shore just moments before the Delphy and was almost gone. Watson could only guess what was in store for the other ships—maybe the rocky shore would claim them all.

There was a more immediate concern, however. The waves slamming the Delphy repeatedly into the rocks had caused the fuel tanks to rupture. Hunter knew that the oil burners were still operational, making a boiler explosion all but imminent. He shut the master fuel valve from the bridge and ordered all crew in the engine room and the steaming fire rooms to lift the safety valves before coming up. By then the ship was pounding the rocks so violently that Hunter knew it was only a matter of time before it broke up and sank.

That was when Hunter asked Watson for permission to give the abandon ship order. Watson was quick to agree. But abandon for what? Oil from the Delphy was gushing into the surrounding water. The sea was a thick stew, with a five-inch slick on the surface, making swimming near impossible.

The men on the top deck with Hunter were desperate to get off the ship.

Back in Watson’s quarters, Dooman could hear the ship’s siren. He ran out on deck in time to see the Delphy’s searchlight beaming the water. He saw another ship crash, then another. He heard sirens and saw searchlights from those, too—ship after ship—and knew there had to be more behind them.

With men rushing everywhere and sirens wailing, a thought gripped Dooman: the silver. He stopped an officer, who told him that the lower part of the Delphy had flooded; this included the guest cabin where Dooman was staying. In any case, the silver was too heavy to carry if he needed to swim to safety. Dooman hurried back to Watson’s cabin. He sat down and waited, unsure of what to do next, or if he’d been forgotten completely.

The men on the top deck with Hunter were desperate to get off the ship. Some of the crew had braved the sludgy water and made it to an outcropping about 15 feet from shore; others became mired in the water, only to be pulled back onto the Delphy. Blodgett worked to set up a rope the men could use as a guide to the outcropping. Not everyone made it: Fireman Third Class James W. H. Conway and Cabin Cook Sofronio Dalida both died in the water.

Worst of all was the slow-motion tragedy of Fireman J. T. Pearson, who leapt overboard to help save three men in the water, shattered his glasses, and was blinded by the shards. Pearson cried for help and was pulled back aboard the Delphy. He was hysterical with pain and panic, and had taken in so much seawater and fuel that he fell to the deck. Blodgett held a flashlight as a pharmacist’s mate worked to remove the glass from Pearson’s eyes, to no avail. The ship was slick with oil, and equipment was flying everywhere, making it impossible to get Pearson onto a raft without endangering more lives.

Left with no other choice, Blodgett ordered a radioman to lash Pearson to the Delphy’s searchlight tower—what appeared to be a safe place amidships, forward of where the waves were breaking over the hull. They used a signal line that was tight enough to secure him, but not so tight that he couldn’t free himself if he regained his faculties.

The plan was to come back and evacuate him; that never happened. The waves raged into the night as, from the shore, the men of the Delphy could hear his repeated screams.


Calhoun didn’t know how long he had before the Young would sink. The ship had tilted fully onto its side in practically no time at all; Calhoun later put it at just 90 seconds from the moment they ran aground. Now his ship was sliced open on the starboard side, with just two feet of the port side still above the surface of the water.

With the port side now the Young’s deck, some 80 men gripped the smashed portholes of the ship’s hull. Many were barefoot and wore what they’d gone to sleep in; some were tied to one another with lines. They waited for rescue as the waves crashed against the ship.

Calhoun knew that he hadn’t time for his men to put on life preservers and file into lifeboats: Like Hunter on the Delphy, he was aware that the active burners could explode the boiler, igniting the oil in the water around them. He asked for a volunteer to extinguish the burners. Fireman I.T. Scott came forward, then rushed below.

Minutes passed and Scott didn’t return. Had he cut the boiler? Did he escape the ship? Calhoun had no way to know for sure.

Calhoun’s executive officer, Gene Herzinger, and Chief Boatswain’s Mate Arthur Peterson climbed up and out from a bridge window. Peterson found an axe and smashed the portholes, providing the crew with handholds as the sea inundated the deck. They were 100 yards from shore, too far to risk swimming amid the oily waves and jagged rocks.

Or was it? Peterson wanted to try. He grabbed a life preserver and some rope and volunteered to swim for a large rock nearby. If he could reach that spot with the line, the other men could use it to get there, too, and they’d be that much closer to shore.

They were working through a plan when the Chauncey came into view. Calhoun nearly panicked. All it would take was one strong wake to shove the Young off its perch on the rock. The Chauncey got close enough to hear the Young’s crew—Calhoun loudest of them all—shouting not to collide with their sinking ship.

The ship slammed into the tiny craft, threatening to crash on top of them.

The Delphy’s lights went out. Alone in Watson’s quarters, Dooman couldn’t see a thing. He’d have no choice but to abandon the valise. Dooman returned to the deck, frightened but also appalled to have been forgotten.

The ship was low in the sea, and water swamped the deck. Dooman saw some of the crew at the stern, which appeared to be angled higher than the rest of the ship. Higher seemed safer, so he made his way in that direction, pulling himself along by the torpedo rails as waves smashed the deck. When Dooman arrived at the back of the Delphy, he saw that the men had run a line between the ship and a large rock 40 feet from shore. He also saw how dangerous it was—some who’d attempted the crossing had been flung into the water—and he was afraid to risk his life.

Dooman decided to run back to the front of the ship, until an officer shined a flashlight in his face. “You’re the passenger,” the officer said. It seemed that Dooman hadn’t been forgotten after all. He asked the man for help, and with the help of another sailor they found a raft stored on deck. They threw it over the side and jumped in, only to realize that it remained lashed to the Delphy. They were stuck. The ship slammed into the tiny craft, threatening to crash on top of them.

Dooman had a small penknife attached to his watch chain. He handed it to the sailor, who hacked through the line. With some effort, the raft made it over the waves to the rock. From there they were able to walk to land when the tide receded. One by one, Dooman and the others reached safety.

Watson finally made it across the line at 11 p.m. With one exception—Lieutenant Pearson, blinded and lashed to the rigging of a capsized, disintegrating vessel—the captain was the last to leave his ship.


The Chauncey threw all its power into reverse, but it was stuck with competing mandates—to avoid a collision with the Young, and to avoid the cliffs of Honda Point. In the end it hit the Young: The undertow hurled the Chauncey’s stern up against the destroyer’s port propeller blades, which ripped into the Chauncey’s starboard hull.

Water gushed into the engine room, the ship lost power, and, in a final insult, a wave slammed the Chauncey onto a reef. Lieutenant Commander Richard H. Booth sent down an order to stand by to abandon ship and, like Hunter and Calhoun before him, began weighing strategies to get his crew to shore alive. Perversely, the collision was good news for the Young. Once the Chauncey was firmly stuck on the same reef, it shielded Calhoun’s ship from some of the most turbulent waves.

Better still, the Chauncey was fairly close to shore—about 25 yards—and was no longer at risk of sinking. Now all the crew of the Young needed to do was get to the Chauncey, which was about 75 yards away. Members of the Chauncey’s crew succeeded in dragging a pair of lines ashore and setting up as many rafts to ferry the men through the oily waves.

Once ashore, the survivors climbed a steep cliff to reach the mainland. A radioman on the Chauncey named Frederick Fish later remembered finding an unconscious crew member of the Young in the water and bringing him to land. Men from the Delphy were there as well, Fish recalled—“walking about in a dreamlike daze, stumbling and falling, cutting their hands and bare feet on the jagged edges of the cliff.”

Looking out at the water, Fish could see the Delphy smashed against a rock and observed its crew shuttle as many men to shore as possible. Before long, Fish heard “the cries for help of an injured man who was lashed there.” That was Pearson. Blodgett from the Delphy was on shore, and he told Fish what had happened—how Pearson was blinded and strapped to the hull of the Delphy. “His calls kept up through the night, and they still ring in my brain,” Fish recalled. “To hear a fellow creature calling for help and not be able to relieve him is the crudest torture possible to man.”

“Had he lost his hold,” Calhoun recalled, “he would have been in fuel oil and an angry sea, and would undoubtedly have lost his life.”

On the Young, holding fast to its sinking hull, all the remaining men could do was look on as the crew of the Chauncey worked to save themselves before setting up a line for the other ship. Finally, someone decided not to wait any longer. Peterson, the chief boatswain’s mate, had planned to swim for the rock between the Young and the shore before the Chauncey arrived. Now he was ready to swim to the Chauncey.

Peterson took three lengths of line totaling more than 100 yards, found a doughnut-shaped buoy, fastened the line to it, and slipped the buoy over his head. On Calhoun’s order, he dove into the frigid water and made it to the Chauncey in a matter of minutes. A crew member recalled hearing Calhoun shout that a swimmer was coming their way. Once Peterson had been lifted aboard the Chauncey, Herzinger followed using Peterson’s line. “Had he lost his hold,” Calhoun recalled, “he would have been in fuel oil and an angry sea, and would undoubtedly have lost his life.”

After Herzinger made it across, the Chauncey sent back a seven-man raft. Evacuations commenced—four men on the first raft, eight on the second, ten on the others. It took 11 crossings to get everyone who could be found off the Young. Calhoun made one last inspection before boarding the final raft. “I want to state that Providence put the Chauncey ashore in that place,” Calhoun later said. “It is absolutely certain in my mind that the loss of the Chauncey saved half of the crew of my ship or more.”

There was one additional consolation: Fireman Scott, who had volunteered to shut down the Young’s boiler, finally reappeared at about 10:30 p.m., when the lighthouse keepers on shore heard cries for help from the bottom of the bluffs—five surviving sailors, including Scott. He’d made it off the Young and into the water but was unconscious, and when he awoke he clung to a piece of flotsam; he’d floated for an hour before being hauled aboard a raft.

Calhoun knew that not everyone from his ship had made it. He wondered how many still flailed in the oil-coated water. And the engine- and fire-room crews deep inside the ship: had they been trapped down below, or were they pulled out by the undertow as the ship rolled? Those men—his men—had been 150 yards from shore with no way out of the ship.

On shore, when Herzinger mentioned to Calhoun that the losses were great, as many as 20 or 30 sailors, the young captain’s response was grave: “My God, I know—but we will not discuss it now.”


The rescue efforts were just getting underway as the remaining ships neared Honda Point, still following the leader. For some it was too late to change course. One after another, they smashed into the shore—a seven-ship pileup on the California coast—hitting rocks, reefs, and, in some cases, one another.

The officers of the Woodbury saw lights ahead of the other ships and assumed a man was overboard. They reversed engines, but not soon enough to avoid ramming a large boulder.

The Nicholas struck a reef, and the pounding surf spun the boat until it pointed out to sea. The oil, the rocks, and the darkness made lowering rafts impossible; the men had to wait all night for a lifeline from shore.

Then came the Farragut, named for the great Civil War hero. Lieutenant Commander J. F. McClain ordered a full stop, but reversing the engines doused the ship’s lights. Suddenly, it was dark again, and the Fuller, next in the squadron line, collided with the Farragut before hitting a pinnacle rock—the same one that had claimed the Woodbury.

The ships at the back of Watson’s column, the Percival and the Somers, had time and space enough to change course. The last division—the Paul Hamilton, the Stoddert, and the Thompson—never took the turn into the channel.


Along the shore, an entire community was mobilizing to help rescue the sailors still in the water. The ships’ sirens had woken nearby residents, who loaded their cars with blankets, hot coffee, and food, and rushed to the steep bluff. A fishing captain, Giacomo Noceti, bravely ferried his boat to the edge of the rocks and retrieved some 150 men with lines. A nearby rail station became a headquarters for relief workers, who brought aid in and shipped rescued sailors out. A passing train took the injured to Santa Barbara hospitals, and later that day another transported 38 officers and 517 enlisted men to the naval base in San Diego.

The Delphy snapped in two just five minutes after everyone except Pearson had evacuated. The ship’s searchlight tower leaned farther over with each barrage of waves, until it dragged the rest of the ship over and down. The section of the deck where Pearson had been tied up was pulled into the ocean. He was one of the Delphy’s three casualties that night.

How many were lost from the rest of the fleet wouldn’t be known for hours. Through it all, Watson checked on the injured, organized search parties, tallied his men, and reported back to naval headquarters. By morning, he was preparing to send salvage parties back to the ships and arranging for the care of survivors. Even Calhoun, grappling with unspeakable losses, would later praise the commander, stating, “I only hope that if ever I am faced with the tragedy that faced him that night, I’ll be half the man that he was: cool, calm, courageous, and thoughtful; never missing an opportunity to aid.” But in idle moments, alone with his thoughts, Watson seemed to Dooman years older.

When a search party returned with the body of Fireman Conway, who had fallen from a rescue line into the water, Watson approached the stretcher. He raised the blanket and looked down on Conway for a long moment. Then, silently, the captain unbuckled the sword he wore and laid it beside the body.

Was he thinking about all the men—some 300 or so, as he estimated early on—who might be dead because of the decision he’d signed off on?

Was he thinking about his friend Dooman, there only because of his invitation? Or his daughter, who’d been promised a spot, and how lucky it was she hadn’t been aboard?

Was he thinking about his wider family? His father and the legacy of the Watsons, that night on the Hartford in 1864 and Captain Farragut’s cry of “Damn the torpedoes!”? Did he sense any connection between that historic moment and his decision to push forward at all costs?

There would be time for him to mull these questions—to sift through everything that had happened—later on that night, in the weeks and months to come, and for the rest of his life.

3.

In the space of just ten minutes, the Navy lost more ships than it had during all of World War I. Seven destroyers ran aground, one after another, each with more than 100 men aboard. Some of them split in two on the rocks. They collided with one another. They hemorrhaged oil—some 300,000 gallons covering 800 acres.

Twenty-three sailors lost their lives: three on the Delphy, twenty on the Young. A miracle by some measures, a debacle by others. Of the men trapped inside the Young, most probably fought through smoke and gas, darkness and freezing water. None made it to shore. Those who didn’t drown immediately were caught in the ebbing tide and sucked out to sea.

The disaster was front-page news around the country. Some 10,000 people turned up for a memorial service in San Diego. A week later, hundreds of visitors from Santa Maria, Santa Barbara, and other nearby towns flocked to the cliffs above Honda Point to view the wreckage. Demand to visit the scene was so high that a special train was provided on Sunday. Many packed a lunch and remained on the bluffs all day.

The day after the disaster, Navy secretary Edwin Denby seized on the great Kanto earthquake as the explanation. It was because of the quake, he suggested—an act of God, with unthinkable ramifications an ocean away—that nothing went as planned on the water that day. It explained why the ships never really reached 20 knots. Usually, the current pushed ships south; on that day it pushed them north. “One of the destroyers was broken in two, and it seems as if she was carried bodily up and dropped,” Denby marveled.

Others blamed technology: that infuriating RDF, sending good sailors astray, undermining their expertise. “The theory was advanced by mariners,” The Washington Post reported, “that the compass bearings taken from a nearby shore station as guidance through the fog, had been transmitted erroneously.”

Yet to some the weather and the obscure compass readings only explained so much. The Navy scheduled an inquiry for Monday, September 17. Depending on the outcome, the next step could involve court-martials. That left a week for the press to point fingers. “There has been a peculiar reluctance on the part of officers responsible for full and prompt reports of what happened,” a New York Times editorial declared. “For the honor of the United States Navy and for the good of the service those who were responsible should be made to suffer for it.”

Among those who might bear responsibility, Watson was an ideal target. Not only had he been the one in charge, but he offered a newspaper-ready narrative: an admiral’s son, wealthy and connected, now facing utter disgrace. Watson and the ship commanders hunkered in San Diego, awaiting the inquiry in silence. Those close to Watson encouraged him to try and stop what was coming. His brother Loyall urged him to stand firm and defend himself. His brother-in-law, Clifford Gratz, wanted to leverage his family’s relationship with the Rockefellers to spare Watson and help stave off any embarrassment to the family. Naval Academy friends worked back channels, pleading for leniency. 

But there was one person whose opinion mattered more than any other. On September 16, retired rear admiral John Crittenden Watson, then 80 and in fragile health, wrote to his son from his home in Washington, D.C. “I knew the saving of all the lives possible would be the greatest comfort to you and our dear Hermine,” the elder Watson wrote. “Like both of you, our thought is that you were able to save not only your own life but to assist others.”

With its measured tone, the admiral’s letter spoke volumes. There was no assurance of his son’s guiltlessness—no proclamation that, faced with the day’s beguiling circumstances, he would have acted the same. The message was clear: A man’s fate mattered less than his reputation. The family’s honor rested with Watson now.

This was a search for scapegoats—but should the ships’ commanders have expected anything different?

Typically, Navy inquiries are confidential, as with a grand jury in a criminal case. But the press demanded that they be allowed to watch, and Denby relented. As the inquiry got underway, its public nature seemed more than anything to dictate what would become of Watson and his commanders. No one wished to give any impression that mercy would be shown to the men behind the worst peacetime disaster in Navy history.

Watson and his commanders wouldn’t be allowed to testify; as they were possible defendants in court-martial proceedings, anything they said could expose them to prosecution. Only one senior crew member of the Delphy was called to testify: Laurence Blodgett, Hunter’s second-in-command. “We were satisfied that the Arguello radio station was wrong,” Blodgett explained from the stand. “They kept giving our position north and to the west of Point Arguello, and when we could not make this check with our figures, we finally took the reciprocal of their bearings, which would show us already in the Santa Barbara Channel.” As soon as he finished, the prosecutor asked to add Blodgett to the defendant list too. His role in making navigation decisions transformed him, in the eyes of the court, from a bystander to a suspect. Off the stand he went; the defense never had a chance to cross-examine him.

This was a search for scapegoats—but should the ships’ commanders have expected anything different? Watson at least was desperate to have his say. Just days after the worst possible thing that could have happened on his watch came to pass, he was staring down what he considered another disaster. The men under his command—the ones who’d followed his lead—were about to lose their reputations and livelihoods. This could be why, on the inquiry’s second day, Watson made his first public comments about Honda Point. “The responsibility for the course of the destroyer squadron was mine, a responsibility which I fully realized,” he told a reporter for a news service, whose story would appear in papers around the country in the days to come. “But that decision was based upon 33 years of experience in the Navy, and made after due consideration of reports of our position from the Point Arguello radio station, which were confusing.”

It was part mea culpa, part dogged display. Watson continued on like this, switching from accepting blame to explaining why, given the weather and the cryptic RDF readings, anyone in his position would have done the same thing. “The condition of visibility, remember, was such that we were unable to get our true position from the stars. We were compelled to rely upon the radio station. I asked for our bearings repeatedly. From about 6:30 until 8 o’clock p.m., that most vital period in our lives, we were unable to get radio bearings from the station. I accept that responsibility. I made a naval officer’s decision. I was content the radio station was wrong. And that is why I gave the order.”

On September 22, Watson issued a similar statement to the court of inquiry and to the press: “The Squadron Commander hopes the responsibility for this disaster, which he considers entirely his own, may not descend upon the able and loyal subordinates who supported him on all occasions.” Watson was sacrificing himself, throwing himself into the prosecution’s line of fire. He also asked the court to waive its rule barring potential defendants from testifying—in effect, making himself more vulnerable to court-martial so that he could have his say now.

The court granted Watson’s request, and he was permitted to take the stand on September 24. “The responsibility was mine,” he said. “I was convinced that the station was wrong. But they were right.”

The court of inquiry’s president, Rear Admiral William V. Pratt, attempted to pick apart this blanket admission. “Do you feel,” he asked Watson, “that you can assume all of the responsibility that at times must fall on the shoulders of your division commanders?”

“I have no desire to assume their responsibilities,” Watson replied. “I simply want to make clear that I assume all of my own.”

Edward Howe Watson

Watson braced himself for a public flogging. So perhaps he was as surprised as anyone when the opposite occurred. Almost overnight, the squadron commander transformed—in the eyes of the public, at least—from the incompetent scion of a naval legend to a paragon of selflessness and sacrifice. More than one newspaper editorial used the word “manliness” to describe what he’d done.

“Capt. Watson has given a splendid example of the finest attributes of character overcoming the elemental instinct of self-preservation,” the Army and Navy Journal declared, while the San Diego Sun waxed on about Watson’s “heroic” soul. “He waits for no court martial. He relies not on lawyers. He seeks no avenue of evasion. He resorts to no subterfuge. Lest the blame rest on some innocent man, he takes upon himself full responsibility for his actions.”

Others around the country joined the chorus, taking Watson’s testimony as their cue to examine what true leadership really meant. “The heroism of captain Watson is of a different type,” declared the Santa Monica Evening Gazette. “It manifests itself after deliberation; after the weighing of consequences.” And this from the San Francisco Chronicle: “From the moment the ship struck, his bearing and speech have been that of a most remarkable example of real manliness under the most distressing conditions which an officer in his position can ever meet.”

The goodwill seemed to play a part in Watson persuading the other officers named as defendants to join him in testifying, so that they also would have the chance to recount what had happened that night. This was no small thing: By opening themselves to prosecution, these officers had to have faith that Watson’s contrition would reflect well on them. Admiral Pratt called their decision to testify “worthy of the best traditions of the Navy.” 

When the Delphy’s skipper, Hunter, testified, he also made sure to blame the technology, as Watson had. “I’ll have to admit that it was an error in judgment,” he testified. “But as contributing causes I believe … the fact that a bilateral radio compass is used there were partly responsible.” Hunter also floated the “possibility” that “abnormal currents caused by the Japanese earthquake” contributed to the problem. In response, the lieutenant commander in charge of the Point Arguello lighthouse took the stand, defending his compass bearings that night. In fact, the readings had been within a few degrees of accuracy the whole time, even if one of them had required a reciprocal adjustment.

Many of Watson’s other commanders said that they weren’t responsible for what had happened because they’d been duty-bound to follow the Delphy’s lead. The Navy’s sacred adherence to chain of command suddenly was on trial, too. Robert Morris, the commander of the division of ships immediately astern of the Delphy, said that they “could not possibly be held culpable in carrying out the destroyer doctrine of following their leader.” Rear Admiral Pratt asked Morris, “Does seniority take the place of common sense?” Morris replied, “They are supposed to be synonymous.”

Not every skipper had hewed so tightly to that edict. Thomas A. Symington of the Thompson, the last ship in line, said that once he’d noticed the confusion of lights and sirens ahead, he slowed down to take soundings. Leslie Bratton of the Stoddert said that he’d opted to violate the no-navigation order and asked the lighthouse for radio bearings himself, then steered his ship away in time to avoid disaster. Hardy B. Page, navigator of the Hamilton, said that he’d suspected there was a problem ahead and advised his commanding officer to get word to the division commander—a decision that helped the division’s three ships escape intact.

Finally, the board heard from Walter Roper—the division commander who a few hours before the disaster had jousted with Watson by radio about helping the Cuba. Roper was as flinty on the stand as he’d been that night on the water. “I’m not a desk man. My experience comes from hard knocks,” he said, a jab at Watson’s lack of experience and Hunter’s academy training. “There are too many book-learned and not enough practical men running the Navy.” In Roper’s view, those on the Delphy should never have assumed that the ship really was going 20 knots in such choppy water. The error, he said, was in putting “too much reliance on computation of speed by propeller revolutions.” In his experience, he said, he’d seen propellers indicate 20 knots when the ship was in fact going only 12.

Roper made a point of saying that he would have heeded the lighthouse. “I have gone into the most dangerous harbors in the world through impenetrable fogs, guided almost wholly by radio compass,” he said. His division had never turned left, he testified, because he never came close to trusting the Delphy. “I was positive we had not passed Point Arguello. I did not know the forward ships were turning. Could I have seen them, I would not have followed, but instead would have tried to stop them. My motto is ‘Never try to turn a corner until you have passed.’ ”

Rear Admiral Pratt asked Roper if he would have turned left had he been on the ship behind the Delphy. “Of course I would not,” Roper said. “ ‘Follow the leader’ is all right, but it should be tempered with common sense. When I was a boy, our leader once jumped off a barn. I stayed put—and walked down to pick him up. He had a broken leg.” The room erupted with laughter.

But the fact remained that Roper failed to speak up against Watson at the time. Had he been stinging from their quarrel over the Cuba? If he’d said something—one of many ifs that night—might the entire disaster have been avoided, and 23 lives spared?

“I am ready and anxious to take my medicine,” Watson said. “I don’t want an acquittal.”

On October 12, the court of inquiry made its determination. Never mind the weather and the radio; the Honda Point disaster, the court ruled, was the result of “bad errors and faulty navigation.” Faced with so much uncertainty, the ships should have slowed down to take depth soundings. Following the leader may have been a Navy tradition, but it shouldn’t trump reason.

Eleven officers were recommended for court-martial. Watson, Hunter, and Blodgett were charged with “culpable inefficiency and negligence,” and eight others with simple negligence. But the court seemed gripped by contradictory impulses. It issued a letter to Calhoun, the Young’s commander, commending him “for coolness, intelligence, and seamanlike ability,” and to Walter D. Seed, of the Fuller, for “great bravery in swimming … about seventy five yards, through a rough and turbulent sea … for the salvage of the crew.” Yet both also faced charges of negligence.

The court-martial proceedings took place in rapid succession during the month of November. All eyes remained on Watson. Would his penitence spare the others? On November 7, Watson doubled down with another public statement. “I am ready and anxious to take my medicine. I don’t want an acquittal. For me to be acquitted by this court would be bad for the naval service, to which both my father and myself have devoted our lives.”

Calhoun, at his trial, went out of his way to commend Watson. He testified that in his opinion no power on earth could have saved the Young and the other ships after the Delphy ran aground. Calhoun insisted that he had no reason to suspect the Delphy of any errors, and testified that he and the Young’s crew would not have done anything differently had they been at the front of the line—except perhaps take soundings.

Watson reciprocated as a witness at Calhoun’s trial. “Every man of the crew of the Young owes his life solely and entirely to Commander Calhoun,” he testified.

In his summation speech in Watson’s trial, Watson’s lawyer, Thomas T. Craven, noted how, at Honda Point, “fate was indeed stern upon this occasion.” If the Delphy had continued south for just a few more minutes before turning, the entire column of ships would have cleared the rocks. If they’d turned a few minutes sooner, the coast would have been more forgiving, resulting in less damage and fewer lives lost. How many Navy men, Craven asked, had made similarly small missteps and escaped the hand of fate? Watson, he suggested, was a victim of bad luck.

Calhoun was acquitted after 40 minutes of deliberation. Blodgett, the Delphy’s navigator, was also acquitted, as were seven other defendants. There were just two convictions: Edward Howe Watson and Donald T. Hunter would not escape official blame for what happened that night. But considering the scale of the catastrophe, their sentences were lighter than expected. Both Watson and Hunter were allowed to continue their military careers, but with lower ranking numbers, which virtually eliminated the possibility of promotion. Neither would command a ship again, but they would retain their ranks. And the careers of the other men would be saved.

“It is a very proper sentence,” Watson told reporters. “It is a fitting punishment. The loss of a few numbers could not be a sufficient punishment for an error as great as mine was. I am glad that the sentence is as severe as it is. It puts me very near the bottom of the list of captains, I guess. Needless to say, it does not make me happy.”

Watson had transformed from a villain to a hero with his admission in September. Now, in December, with his career intact, things changed again. Back Watson went, from hero to goat. Yet, by taking the blame, had Watson—no matter how gallant the gesture—simply given the Navy a smooth path toward putting the embarrassing episode behind it? And was the Navy now rewarding Watson for his contrition? After the loss of seven ships and 23 lives, how was it exactly that not one member of the Navy had lost their job?

“Just learned court-martial has been very lenient with everybody,” President Calvin Coolidge said. Navy Secretary Denby also made sure to grumble publicly that the “sentence in [Watson’s] case is inadequate.”

On December 29, the Army and Navy Journal reported, “The light sentence created almost as great a sensation at Washington as the disaster.”


Eugene Dooman’s escape from the scene at Honda Point occurred just before dawn after the wrecks, when a train to Los Angeles approached the local station where the relief efforts were headquartered. Watson told Dooman and a few others to board it. Hundreds of other men would be taking the San Diego train a few hours later. Dooman, like many in the squadron, was covered from head to foot with oil, so a conductor placed some newspapers on the seat, and off they went. In Los Angeles, Dooman was on his own again, delivered from the tragedy—and from the official narrative.

The available record from the court of inquiry and Watson’s court-martial includes just one mention of a civilian on the Delphy, but Dooman’s name never appears. In the years to come, as military and civilian historians researched the Honda Point disaster, the idea of a not-spoken-for witness to the disaster proved tantalizing. He was called the “mystery guest,” the “civilian,” the “phantom passenger.” Rumors circulated that he and Watson had been drinking that day (Watson and others denied this), or that Watson subsequently swore him to silence about what really went wrong that night. But while Dooman’s identity was never well publicized, it was never really secret either. In January 1924, he gave a long interview to an English-language paper in Japan, complimenting Watson’s performance on the night of the wreck and relating the tale of his own escape. Had the historians and writers seen that article, the mystery would have been solved.

After 30 years as a diplomat in Tokyo, Dooman came home to America after Pearl Harbor, retiring just a few years later, in 1945. It took until the 1960s for him to be located and asked about Honda Point. “I am not competent” to pass judgment on Watson’s decisions that day, he wrote one interlocutor in 1966. “That is to say, I cannot weigh the extenuating circumstances, but a disaster did occur and the man who made the decision had to assume responsibility.”

Dooman was asked why he was never called to testify in the inquiry, and what happened to the $3,000 in silver he’d brought on board. The answers, it turned out, were linked. The silver was sacrificed, Dooman wrote, in the name of discretion. The money had been found in the wreckage, he wrote, “but could not be claimed without the probability of being called as a witness in the court-martial, and Watson and his defense officer were afraid that my testimony might prove harmful to Watson, since I was with him when the ship struck.” By today’s standards, these actions would have constituted a cover-up. But every answer Dooman gave seemed to prompt more questions. Why had the Navy not asked him to testify? Did his job in the State Department play a part in that decision? Or was the Navy afraid that additional testimony from a civilian passenger would add yet more unwelcome intrigue to a debacle it wished would just go away?

Dooman wouldn’t say. But he and Watson remained friends for years. A few days after the disaster, Dooman explained, with the inquiry not yet begun, he’d paid a visit to Watson and his wife at their home in San Diego. (Some armchair historians, parsing the disaster’s themes of negligence and culpability, have gone so far as to wonder if the captain reimbursed Dooman his lost $3,000 in return for his discretion. If such a thing occurred, Dooman never mentioned it.) The Watsons would later visit Japan, in 1937, and dine with Dooman there. He curtly alluded to the price Watson paid for the tragedy, the toll it took on him. “After the disaster,” Dooman wrote, “he lost his zest for living and became very despondent.”

Just after the court-martial, Dooman wrote a letter to Watson, one of dozens sent by friends and well-wishers hoping to soften the blow. “Do you know what a splendid impression you have made on everybody,” the diplomat wrote from Washington, “not only those high in the Navy but the man in the street? I dined with Admiral Knight who said splendid things about you. I think you will appreciate even more, though, what I overheard in the cars the other day—‘Well,’ said one, ‘I don’t get this stuff about the compass, but as long as we have fellows in the Navy like this guy who took the blame we shouldn’t worry.’ ”

“There was nothing the fleet wanted that Uncle Bill wouldn’t get,” one commander would say.

William Calhoun was cleared of any blame for the Young’s tragedy; he was even commended for his cool demeanor during the rescue. But the loss of 20 men weighed heavily on him, and for a time it seemed foolish to assume that Calhoun would command a ship again. Eventually, however, his career righted itself. After serving on several ships, further instruction at the Naval War College, and a stint as an instructor at the Naval Academy, Calhoun returned to sea as commanding officer of the USS Rochester, and later the USS California. In 1938, he was promoted to rear admiral. The next year, he became commander of the Navy’s Pacific base in Honolulu and remained in that position through World War II. “There was nothing the fleet wanted that Uncle Bill wouldn’t get,” one commander would say.

Calhoun retired in 1946 a four-star admiral, after 44 years of active service. There was just one thing missing from his time at sea: He never saw battle. For that he’d be granted some satisfaction from the author James A. Michener, who’d been a lieutenant commander under Calhoun during the war. “Those of us who worked for Uncle Billy believed that he had played a major role in smothering the Japanese with matériel,” Michener wrote in his memoirs, “and the fighting admirals agreed.” In Michener’s Tales of the South Pacific—the Pulitzer Prize–winning basis for the Rodgers and Hammerstein musical—Calhoun is said to be the model for Millard Kester, a grounded admiral who finally gets to do battle at sea, leading an entire invasion force. And winning.

Calhoun died in 1963; he had married and was a grandfather many times over. In 1984, some 61 years after the disaster, a scuba diver and amateur treasure hunter exploring the California coast noticed something shiny on the ocean floor, churned up by a recent storm: a class ring from the Naval Academy. It didn’t take long to connect the ring to its deceased owner. The diver had hoped to make some money for a discovery from the site of the disaster. One collector offered him $1,500. Then a fellow diver let him know that Calhoun’s widow, Rosalie, was alive and living in Coronado, near San Diego. Her phone number was listed. He agreed to sell the ring to her for $400—the cost of the dive, he said.

Rosalie had never remarried. The ring, when the diver handed it over, stirred something in her. “It’s like part of him was brought back,” she said, filled with emotion for her lost husband.


On December 14, 1923, six days after Edward Howe Watson’s conviction in a Navy court-martial, his father, retired admiral John Crittenden Watson, died at 81. A fellow retired admiral, Colby M. Chester, wrote to the younger Watson that same day: “Your name was the last one uttered by your father, and I know how happy the Honda affair made him.” Happy that his son’s career was intact, perhaps. Or that the family name had, despite everything, retained some of its dignity. 

On January 10, 1924, Watson along with his wife and daughter moved to Honolulu, where he was stationed until his retirement five years later. In the 1930s, the Watsons lived in New York and then in Jamestown, Rhode Island, visiting Japan several times. In the years before World War II, Watson indulged his fascination with Japan, writing poems about historic Japanese figures. That other existence he might have led before Honda Point—the life of a sly and insightful Navy attaché, drawing out spies and supplying Washington with essential information about a potentially lethal foe—seemed to loom large for him.

In the late 1930s, Watson drafted a long policy memo about Japan to a friend at the Naval War College, still hoping someone would heed his warnings—“stuff that I have worked up during the past 5 years, since my retirement,” as he described it. “Perhaps it will help to save many hours to some fellow who is doing a bit of research work on the subject. Dispose of it as your judgment dictates. Either in the files or by burning.”

Watson died of heart disease in a Navy hospital on January 7, 1942, a month to the day after Pearl Harbor proved his point. His family later said that they thought the attack had hastened his death. Honda Point was not mentioned in any of his published obituaries.

Watson had pursued a life of significance, of honor. At Honda Point, the son emulated the father, following the traditions of leadership codified by an entire generation—and those same traditions contributed to the disaster. But after the worst happened, and the nation had judged him, he chose to preserve his character. In doing so, he acquired a different kind of significance, one he hadn’t expected.

In his papers, there is a letter from Watson’s father written on October 1, 1923, just after Watson had publicly accepted responsibility for the error that cost the Navy seven ships and 23 lives. In its tone, the letter was far warmer and more effusive than the one that had preceded it. “I cannot express in any words how proud we are of you and of your devoted wife,” the father wrote.

In the letter, Watson’s father offered his son a gift. He said that a relative of the late Admiral David Farragut had written to him “to express his confidence in you,” and sent along a precious keepsake: a makeshift tourniquet the elder Watson had made aboard the Hartford during the Civil War, “just as we were about to pass up the Mississippi by the Confederate batteries.”

Farragut had given this rag—a relic of John Crittenden’s most glorious moment in the Navy—to his own son “to use in case of a wound.” Now it seemed that someone else had a better use for it. “When I wrote him I know you would love to have it, he sent it to me,” Watson’s father wrote. “I will hold it for you until you come East. All of us join in ever much love to all three of you.”

And so Edward Howe Watson was offered a tourniquet—a message from father to son. His son was wounded and needed care. His son was worthy of greatness. His son was a Watson. And in court his son had not shirked from his duty to do what the father never had to do: go down with his ship.


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The Titanic of the Pacific

The Titanic of
the Pacific

A tale of disaster, survival, and ghosts.
By Tyler Hooper

The Atavist Magazine, No. 138


Tyler Hooper is a journalist who resides in Victoria, British Columbia. His writing has appeared in CBC, Vice, and the Vancouver Sun, among other publications. He is the host and producer of the podcasts The Missing and Unexplained and True to the Story

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Art Director: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Kyla Jones
Illustrator: Yiran Jia

Published in April 2023.


ONE

It was a warm winter’s day in San Francisco, and the city’s main port, the Embarcadero, bustled with activity. Men dressed in waistcoats, blazers, and homburg and bowler hats smoked their pipes and fidgeted with their mustaches. Women in elegant blouses and skirts so long they touched the ground sheltered from the sun under broad-brimmed hats trimmed with feathers, ribbons, and flowers. Children clung to their mothers and watched wide-eyed as crewmen hauled more than 1,400 tons of cargo and freight—canned goods, fresh fruit and vegetables, crates of wine—into the forward hatch of the steamship Valencia, soon to depart for Seattle.

Frank Bunker and his family stood in the crowd waiting to board the ship. Today, January 20, 1906, marked the beginning of a new chapter in Bunker’s life. In his late thirties, with dark, neatly parted hair and a clean-shaven face, Bunker had recently accepted a prestigious job as assistant superintendent of the Seattle school district. He had built his reputation as a bright young teacher and administrator in San Francisco—one newspaper touted him as being among “the best educators in the state.” Seattle presented an exciting new opportunity. It was one of the fastest-growing cities in the country, with a population that had exploded from 3,553 people in 1880 to more than 80,000 by 1900. Bunker hoped to leave his mark on the city’s school system.

Seattle was thriving for one reason: gold. With the discovery of bullion in the Yukon and Alaska in the late 1800s, Seattle became known as the “gateway to gold” among prospectors looking to head north and make it rich. In a few short years, the frenzy had transformed Seattle from a frontier town into a metropolitan hub. Real estate, shipbuilding, and other economic sectors were booming.  

Industry was why F. J. Campbell, his wife, and their 16-year-old daughter were traveling to Seattle on the Valencia. Campbell was of average build, with a finely groomed mustache. He had been employed as an agent by the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company in Alameda, just across the bay from San Francisco, until he struck up a friendship with an employee of the Singer Sewing Machine Company, who convinced him that they could start their own machine business in Seattle. Eager to chase his fortune, Campbell quit his job, packed up his family, and secured passage north.

The Bunkers and Campbells were among the roughly 100 passengers booked on the January 20 journey. Originally, a ship called City of Puebla was scheduled to carry them to Seattle, but the vessel’s tail shaft had snapped on a recent voyage, so the Pacific Coast Steamship Company commissioned the Valencia in its place. The iron-hulled ship boasted three decks, a single smokestack, and two masts, as well as a 1,000-horsepower engine that allowed it to reach a cruising speed of 11 knots. The ship looked sleek, with a bow stretching 100 feet long. Because the Valencia was designed to run the warm Atlantic waters between New York and Venezuela, however, it could be challenging to guide through the notoriously volatile seas of the Pacific Northwest, where it had been sailing for the past several years.

Tasked with getting the Valencia safely to port was a crew of more than 60, led by Captain Oscar Marcus Johnson. A man of slender, rigid frame, Johnson came from a family of mariners. Born in Norway, he had traveled to America as a teenager. He started as a common seaman and worked his way up. Now 40, Marcus had been married to his wife, Mary, for five years. The couple resided with their three-year-old daughter on Powell Street, which connected San Francisco’s main fishing wharf to Market Street. Mary worried about her husband when he went to sea; she looked forward to the moment when she could wave to him from their front window upon his return. 

Mary wasn’t the only woman on Powell Street anxious for her husband’s well-being. Among the Johnsons’ neighbors were the Valencia’s fourth officer, Herman Aberg, and his wife. According to Mrs. Aberg, not long before Herman departed on the trip to Seattle, a fortune-teller arrived at their doorstep, knelt, and laid out what the Seattle Daily Times later called “ancient grease-covered cards.” The fortune-teller predicted that Herman would soon be shipwrecked, leaving Mrs. Aberg a widow. Herman laughed. Mrs. Aberg begged him not to go on the journey, but Herman went anyway.

Mrs. Aberg would describe the unheeded premonition later, when Herman did not return to Powell Street, meeting his end in the cold, cruel ocean hundreds of miles from home. It would prove just one haunting detail in a story full of them.

The fortune-teller predicted that Herman would soon be shipwrecked, leaving Mrs. Aberg a widow. Herman laughed. Mrs. Aberg begged him not to go on the journey.

A person prone to superstition might be forgiven for thinking that the Valencia was cursed. Built in 1882, the ship was fired upon the following year near the island of Curaçao, and again four years later, this time by a Spanish warship just off the Cuban coast. During the Spanish-American War, it was leased to the U.S. Army and used to transport troops to the Philippines as part of an unofficial effort to aid rebels who, like their Cuban counterparts, were vying for independence from Spain. When the conflict ended, the Valencia’s owners put it to work transporting gold-crazed passengers to and from Alaska and the Yukon, but the ship’s luck didn’t change in the new environment.  In March 1898, during its maiden voyage to Alaska’s Copper River, rough seas and poor food quality almost led to a mutiny. In February 1903, another steamship rammed into the Valencia a quarter-mile from Seattle’s harbor, nearly wrecking it. And in 1905, Captain Johnson ran it aground just outside St. Michael, Alaska; the crew had to move 75 tons of cargo onto another vessel before they could free the Valencia.

It is impossible to know if this legacy was on Captain Johnson’s mind after passengers finished boarding the Valencia and the ship sailed away from the Embarcadero, past Yerba Buena Island, and through the Golden Gate to the open ocean. Though Johnson occasionally commanded the Valencia, taking the ship up north during the summer months, he had only taken the route to Seattle as captain of a different steamship, called Queen. The trip required sailing through the Strait of Juan de Fuca, part of the stretch of ocean between southern Oregon and the northern tip of Vancouver Island, British Columbia, where hundreds if not thousands of ships had wrecked by the early 20th century, earning it an ominous moniker: Graveyard of the Pacific.

The region’s unpredictable weather and ocean currents often pushed ships toward the wet, rugged, foggy coastline, creating a navigational nightmare. The farther north a ship traveled, the worse the conditions tended to get, particularly in winter. Unlike the Atlantic coast, which had numerous harbors where ships could shelter during storms, the shore of the Pacific provided little refuge. Between San Francisco and the Strait of Juan de Fuca, a distance of approximately 660 nautical miles, there were maybe ten harbors that could be used by ships the size of the Valencia, if conditions were favorable. If a vessel was in distress, running aground on a sandy beach was rarely an option, as there were few such beaches to speak of. Meanwhile, of the 279 U.S. coastal lifesaving stations, only a handful were on the Pacific.  

Johnson and his crew planned to keep the ship between five and twenty miles of the coastline for the duration of the voyage. They hoped to reach the Cape Flattery lighthouse on Tatoosh Island, marking the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca, within 48 hours. They hoped, too, for calm seas. In November 1875, the steamship Pacific sank 80 miles south of Cape Flattery in under an hour, taking as many as 300 souls to their deaths.

The first day of the Valencia’s voyage was uneventful; the ship steamed smoothly into the starry night. By roughly 5:15 a.m. on Sunday, it had traveled 190 miles and passed the lighthouse at Cape Mendocino, the westernmost point in California. It was the last time the people aboard would have a clear view of the shore until they reached Washington State. Upon passing Cape Mendocino, it was typical for a ship’s captain to chart a course to the Umatilla lightship, 477 miles north. The lightship was at a critical junction in the voyage to Seattle, a beacon signaling that Cape Flattery, and a ship’s necessary turn eastward, was just 14 miles away. 

As the Valencia steamed up the coast, the weather worsened. On Sunday afternoon, the wind shifted from a northerly breeze to southeastern gusts. Gray clouds gathered over the ocean, and as the sky became hazy, the seas grew heavy.

At 5:30 p.m., Johnson noted in the Valencia’s logbook that the ship, then ten miles offshore, had passed Cape Blanco on the Oregon coast, meaning that it had traveled 335 miles from San Francisco. However, second officer Peter E. Peterson would later say that no one on the ship’s bridge could see the Cape Blanco lighthouse, perched atop 200-foot chalky-white cliffs.

The sun briefly appeared on Monday morning, but conditions declined as the day went on. Peterson later said that visibility reduced to the point that he could see only a couple of miles into the distance. It was evident that Captain Johnson was starting to feel anxious. That evening, around 8 p.m., he asked Peterson, “When do you think we are going to make Umatilla lightship?” 

Peterson was an experienced seaman who had worked for the Pacific Coast Steamship Company for nearly a decade. He had started as a sailor on the ship Pomona, where he lost a finger. By 1906, Peterson knew the route from San Francisco to Seattle well, having traveled it more than 100 times, including on the City of Puebla as second mate.

Now Peterson studied the Valencia’s log, an instrument trailing behind the ship to help estimate its speed, and concluded that they had traveled 307 miles beyond Cape Blanco. In theory that meant the ship was only 13 miles away from the Umatilla lightship and should pass it sometime around 9:30 p.m. However, Johnson and first officer W. Holmes believed that the Valencia’s log was overrunning by approximately 6 percent—in other words, they thought that the ship was traveling slower than the log showed. It’s not clear why Johnson and Holmes held that belief, though Johnson’s previous experience in the area may have held a clue. He had commanded ships in the area during spring and summer, when northerly winds prevailed. In winter the opposite was true; winds from the south propelled ships up the Pacific coast at higher speeds.

Peterson told the captain that he trusted the log, given the weather conditions and his knowledge of the ocean at this time of year. If anything, he suspected that the log was underrunning. But he did not press the point. This was Peterson’s first trip on the Valencia; he had joined the ship’s crew at the last minute, to replace an officer who had been transferred to another vessel. Peterson knew virtually none of the men on board, save for a few servers, two cooks, and a fireman. He had never worked with any of the other officers, and it was a violation of the accepted order on any ship to defy the captain. Later Peterson would say that he took no part in the calculations required to plot the Valencia’s course—that was Johnson’s and Holmes’s responsibility. 

By 9 p.m. on Monday, the Valencia’s log showed that the ship had traveled 652 miles, which would have put it very close to the Umatilla lightship. However, Johnson was adamant that the lighthouse was still some 40 miles away. Privately, Peterson believed that the Valencia was likely past the lightship, nearing the entrance to the Strait of Juan de Fuca.

Around this time, Johnson ordered a course change that would bring the ship closer to the coastline. He also told the crew to gauge the depth of the ocean beneath the ship every half-hour by taking sounding measurements. To do this, the men dropped an 1,800-foot cable into the water until it hit bottom. At 9:30 p.m., the crew detected a sounding of 480 feet. An hour later, they measured 360 feet. The shallower water likely meant that the ship was getting closer to land.

By 11 p.m., the ship was moving dead slow, just four or five miles per hour. Johnson was sure the Valencia was approaching Cape Flattery. The captain stood on the bridge, waiting to hear a fog signal bellow from shore. No sound came.

Peterson later claimed that Johnson and Holmes had discussed taking the vessel west and waiting in the open ocean until daylight to figure out their exact location, but Johnson never gave that order. Instead, the Valencia continued chugging east. The sounding measurement at 11:15 p.m. was 240 feet. At 11:35 it was 180. Ten minutes later, the ocean’s depth was just over 140 feet. 

These were not the expected readings for the area where Johnson thought the ship was—the water was getting too shallow too quickly. Panicked, he changed course again, plotting a northwest route. Soon after, Peterson spied a dark object on the ship’s starboard side. He ran across the bridge and pointed it out to the captain.

When Johnson saw the dark silhouette, he cried out, “In the name of God, where are we?” He ordered Peterson to direct the crew to turn the ship “hard to starboard.” Peterson sprinted to the telegraph to issue the instruction.

The ship turned sharply, but it was too late. Just a few minutes before midnight, the Valencia collided with a rocky reef. 

TWO

Frank Bunker could not sleep. That evening on the saloon deck, he had seen the ship’s crew conducting depth measurements. After Bunker retired to his quarters, he could still hear the deep whir of the sounding cable being lowered into the sea every half-hour, then every 15 minutes or so. The noise kept him and his wife, Isabel, awake in stateroom number 26. As midnight neared, Bunker noticed that the intervals of sound were getting shorter—he remarked to Isabel that the Valencia must be entering shallower waters.  

Just as Bunker finally began to doze off, the room shook violently. The commotion startled Isabel and woke their two children. Bunker jumped out of bed and put on his coat and trousers. As he rushed for the door to inquire what had happened, another tremor tossed his wife and children to the floor.

Half dressed, Bunker stepped onto the deck. The dull glow of the ship’s lights illuminated the scene before him. Crewmen ran frantically from the vessel’s bowels to the bridge, while various passengers in their nightclothes looked on in either bemusement or concern. Bunker asked a group of people what was happening. They said that the ship had struck something but didn’t think it was too serious.

By then, Johnson had ordered the crew to investigate whether any water was leaking into the cargo hold, which would mean that the ship’s hull had been breached by the reef. Initially the crew found only a few feet of water midship. But soon the ship’s carpenter reported seven feet in the hold as well as in the crew’s mess room.

The Valencia’s fate was sealed: It was sinking, and there would be no saving it. If the ship drifted out to deeper waters, the hold would fill in a matter of minutes, and everyone aboard would surely perish. Johnson looked at Peterson. “I am going to beach her,” the captain said. He wanted to lodge the ship firmly amid the rocks to buy time.

Johnson ordered the crew to put the ship in reverse at full power. The Valencia’s propeller sliced through the frigid 43-degree ocean water. As the ship’s stern slammed into the reef, the bow became submerged in the sea. One after another, waves cresting at ten feet crashed over the vessel.

In the darkness, the captain and crew could not see land, but they knew it must be close. Reaching it was now a matter of survival. The Valencia carried six lifeboats; two of them were wooden, while the rest were made of metal. The ship also had a workboat and three rafts—one made of wood, and two made of tule, a buoyant reed material. Taken together, there was enough space to transport everyone on board to the invisible shore.

Johnson ordered all crew on deck to prepare the lifeboats for launch. Peterson turned to run to his station, but when he reached a set of stairs he slipped and slammed his head against the deck.

The Valencia’s fate was sealed: It was sinking, and there would be no saving it.

Anxious voices outside his cabin roused F. J. Campbell from sleep. Half awake and half naked, Campbell slipped out of bed to see what the fuss was about. Outside, people rushed to put on life preservers while the crew lashed lifeboats to deck railings. Campbell ran back to his cabin, got dressed, and hurried to his wife and daughter’s quarters, where he helped them put on their life preservers before shepherding them to the deck.

Frank Bunker and his family were already there. “Take on the boats!” Bunker heard a crew member yell. The passengers did not know what to do. There had been no lifeboat drill since leaving San Francisco. People shoved one another as the crowd heaved toward the lifeboats.

Just then, the water pouring into the ship shorted out the electrical system, plunging everything into darkness. It was impossible to differentiate crew from passenger. Adding to the pandemonium were the rain and wind, which made it difficult to hear instructions.

When Frank Richley, the firemen’s mess boy, reached the lifeboats, he found a distraught cluster of passengers, including the Campbell family. Richley took Mrs. Campbell’s hand and helped her into the boat. The Campbells’ daughter was hysterical and sobbing; Richley picked her up and handed her to her mother. Mr. Campbell followed his wife and daughter, fighting other men for space in the boat. If he’d had a gun, Campbell thought, he would have waved it around to stop people from crowding one another.

Fifteen people climbed into the Campbells’ lifeboat, which was near capacity. As it was lowered down the ship’s side, foam-capped breakers slammed it against the Valencia’s hull, forcing Campbell and the other men to push the oars against the ship to avoid the small boat being smashed to pieces. Eventually, they reached the ocean’s surface, and the men managed to free the boat from its rigging.

Johnson, observing from the bridge, ordered a searchlight aimed at the lifeboat. Frank Richley watched as the light pierced the cloak of night. Men struggled with the oars, battling to keep control of the boat as waves sucked them away from the ship. 

On the Valencia’s deck, Frank Bunker heard a crew member cry: “For God’s sake, give the women and children some chance!” The man then picked up one of Bunker’s children and motioned for the family to follow him. They crossed to the ship’s starboard side, where a lifeboat was hanging from its davits.

The Bunkers piled into the boat with other passengers, as well as Richley. As it descended toward the sea, the boat swung wildly. Bunker thought they might all be tossed into the freezing water. The ordeal was so terrifying that a man and a woman on board decided to get back onto the Valencia. The woman jumped from the lifeboat and clung to a ship’s railing before being pulled onto the deck; the man managed to grab a pulley and haul himself up.

Once the lifeboat reached the water, Bunker placed his two-year-old son, his namesake, under a seat so the oars would not strike him. Then he and the other men aboard worked to free the boat from the Valencia’s keel. Richley, the only crew member on the boat, paddled frantically. “Let’s get her out to sea!” he yelled.

Some distance away, Campbell caught a glimpse of the second lifeboat clearing the Valencia. He and the other men on his boat could not get the tholepins, used to secure the oars to the sides of the craft, to lock into place. Left to the mercy of the waves, the boat moved in fits and starts toward what appeared to be a rocky shoreline, slowly emerging from the darkness.

Alongside the Campbell family was passenger Albert Willis, a 17-year-old Navy seaman. Willis had just completed his training in Pensacola, Florida, and had been assigned to the USS Philadelphia, anchored in Bremerton, Washington. Though he appeared young, with blond hair and boyish features, his experience at sea made him an asset. As Willis watched the other men struggle with the oars and tholepins, he noticed a small object bobbing in the water on the boat’s floor. It was the plug for the drain hole in the bottom of the boat. Without it in place, the boat would soon sink.

Willis grabbed the plug and jammed it into place, but he could not stop water from coming in. He tried to make a seal around the plug with his fingers, but the effort was futile. Before long a shadowy breaker threw the boat against a rock, and the passengers spilled into the frigid sea.

Campbell tried to hold on to an oar, but another passenger grabbed his leg, pulling him underwater. The two men struggled with each other and the undertow. Finally, Campbell felt the man’s grasp break. The stranger washed away in the icy water.

Still wearing his life vest, Campbell managed to kick his way to the surface. He let each wave push him closer to shore, clinging tightly to one rock and then another whenever the water receded. Campbell was exhausted and fighting for his life. It had not yet dawned on him that he had seen neither his wife nor his daughter since capsizing.

Unlike the men in Campbell’s lifeboat, Bunker and his fellow passengers managed to secure their oars. They pulled hard, trying to position the boat so it would ride the waves and not be rolled by them. Just as they seemed to gain control, Bunker looked over his shoulder and saw a large swell headed straight for them. It collided with the lifeboat, tossing the occupants into the sea. 

When Bunker surfaced, he swam toward the white hull of the overturned lifeboat. He could not find anything to grab onto, so he jammed his freezing fingers into a tiny crack in the wood. Soon another wave struck the lifeboat, righting it. Bunker managed to pull himself in; there was so much water in the boat that it was only inches from sinking. He was shocked to find his wife sitting exactly where she had been before the boat flipped. Either Isabel’s life preserver had gotten caught on the bench, keeping her in place as the boat rolled, or she had climbed back into the boat before her husband.

Isabel told Bunker to search for their children. He frantically scanned the nearly submerged boat. He plunged his hands into the water, trawling along the floor until he felt a life preserver. He pulled hard and found that the vest was still attached to his son. The boy was not moving and did not look to be breathing. Bunker laid him across his lap and started chest compressions to get the water out of his lungs. Suddenly, the boy coughed and cried. It was a moment of relief, cut short by the fact that Bunker’s daughter was nowhere to be found.

Isabel turned to her husband and said that she was so cold—she was not sure how long she could hold on. A dark shape jutted into the sky ahead of the boat’s bow. “There is land,” Bunker said to his wife. “If you can hold on a few moments longer, perhaps we will be on the beach.”

As Bunker consoled her, he heard a cry for help from the side of the boat—it was Frank Richley, still in the water. Bunker pulled him into the boat. The four survivors huddled together as the sea pushed them toward the looming bluff. Bunker tightened his grip around his wife and son, bracing for impact when they reached the shore. They hit rocks and the boat stayed upright, but only for a moment. Another wave slammed into the craft, plunging the occupants into the ocean once again.

Bunker was dragged out to sea by the undertow, then hurled against the rocks by the incoming waves, a pendulum of movement that was sure to kill him if he did not get to land. He managed to grab hold of one a rock and inch his way up the surface on his belly. He grasped for sand, dirt, land. He tried to stand, but his life preserver felt as heavy as a block of concrete—it was waterlogged.

Bunker mustered the strength to break the strings of his vest, then crawled forward on his hands and knees. He had made it to a beach. It was pitch dark. Then he heard someone call out.

Campbell had reached the beach, too, and pried himself out of his life jacket. Once free he stared out at the Valencia. It was only a few hundred feet from shore. The proximity was jarring. So too was the fact that Campbell had no idea where he stood. He could only assume he was on the coastline of Washington State. But where exactly? How far from civilization, from help?

Campbell was one of seven men to survive the first lifeboat’s capsizing. The others were George Billikos, a fireman on the Valencia, who lost his shoes in the water; Albert Willis, the Navy seaman, whose pants snagged on a rock when the boat rolled; and Yosuki Hosoda, Mike Stone, Tony Brown, and Charles Samuels, all passengers. Only Bunker and Richley survived from the second boat. All the women and children in both vessels were lost.

The nine men cried out in the dark and followed one another’s voices. They converged at the base of an 80-foot cliff, the silhouette of which Bunker had seen just before he lost his wife and son. Rain pelted the men, all of whom were hypothermic. They packed together to keep warm. The roar of the ocean was incessant.

At one point, Bunker staggered away from the group toward one of the lifeboats, which had reached the shore and sat overturned. An inkling of hope spurred him to search it. He crawled underneath, but no one was there. What he did find was a can of oil. He brought it back to the group and poured the contents over a lifejacket. Someone produced a match, but it was wet. The men gave up on the idea of a fire.

In the distance, above the ocean, a red bolt shot through the sky. The streak was followed by a loud bang. Sparks arced toward the heavens, illuminating the Valencia, stuck in the rocks below. The waves were pounding the vessel, flooding it, breaking it apart. The men realized that the Valencia’s demise would not be quick.

In the light of the distress flare fired from the ship, the survivors on shore could just make out the contours of the ghostlike figures on board waving their arms. Before the men could wave back, the sky went black.



When Peter Peterson recovered from his fall, the Valencia was in chaos. The ship’s remaining lifeboats launched one after another to catastrophic failure. A panicked passenger cut the aft tackle of one of them. “Like a shot the stern of the boat fell to the water’s edge, leaving the bow hanging in the air,” Frank Lehm, the Valencia’s freight clerk, later wrote of the scene. “The occupants were spilled out like pebbles from a glass and fell with shrieks and groans into the boiling surf…. The next wave swept them away, and where the glare of the searchlight played on the water we could see the white, terrified faces of the drowning people flash by with the look of deathly fear such as is seldom seen.”

Peterson made his way to his lifeboat station, where he and other crew members helped eight men and three women into a boat. Peterson jumped into the vessel to steady it at the same moment someone shouted to lower it down. Off-kilter, Peterson clung to some mesh wire on the edge of the ship. Just as he thought he might lose his grip, a fellow sailor grabbed him and pulled him to safety on the Valencia. The lifeboat was lowered into darkness, only to be overtaken by the sea.

All told, as many as 60 people died in attempts to get the lifeboats off the Valencia. By Tuesday morning, several hours after it hit the reef, only two rafts and one lifeboat remained on the ship, along with roughly 60 passengers. For now, the crew ceased trying to launch the remaining vessels. Everyone was cold, tired, and hungry. They needed rest. They would try again at first light.

According to one account, some passengers grew desperate and leapt overboard; whether they had been hopeful or suicidal, none survived. Children cried out for parents they could not find. Eventually, amid howling wind and biting rain, survivors seeking refuge from the elements assembled in the dining saloon, where kitchen staff prepared sandwiches. Many people went without food, however, as most of the ship’s provisions sat submerged in the rising water belowdecks. 

On the bridge, Captain Johnson tried to keep his composure. He still did not know where the Valencia was. He could not surmise if either of the first two lifeboats had made it to shore. He watched as relentless breakers engulfed the forward components of the ship: the pilot house, the chart house, and, soon enough, parts of the bridge.

Johnson and the crew decided to set off emergency flares, hoping someone, anyone, might come to their aid. One of the flares misfired, mangling Johnson’s hand. Another shot into the black sky, revealing a cliff. There was land, and not far. Some of the Valencia’s passengers thought they saw figures on the beach and frantically waved.

THREE

Early on Tuesday, January 23, with the faint gray hue of daylight creeping over the horizon, Frank Bunker and the other eight men on the beach decided to move. They could not stay where they were without food and water, and they needed to determine their location.

Bunker tried to find a path leading away from the beach, to no avail. The only way out would be to scale the steep bluff. Bunker found a promising stretch of rock, dotted with roots and ferns he could grip while climbing. He began to ascend and made it far enough up that he decided the route was safe, then went back down to inform the other men.

They waited until the sun rose to climb. Bunker led the way, showing the group where to place their hands and feet. He positioned himself at one particularly difficult spot to assist each man as he passed. The last to take Bunker’s hand said that there was a tenth survivor on the beach, one who must have escaped the Valencia on another lifeboat. He appeared to have gone insane and refused to climb the bluff. Bunker told the others to wait for him at the top while he investigated.

He descended to the beach and scanned until he found the man. His face looked like he had been raked against the rocks as he washed to shore. He was delirious; there was no way he could climb. Bunker laid out two life jackets, eased the man onto them, and left him there, then ascended the bluff.

Bunker described what the men saw at the top as “terrible brush, a frightful place.” The ground was laden with mud, rocks, and roots, and thick with salal bushes. In a surreal moment, fueled by hunger, exhaustion, and hypothermia, one of the men thought he saw pieces of paper on the ground. Bunker told the men that if this was so, they must be “near civilization.” When they finally reached down and picked up the paper, they discovered that it was chunks of snow.

In time the men spotted a telegraph cable and a corresponding trail running along the coastline. Now they faced a choice: They could follow the crude path and seek help, or remain near the beach in the hope that the Valencia’s remaining crew could get a line to shore, which the men might need to secure for the people stranded on the ship to be towed to safety.

A debate ensued. Bunker was adamant that the men go find help; he was not convinced that the Valencia could get a line to shore. Frank Richley disagreed. “Let’s stay by here and see what we can do for the ship,” he said. George Billikos, the fireman, also wanted to stay on the bluff. According to Billikos, Bunker said that no one had to follow him, but that he had lost his wife and children, and now he was going to save himself.

All the men except Billikos followed Bunker into the brush. Even Richley went. Billikos stayed behind at first, but alone, freezing, and without shoes, he quickly changed his mind. He would take his chances with the others. He hurried to catch up.

Bunker tried to find a path leading away from the beach, to no avail. The only way out would be to scale the steep bluff.

For the people on the Valencia, dawn finally brought the shoreline into focus. The sight of land, however, offered little reprieve. They could make out no features to help them identify their location, and no signs of life—no structures, paths, or people. They saw only ridges, trees, and shrubs. “Taken as a whole, it would be hard to find a place so comparatively near to civilization yet practically so inaccessible and isolated as the place where the Valencia went ashore,” a report later stated.

Swimming to shore was all but suicide, a fact made clear by the bobbing corpses of passengers who had fallen or leapt into the sea. “The bodies of the drowned, which by that time, must have numbered full sixty, were seen floating around the beach and dashing up against the iron-bound cliff, which loomed so close to us,” freight clerk Frank Lehm wrote. “The bodies were caught by the waves, thrown against the rocks, and then caught by the undertow and drawn back.”

It seemed that the only hope for those still aboard lay in the remaining lifeboat and two small rafts. Around 8 a.m., boatswain Tim McCarthy approached Captain Johnson and said that the ship would not last much longer—the ocean was simultaneously devouring it and taking it apart at the seams. Johnson ordered McCarthy to gather volunteers to take the last lifeboat to shore, where the Valencia’s crew would aim a Lyle gun, a short-barreled cannon that fired a projectile with a rope attached to it. Once the volunteers on the shore had secured the rope, passengers and crew would evacuate the ship—they would slip one by one into a harness known as a breeches buoy and be pulled ashore.  

This was McCarthy’s second outing on the Valencia, but he had more than 15 years of experience at sea. He grew up fishing off Gloucester, Massachusetts, and had “sailed in steamboats and steamers and everything that has floated,” according to later testimony. McCarthy was not a physically imposing figure—he was wiry and of average height—but he was confident and commanded respect from the crew. 

When McCarthy asked for volunteers to join him on the lifeboat, one of the first to raise his hand was Charles Brown, who since 1891 had worked on English sailing ships and American coasting vessels. McCarthy asked sailor John Marks if he would come, too. Marks replied, “I’ll go anywhere.” In all, six men set off on the mission.

The sea had become even heavier throughout the morning, and it would require finesse to get the small vessel into the open water without capsizing. The men took their places and locked in their oars. McCarthy sat in the back, ready to steer, and studied the waves. They would need to break away just as a swell passed the ship.

One wave rolled by, then another, then another. On McCarthy’s command, the men oared the boat away from the Valencia’s hull. A wave caught them, and while they managed to keep the boat from tipping over, one of the oars snapped in two. McCarthy urged the men to row hard, and when they cleared the Valencia’s bow, they let out a yell of triumph. McCarthy quickly silenced the elation—they still had to get to shore. “Go to it for all you are worth!” he cried, and the men leaned into their oars.

On the Valencia, Peterson and other crewmen moved the Lyle gun to the aft of the ship, which offered the best position for getting a line to shore. The crew tied a rope to the projectile, primed the cannon, angled its barrel, and ignited the fuse. The first attempt failed, as the line chafed against the box and broke. A second line was prepared, and a loud boom echoed through the ship as the projectile launched into the air, arcing over the beach. It landed on top of the bluff. There it would wait for McCarthy and his crew.

Not everyone was confident that the men would succeed in reaching land, much less in securing the line. Fireman John Segalos (or Joe Cigalos, according to some reports), a Greek immigrant who had come to America to make money to support his aging mother, looked at the roiling sea and convinced himself that he could swim to the beach with a rope line and secure it from there. He took off his coat and vest. In his pocket was a small knife; he would need to cut the line he was carrying if it snagged on debris or, worse, a corpse. “I have to die sometime,” he said. “I might be dead, or I might do something.” Then Segalos looked to the sky. “God help us!”

He tied an end of the line around his waist and told one of the ship’s engineers to pull on the rope if he disappeared beneath the waves. When he saw his chance between swells, Segalos dove. The shock of the freezing water sent the air rushing from his lungs. He flailed his arms, surfaced, and swam, dodging rocks and logs.

People gathered at the Valencia’s railing and watched as Segalos struggled to get to shore. He did not make it far: The line around his waist became entangled, so he cut it. Segalos then turned and tried to make his way back to the ship, but a large log slammed into his head. Someone threw him a buoy, and passengers pulled him aboard.

Segalos was rushed to one of the few dry bunks left on the ship and given whiskey and fresh clothes. “It seemed to suck the life out of me,” he said of his experience in the sea, “and time after time, as I tried to make the shore, I found myself getting weaker and weaker.”

Another crew member also tried to make it to the beach, but he too had to be rescued. Now all the survivors could do was wait and see if McCarthy and the other men in the lifeboat could make landfall and find the line shot from the Lyle gun. But hope was fading fast: The boat was no longer in sight.  

“The bodies of the drowned, which by that time, must have numbered full sixty, were seen floating around the beach and dashing up against the iron-bound cliff,” freight clerk Frank Lehm wrote.

The lifeboat did not capsize. Rather, it traveled several miles north as the men aboard fought with the ocean to make a safe landing on shore, away from crashing breakers and jagged rocks. McCarthy and his crew still believed that they were somewhere along the coast of Washington State, and they kept heading north in the hope of finding the Cape Flattery lighthouse. After several hours, they were soaked, tired, and breaking or losing oars one after another—still there was no sign of the lighthouse.

Eventually, they spied a beach that looked suitable for landing. The men angled the boat toward shore and peeled off their heavy life jackets. “If we should happen to hit the beach,” McCarthy said, “be ready to jump before the boat turns over and kills us.” For once there was good luck: The men paddled in unison, crested a wave, and slid onto shore. McCarthy looked at his watch, which miraculously was still ticking. It was five minutes after one on Tuesday afternoon.

The men knew they needed to head south if they were to get to the Valencia and secure a line for the survivors. They began to walk, sticking to the coastline at first, but a large waterfall and cliff soon hindered that plan. They turned inland and tried to carve a path through thick bramble but gave up after about 100 yards. Back on the beach, they decided to go north, clambering over driftwood and rocks, only to encounter a fast-moving river. When McCarthy waded into the water, his foot got stuck in the mud, and the group thought better about trying to cross. Back to the lifeboat they went.

Then through the fog one of the men spotted a telegraph line at the beach’s edge. They followed it until they came to a cabin—a decrepit shack, really. As the men examined the structure and its surroundings, one of them called out, “I think there is a trail here!” They followed the path, bushwhacking their way through overgrowth. After a few minutes they came across a white signpost nailed to a tree. “Three miles to Cape Beale,” it read in big black letters. The men looked at one another, confused.

They were not in Washington. The Valencia had traveled farther north than Captain Johnson believed—the reef it struck was just off the southwestern coast of Vancouver Island. McCarthy’s party had made landfall at a place called Pachena Bay, and Cape Beale was the lighthouse closest to the wreck. There, perhaps, the men could find help. They set out northward, using the telegraph line as their guide.



In 1889, the Canadian government began installing more than 100 miles of telegraph wire from the city of Victoria up to Cape Beale. Before then lighthouse keepers and people living in small villages along the coast had no easy way to communicate with the rest of the world; local First Nations communities were still using dugout canoes to get from place to place with whatever information needed to be shared. No one had any way of calling for help in an emergency, including a ship in distress.

The telegraph wire was strung between trees, and a telephone line was added in 1899, when the technology was still in its infancy. Linemen were hired to maintain it. Each lineman was responsible for a 25- or 30-mile stretch of wire. The job was arduous: Linemen were tasked with navigating the rough trail that followed the wire and repairing sections downed by storms or fallen tree. They waded through waist-high rivers, crawled through steep gorges and ravines, used homemade ladders to reach high portions of line, and avoided bears, wolves, and cougars as best they could. When necessary they took refuge in huts built along the trail.

As McCarthy’s group set off, they had no idea that Bunker, Campbell, and other survivors from the Valencia were following the telegraph line, too, several miles to the south. That party’s progress was slow. At least two of the men had no shoes. One had a badly sprained ankle. Albert Willis was nursing an injured finger and what he thought might be several broken ribs. Meanwhile, the trail was hazardous, littered with rocks and logs slick from the winter rain. Thick brambles and dense underbrush snaked through the woods. To the west was a steep drop to the sea that a man could easily tumble off if he tripped or was pushed by the wind. The constant sound of waves crashing into the jagged rocks was a stark reminder that death could be imminent.

After crossing four gullies, early Tuesday afternoon the Bunker party descended a steep part of the trail that led to an expansive beach. They were grateful to be walking on flat ground. Eventually, they came to the Darling River, swollen with winter runoff. On the opposite side they saw a cabin. The telegraph wire ran straight through it.

After surveying their options, the men realized that there was no easy way to cross the river—they would have to swim against the current. One man would go first with a rope and secure it on the far bank so the others could use it for support as they crossed. Bunker volunteered. He tied a rope around his waist and dove into the raging river. The men on the shore watched, praying that the torrent wouldn’t carry him away. Bunker made it across and secured the rope, and soon the others joined him.

Together the men staggered toward the cabin. They burst through the door and were elated at what they found: a stove, benches, rolled-up blankets stored in the rafters, a couple of coats, a can of moldy beans, some bacon, lard, an axe. And a receiver, designed for both telephony and telegraphy. Bunker rushed to the receiver, hoping that the device worked and that someone was on the other end.

FOUR

Around 2 p.m. on January 23, David Logan received a message at his home in the remote settlement of Clo-oose. Logan was one of Vancouver Island’s first telegraph linemen. The message he received was a plea for assistance. The sender relayed that a ship had wrecked traveling from San Francisco to the Puget Sound, that 50 people had drowned, and that perhaps 100 people remained on board. The sender also indicated that a band of survivors were sheltering in a cabin.

Logan called the Carmanah Point lighthouse telegraph office, located four miles south of Clo-oose. He told the lighthouse keeper about the message, and the keeper agreed to send his son, Phil Daykin, and another man north to meet Logan so they could form a search party and find the shipwreck.

Meanwhile, at the Cape Beale lighthouse, the keeper’s wife, Minnie Paterson, also received Bunker’s message, though she struggled to understand it, perhaps due to damage in the transmission line. Not long after, Paterson heard her large Scotch collie bark, followed by the scurry of her children’s footsteps as they ran for the yard. Paterson, who was eight months pregnant, got up to see what was causing the commotion. Through a window, she saw six weary figures approaching the lighthouse. It was McCarthy and his men.

Paterson made her way to the door as her children sprinted toward them.

“You are the shipwrecked crew,” Paterson said in greeting. “I was so sorry we could not connect with you.” 

McCarthy appeared baffled. “What do you mean?” he asked.

“Were you not trying to talk to us from further along the line?”

McCarthy realized that if Paterson had received a message, there must be other survivors. Perhaps passengers and crew on the first two lifeboats had made it to shore. “We are off the Pacific Coast Company’s boat Valencia that was wrecked along here. I don’t know exactly how many miles it is,” McCarthy told Paterson. “I want you to telegraph to Victoria or Seattle to get assistance.” 

Paterson escorted the men into the lighthouse. She fiddled with the receiver, trying to reach the men in the Darling River cabin, and finally established a connection. On the other end was Bunker. He relayed that he had lost his wife and children and that there were nine men in his party—seven passengers and two crew. He said they were in bad shape.

Paterson assured McCarthy and the other men at the lighthouse that their fellow survivors would be rescued. Then she turned back to the receiver and started wiring another message. This one would let the world know about the disaster unfolding off the coast of Vancouver Island.

McCarthy realized that if Paterson had received a message, there must be other survivors. Perhaps passengers and crew on the first two lifeboats made it to shore.

At around 3:30 p.m., Captain James Gaudin, a marine agent for the Canadian Federal Department of Marine and Fisheries, was at his desk in Victoria, preparing to go home early, when he received a telegram from Cape Beale that made him jolt from his seat. “A steamer has been wrecked,” it read. “About one hundred drowned. Nine have reached the telegraph hut. Will wire particulars later.” 

Gaudin knew the schedules of the ships passing through the area, and he knew that the Valencia was late to reach its destination. This wasn’t necessarily an anomaly—ships ran behind all the time. Now Gaudin wondered if something disastrous had happened.

A second message confirmed his fears. “Steamer Valencia ashore in [a] bad place,” it read. “About 110 people on board. Rush assistance. Six men have just reached here. Between 50-60 drowned.”

Gaudin picked up his telephone. He would not be going home anytime soon.

As word of the wreck spread, three ships set out to reach the Valencia: Czar, a tug boat; Queen, the steamship sometimes commanded by Captain Johnson; and Salvor, a wrecker helmed by H. F. Bullen. Bullen assumed that the Valencia’s remaining passengers and crew had already abandoned the ship, and that the Salvor would do what it was built to do: gather valuables and usable materials from the wreckage.

All three vessels were en route by Tuesday evening, traveling west through the Strait of Juan de Fuca. They would need most of the night to reach the Valencia, but as the ships got closer to the open ocean, they were battered by strong winds and seas. The crews decided to wait until dawn before forging ahead. The next morning, the three vessels convened at the Carmanah Point lighthouse, where they were informed that the wreck was roughly 11 miles northwest, near Seabird Rocks. The Salvor, Czar, and Queen continued up the coast.

Just after 8:30 a.m., Herbert Beecher, a local mariner who had volunteered to be on the Queen that day, placed a spyglass to his eye and squinted down the barrel. He scanned the fuzzy horizon until his eyes made out the Valencia, lodged fast on a shallow reef. The bow faced the ocean, and the stern was pointed toward the nearby shore. Breakers crashed over the decks. Survivors had lashed blankets in the rigging for shelter and confined themselves to the last bit of the hurricane deck not yet submerged in the ocean. Plumes of smoke appeared. Beecher was ecstatic: People were alive and needed rescuing.

The Queen was too big to get close to the wreck, so it drifted a couple of miles offshore as the Czar slowly maneuvered through shallower waters to assess the situation. The Czar’s crew reported back to the other vessels that they saw no signs of life. The Queen’s captain, N. E. Cousins, later claimed that he tried to dispute this report, describing what Beecher had seen through the spyglass. But there was either a miscommunication or a misunderstanding, because at 10:15 a.m. the Czar and the Salvor both vacated the area.

The Queen remained where it was, and the mariners aboard began discussing rescue options. They could deploy the ship’s lifeboats, but Cousins worried that the vessels would not make it through the mist, wind, and ten-to-fifteen-foot seas. As the weather worsened, Cousins went to his quarters to put on his oilskin coat. Someone came to the door and told him they had spotted another ship: City of Topeka, a larger vessel in the same fleet as the Queen and the Valencia, had steamed through the night from Seattle to reach the scene.

Cousins made his way to the bridge just as the City of Topeka pulled alongside his ship. Cousins shared what he knew with J. E. Pharo, the assistant manager of the ships’ parent company who was aboard the City of Topeka, and Pharo told him to return to Victoria. Pharo may not have wanted another vessel out of commission, since that would cost his company money. The Queen was instructed to load passengers and embark on a scheduled trip to San Francisco.

Cousins did as Pharo told him. Meanwhile, the City of Topeka steamed toward shore, looking for the Valencia. With scarcely any visibility, the ship went up and down the coast, even reaching as far as Cape Beale, until finally someone spotted a dot floating in the sea.

Plumes of smoke appeared. Beecher was ecstatic: People were alive and needed rescuing.

The ocean had consumed most of the Valencia’s cabins. The last of the food was gone. During the night, some passengers stripped off their clothing to make a torch, a tremendous sacrifice considering the cold. They dipped the garments in kerosene and set them ablaze, hoping to attract attention. No one came.

Sometime Wednesday morning, the foremast rigging gave way, plunging 20 to 30 people into the icy water. A few were lucky enough to be pulled back on board. A slew of bodies were swept away from the ship and crushed against the rocks close to shore.

Then, around 9 a.m., a familiar shape was spotted, the contour of a ship in the distance. A wild cheer broke out. Two smaller vessels soon appeared, coming nearer the wreck than the first. None of the vessels got close enough to establish contact. Passengers waved blankets from the rigging. Some suggested setting off the Lyle gun to attract attention. The fuse sparked, the gun went off, and smoke poured from the barrel.

Captain Johnson stood on deck and watched the three ships sit idle in the rain and fog. He instructed the remaining crew to take the two rafts still on board and load as many people as possible into them. Johnson would not be going anywhere. He knew that his responsibility was to stay aboard the Valencia until the very end, whatever that entailed.

Those onboard were stunned when none of the surviving women would get in the rafts. They believed that with ships in sight, rescue might be imminent. If it wasn’t, the women had little reason for hope. Many had watched their husbands and children die. They preferred to stay where they were. Some began to sing “Nearer, My God, to Thee,” a hymn that in just a few years would become famous for reportedly being the last song sung aboard the Titanic.

Men readied the rafts. The first group to leave consisted mainly of crew members, including chief cook Samuel Hancock. After clearing the ship around 10 a.m., the men rowed toward the distant vessel—only one seemed to remain—but then lost sight of it. Hancock knew there was a northerly current and told the men to keep the shoreline in sight.

Peter Peterson stood on the Valencia’s deck, watching as the topmast came crashing down and the hurricane deck finally caved in. It was now or never—the last raft needed to leave the ship. Captain Johnson tried to change the women’s minds. “This is the last chance,” he said. One replied, “We might just as well die on the ship as die on the raft.”

Approximately 20 male passengers and crew, including John Segalos, who had tried to swim a line to shore, squeezed into the raft. Johnson told Peterson to go, too. Once in the water, the men used large pieces of wood to paddle.

The men aimed for shore, until a mess boy cried out. He could see smoke in the other direction. Soon they spotted a large black hull cutting through the water, then two large masts. They heard three loud whistles pierce the air. It was the City of Topeka.

The captain of the City of Topeka sent a lifeboat out to meet the men in the raft. The survivors were in a ghastly state, their skin purple and numb. A crewman tossed a line to Segalos. Peterson began to lose consciousness as the lifeboat towed the raft toward the ship. He could barely keep his head above the waves washing over the raft. The last thing he remembered before blacking out was pulling alongside the City of Topeka.

The survivors were rushed to the ship’s doctor. After being examined, they were given whiskey, dry clothes, and warm blankets. “If we had been an hour longer on that raft, I believe every man would have gone insane,” Joseph McCaffrey, a passenger on the Valencia who was picked up by the City of Topeka later said to a newspaper reporter. “One could tell by the looks in the eyes of his companions that reason was fast departing. Just touch one of the men and he would growl like a trapped animal.”

During the night, some passengers stripped off their clothing to make a torch, a tremendous sacrifice considering the cold. They dipped the garments in kerosene and set them ablaze, hoping to attract attention. No one came.

The raft carrying Hancock and a handful of other men drifted north, farther than intended. It passed Cape Beale and entered a bay dotted with islands. Everyone aboard was hungry, injured, and exhausted. One man died, likely from exposure; the others threw his body overboard. Two men, perhaps driven mad, jumped into the sea. When the survivors finally beached on Turret Island around midnight, one man attacked Hancock and attempted to eat him. The others subdued the man, who curled up on the ground and never got up. The next morning, a survivor named Frank Connors seemed to go insane, according to Hancock, and ran off into the trees in search of a lighthouse he believed he saw.

In total, only four men who washed up on Turret Island survived. Hancock and firemen Max Stensler and George Long would be rescued from the island on January 25. The following day, Connors would be found wandering nearby.

Down south, the survivors resting with Minnie Paterson at the Cape Beale lighthouse waited to be rescued, as did the Bunker party, huddled in the cabin on the Darling River. Meanwhile, the search party consisting of David Logan, Phil Daykin, and Joe Martin was approaching the Valencia’s location. The trio had hiked several miles, sleeping on the ground overnight and using a damaged canoe to cross a swift-moving river. At a rocky outcrop, they spied a line of rope suspended in the trees and, suspecting it had been fired from a Lyle gun, followed it to the edge of a cliff. Down below, just offshore, was the Valencia.

The scene was brutal. Bodies of the dead littered the shore. People still clung to the ship’s wreckage, flinching when icy ocean spray hit them. When the survivors spied the three men on the cliff, they cheered and hollered. But the search party was ill-equipped to help. The line from the Lyle gun had snapped. The men could not find a path down to the beach. There seemed to be no way to reach the ship.

Just after noon, the ocean swallowed the Valencia. A massive wave swept over the ship, and Logan, Daykin, and Martin watched as dozens of people fell into the sea. Some of them, hugging pieces of debris, were swept into the abyss, while others were caught in the waves and dashed against the rocks. Two clung to the aft mast, the only part of the ship still visible, until they could no more. Logan, Daykin, and Martin stood by, helpless. “The end of the Valencia,” Canadian author Richard Belyk would later write, “was a theatre of horror.”

Eventually Logan, Daykin, and Martin left the cliff and hiked three miles to the Bunker party’s cabin. When Logan spotted one of the survivors, who had emerged from the hut to greet them, he shouted over the rushing of the Darling River. The men needed to use the telegraph to send a message to Cape Beale: The Valencia was gone.

FIVE

In the days following the sinking of the Valencia, debris kept washing to shore. So did corpses. All told, an estimated 126 crew and passengers died in the wreck, including every woman and child on board. David Logan, First Nations communities, and the crew of a ship called Grant scoured Vancouver Island’s beaches at low tide, collecting waterlogged bodies and preparing them to be shipped to Victoria and Seattle.

While other survivors journeyed home, Frank Bunker stayed behind to help with the search. His wife and children were never found. Nor were F. J. Campbell’s wife and daughter. Captain Johnson’s body was lost, too. Fourth officer Aberg, whose wife had believed a fortune-teller’s claim that her husband would perish at sea, was among the dead who were found. He wore a blue sweater and a monogrammed ring, and he was identified by survivors.

When possible the dead were sent home by ship to loved ones. Some were left where they were found because the terrain made retrieval too difficult. Others were in such an advanced state of decomposition that they were impossible to move. Among the bodies recovered, many could not be identified because of bloating, or because waves and rocks had smashed their features. A coroner’s description of one reads, “Height 5 feet 11 inches. Weight 200 pounds or more. Reddish moustache. Laced shoe, No. 10. Striped shirt, blue and white. Dark vest, with Union label. Black tie. Black socks; Flesh coloured underwear. Grey and black trousers. Long hands. Dark Hair. Features unrecognizable. Taken to Hanna’s, Undertaker. Coffin marked ‘XIII’ at foot and on lid.” 

The unidentified were buried along the coast in unmarked graves. At one site, on a beach near Tofino, large crosses marked their final resting places. Eventually, a funeral service would be held at the Grand Opera House in Seattle for some of the dead. A 50-piece band played “Nearer, My God, to Thee,” a senator delivered remarks, and a poet recited original verse. Then a procession of more than 300 people followed a funeral car drawn by six white horses to Mount Pleasant Cemetery, where more than a dozen unidentified bodies from the Valencia were laid to rest beneath a shared monument.

The tragic news of the Valencia’s demise raced across the continent. It made the front pages of newspapers in Canada and the United States. The horrific details fueled public outcry. Families and friends of those who had perished wanted answers: How could so many people die so close to shore? Soon politicians in Ottawa and Washington, D.C., were being grilled.

Both governments commissioned reports to determine what had gone wrong and what could be done to prevent future tragedies. The Canadian inquiry was headed by marine agent James Gaudin, who had received a telegram about the wreck from Minnie Paterson at Cape Beale. By March 20, 1906, the probe had reached its conclusion. Ultimately, the commission blamed Captain Johnson, who was found to have “made a grave error of judgment in attempting to make the entrance to the Strait in such weather as prevailing at the time without exhausting every means of ascertaining his position.”

The American inquiry also found that, given Johnson’s uncertainty about the Valencia’s position, he should have taken the ship out to the open sea until he could safely chart a course to Seattle. “Such action Captain Johnson failed to take,” the report stated, “and upon his improper navigation in this respect must rest the primary responsibility for the disaster.” (Johnson was not the only person whose reputation was sullied by the wreck. J. E. Pharo, assistant manager of the Pacific Coast Steamship Company, submitted his resignation even before the U.S. report found it inexcusable that he had ordered the steamship Queen to leave the scene of the wreck, where it might have participated in a rescue operation.)

Both government reports made recommendations to improve maritime safety, including better lights and foghorns at key points along the West Coast. “If such a terrible disaster must occur, it must be regarded primarily in the nature of a lesson for the future—a lesson not to be disregarded,” the U.S. report stated, “and if the government, acting upon this lesson, shall make all reasonable provisions within its power for the safeguarding of this coast, the victims of Valencia will not have perished in vain.” The Canadian government urged that new vessels built to travel the region include watertight compartments belowdecks. It also called for building more lighthouses on Vancouver Island, equipping them with rescue boats, and clearing a lifesaving trail along the coast so shipwrecked survivors could reach shelter and assistance.

Before those changes could be made, Minnie Paterson became famous when another ship, a 168-foot sailing vessel called Coloma, foundered just off Cape Beale. With the telegraph line down, Paterson set out on her own in rain and wind, hiking several miles through marshes, streams, and vegetation, to find help. The Canadian government awarded her a silver plate for her efforts. She died of tuberculosis five years later.

John Segalos, the fireman who tried to swim to shore and was later picked up by the City of Topeka, was awarded multiple medals for his bravery on the Valencia, including one from the Seattle chamber of commerce. In time, though, his life fell into disarray. In 1928, after relocating to the East Coast, he was robbed and assaulted, and his cherished medals were stolen. He died, almost destitute, at the age of 76. For his part, Frank Campbell shared his witness account of the tragedy, then disappeared from the historical record, his fate lost to time.

When Frank Bunker finished looking for bodies from the Valencia, he continued on to Seattle to begin his job with the city’s public schools. He did not stay long—Bunker returned to California and served as superintendent of schools in Berkeley until he lost a bitter school board election. He then headed east, became a professor of school administration in New York, and published several books. He later opened one of the first junior high schools in America.

Bunker remarried in New York, but he never had more children. The specter of his son and daughter, lost in the Pacific, must have been ever present as he devoted his life to education. “I have no children now,” he said many years after the wreck, “but I know nothing as dear as a little child.” Bunker died in 1944.

Over time the wreck of the Valencia became more than a cautionary tale. To locals on Vancouver Island, it evolved into a ghost story. As early as 1906, witnesses reported strange occurrences near the reef where the ship sank. A local Nuu-chah-nulth man, Clanewah Tom, claimed he saw a boat full of skeletons in a coastal cave a few hundred yards from the wreck. Mariners described glimpsing a phantom ship with wraithlike figures clinging to its sides floating just offshore.

In 1933, captain George Alexander MacFarlane found the lifeboat Tim McCarthy and a few other men used to get to shore in a farmer’s field in the Alberni Valley of Vancouver Island. MacFarlane removed the nameplate with an axe and kept it in his home. In 1956, it was donated to the Maritime Museum of British Columbia, where it remains today, along with other remnants from the wreck. 

Most of the Valencia, however, still sits where it sank. The reef and rocks that doomed the ship can be seen from the West Coast Trail, the name given to the 75-kilometer path that the Canadian government carved along the shore to improve rescue operations in the wake of the Valencia disaster. The trail, now primarily used for hiking, traces the old telegraph line that Bunker, Campbell, and other survivors followed to find refuge.

The wreck occurred near kilometer 18 of the path. On the bluff overlooking the sea, which Bunker and other survivors scaled, there are two red Adirondack chairs. For the unknowing it is a peaceful spot, a place to rest and watch the waves crash against the rocks below. But reminders of the past lurk just below the breakers: plates from the ship’s hull, a section of the engine, a propeller and its shaft. Under the weight of the ocean, pieces of the Valencia rest in their shallow grave.  


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Castles in the Sky

Castles in the Sky

While renovating a house in San Francisco, a couple discovered a diary, hidden away for more than a century. It held a love story—and a mystery.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 109


Christina Lalanne lives in San Francisco and works in the travel industry. She holds a master’s degree in historic preservation.

Editor: Seyward Darby
Designer: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Adam Przybyl
Illustrator: Jacqueline Tam

The typeface Blocus is used courtesy Martin Desinde via the Velvetyne Type Foundry.

Published in November 2020.

One

A few years ago, my husband and I decided to buy a house. We wanted to save a piece of historic San Francisco, making a new home in an old place before it became unrecognizable. Mat and I visited a few grand Victorians, their facades dripping with gingerbread trim. Inside we expected to find the San Francisco that my parents and grandparents knew: formal, dignified, timeless. Instead there was clean, crisp minimalism. Silicon Valley tastes had gotten there first.

What luck, then, that we did find our house. Narrow and wooden, it was in some ways a time capsule of 1910, the year it was completed, with stained-glass windows, parquet floors, and a built-in buffet. Most of its surfaces, however, had been painted white. Realtors had informed the sellers that to attract buyers and a good price, the place needed to be brightened up. So the subtle distinctions among types of wood—oak, mahogany, fir—were erased in favor of aesthetic uniformity and an oppressive glare.

Thankfully, the house’s most unusual features were left exposed, though you had to squint to see them amid the encroaching whiteness. Two murals, dusty and faded—they were unsigned and of no great ability, but what charm they had. Stretching across all four walls of the dining room was a depiction of colonial San Francisco. Catholic priests, swashbucklers, and revelers passed in front of a faded Mission church, opposite a seascape with a Spanish galleon in the foreground and another silhouetted on the horizon. Seagulls hovered above the buffet. A small back room presented a quieter, more reflective mural. It was a landscape of the American West at its most idyllic: a tranquil lake and waterfowl surrounded by a thick forest. Occupying two corners were, respectively, a white stork and a pair of mute swans, distinguished by their orange beaks. A mighty, lone mountain loomed behind them.

Who had created these scenes? My imagination filled in a story. Maybe the builder was a European aristocrat whose father had squandered the last of the family fortune. The son was forced to live modestly, in no grand neighborhood and in a house too small for servants. But he refused to do so without art or elegance, so he adorned the walls himself.

Or perhaps he was a man of noble Spanish descent who with melancholy dreamed of the days before American fortune seekers arrived. Even though he hadn’t lived through that era himself, it was in his blood. He could feel what it was like when California was sparsely populated by Indians, cattle, and Spaniards, when contact with the rest of the world came through only a handful of ships per year.

Maybe he was a former frontiersman who recalled the wonder of the landscapes he had willed himself across. People don’t understand nowadays, he would say, how easy they have it—just hopping on a train to get where you’re going doesn’t provide the same satisfaction as getting there on foot. He recalled leaving home as a boy, the flatness of the East giving way to the ruggedness of the West. He hadn’t just witnessed the change—he’d felt it beneath his boots.

The first week we owned the house, Mat and I learned the true identity of its builder. Such are the wonders of the internet. A quick newspaper-archive search and there he was: Hans Jorgen Hansen, a young Danish immigrant alternately described as a carpenter and a contractor. He built many houses. This one, finished when he was 30 years old, was his home.

He had created something beautiful, but the world it seemed didn’t value his vision of beauty anymore. I was determined to restore the house and to hear what it had to say, to find the story I was sure it held. What I didn’t expect was that the story would come to me in written form, after being secreted away for more than a century.

Two

It is probably easier to ignore the past, to forget what came before and remake the world clean and new. That has never appealed to me. I value the past because I have to. My parents died when I was in grammar school, my mother a year before my father, orphaning me and my three siblings. Now, years later, few traces of them remain. I inherited my dad’s 1969 orange Jeep, by which I mean that Mat and I dragged its remains out of a barn and spent thousands of dollars making it drivable again. The Jeep is old and stiff, the floor rusted through in spots, and there never were doors or a roof. I’m sure I make for a curious sight driving around San Francisco in what most people would relegate to a junkyard. I joke that one day, just like in the cartoons, I’m going to go over a bump and suddenly be holding a detached steering wheel, the rest of the Jeep broken in a heap beneath me.

Renovating a house, then, wasn’t the first time I had taken something old and neglected and broken and tried to make it whole again. Our house is on the western side of San Francisco, in what was once marked on maps as the Great Sand Waste. Drifting dunes were tamped down to create more than 40 avenues of prewar, suburban-style housing, and the neighborhood was optimistically renamed the Sunset District. There is a calm sameness to the swath of single-family homes that seem to march out to meet the ocean. While I will never love the fog that drifts in from the Pacific and the drabness it brings, I chose to live here. And I convinced Mat to do the same, out of a stubborn insistence that I am a San Franciscan. I grew up here. So did my father and grandfather.

I once found a picture of our house from 1914. Sand is piled up on the empty lot on the south side, where an apartment building would eventually be built. A woman and child perch on a horse cart being drawn up the street. Lace curtains hang in the house’s windows. They seem so real that, sitting inside more than 100 years later, my urge is to turn around and part them, letting in whatever sunlight manages to peek through the passing clouds.

Even when there is sun, the dining room gets almost no light. That was intentional: Builders at the turn of the 20th century knew that dining rooms would be used most often in the evening, when candlelight cast a warm, intimate glow. To enhance the effect they were placed in the center of homes, the ceilings set lower than in other rooms, and the walls paneled in polished wood. Mirrors, brass fixtures, and crystal knobs lent sparkle.

When we moved in, these details were covered by the menace of white paint. At first I thought I would just strip the buffet. I geared up—heat gun, dental tools, chemical strippers, protective respirator—and worked for three weeks, six hours a day. When I finally freed it, the oak glowed a beautiful, natural orange. The art-glass windows in the cabinet doors had been a garish yellow, but now that the panel behind them wasn’t white, they were a warm amber. The room’s mural of colonial San Francisco even seemed to mellow. The galleons no longer sat on a chilly black ocean—the water was a lovely midnight blue. I noticed for the first time the use of tangerine paint on every wall, meant to complement the wood in the buffet.

I knew it wouldn’t be right to stop. I had to liberate the wall panels, the window frames, the box-beam ceiling. I stripped the dining room for a year and a half, patiently picking paint out of egg and dart trim and dentil molding. Stripping leaves a lot of time for thinking, and my recurring fantasy was of unloading trash bags full of white paint chips onto the doorstep of whoever had decided that obscuring this house’s interior was a good idea. Perversely, perhaps, I enjoyed the work and continued the transformation when I finished the dining room. I spent six months stripping the small back room with the second mural, three weeks stripping the bedroom mantel. Today the house’s entryway greets me with half-white, half-exposed panels every time I walk through the front door.

Other parts of the house we sent off for restoration. We had the living room mantel and the bookcase next to it ripped out, and we carefully labeled the pieces of wood that piled up on the floor so we knew how to fit them back together. Mat and I knocked 13 doors off their hinges, then removed the hardware too. We hauled everything out for a chemical bath. After being dipped in giant vats, the wood came back renewed.

Our house began to offer the kind of clues I’d hoped for, hints about its story. When we took the bookcase off the wall, a piece of paper slipped out. I unfolded its edges, perforated by a hundred tiny nibbles that made me wonder if resident mice had been trying to make paper snowflakes. The bites formed a perimeter around a faded hand-drawing of the brackets on the house’s exterior. This was part of the builder’s original design.

When we repurposed a bedroom as part of an enlarged kitchen, we carefully removed the charming inlaid squares in the floor’s corners to reuse later. Under each one, someone had placed a piece of card stock advertising a tailor named C.J. Petersen. Who was he, and why had someone put the cards there? I leaned them on a window ledge as a reminder to find out.

I once discovered a paper bag crumpled up in the house’s rafters. I’d hoped it held photographs that previous owners had forgotten. Maybe I would catch a glimpse of lives otherwise lost to time. But when I opened the bag, I immediately threw it down in horror. Inside were two sets of dentures. Surely someone was having fun with me.

I was raised Catholic, and while it’s not very fashionable to believe in God anymore, the alternative is to accept personal extinction. I believe only time separates the living and the dead, and that it’s not an insurmountable barrier. My parents, for instance, still exist somewhere. My youngest sister once went to a psychic who surprised her by announcing that our parents were watching and guiding her. Except they really weren’t too concerned with her—they’d been busy directing their energy toward our sometimes wayward brother. (My sister was annoyed but conceded that he was probably a better use of their resources.) I was sure that whoever left the dentures had a far less noble purpose. I imagined them looking down from the heavens, laughing at a century-delayed joke.

One cold January evening, as the fog hung low to the ground, the cable cut out while we were watching TV. Mat went downstairs to reset the modem. Our basement had been torn apart for several months because we were doing a seismic retrofit. The steps I soon heard Mat walking back up were also in need of an upgrade. The wood that at some point had been used to repair the staircase was cheap, and the sound the steps made underfoot was loudly hollow. That night, however, the thud was arresting. Mat wasn’t walking back to me—he was bounding.

He flung open the door to the room where I was waiting and held out a book, its marbled cover torn and thick with dust. Somehow I knew in that moment that it held the key to the house’s story. By bringing the house back to life, I had earned it.

I opened the cover and saw in elegant handwriting the name Hans Jorgen Hansen and the year 1900. It was a diary belonging to the man who built our house. As I turned the pages, I noticed that someone else had written on them, too, a woman named Anna. How unusual, I thought, for two people to share a diary—even more so because, according to historical records, Hans’s wife was named Christine.

Three

The story of Hans and Anna begins the way stories often have over the centuries: A youth on the verge of manhood sets out from his ancestral village. In this case that village is in Denmark, and the year is 1900. The forces of the world conspire to entice young men like Hans, now 20, out of the fields and into cities. If they have a yearning for adventure and a bit of daring, they continue onward to new lands. They may never return to the villages that shaped them because the world needs them. Its appetite for ambition and cleverness is insatiable. Tradition be damned—here is progress.

On the second day of the first year of the new century, Hans loads his suitcase into a wheelbarrow and sets off down an icy road, pushing his belongings over gentle hills. He arrives at a train station, where he buys a third-class ticket to the industrial city of Odense. By urban standards it’s provincial, but broad boulevards have supplanted medieval lanes, lending Odense a bit of grandness. Hans is here for a train transfer, but with time to see something new, he walks into the bustling town.

He’s looking for a bookstore—an appropriate goal in the city whose most famous son is also Denmark’s greatest storyteller, Hans Christian Andersen. This Hans, the subject of our story, appreciates Danish literature, but right now all he wants to read about is America, because that is where he longs to be. On Vestergade—gade is Danish for “street”—at one of the largest booksellers in Odense, he thumbs through journalist Henrik Cavling’s dispatches in From America. He would like to buy it but should probably save his money. He doesn’t want to leave empty-handed, however, so he purchases a diary instead.

That diary—dagbog in Danish—will accompany Hans around the world. It will feel at times as if it were his only friend, his dear bog. For now he continues by train to the seaside town of Faaborg, where he will work.

Anna and Hans knew better than most that the bonds of blood aren’t always enough to keep people together. Together they would create something stronger.

When he arrives, a letter is waiting for him. It’s from Anna in America. Anna who has already gone into the mouth of the hungry world. From the moment he first saw her, six years earlier in his village, Hans knew it was his destiny to be with her, the beautiful girl with black hair. It wasn’t her fault that she had to leave him. Anna lived with her grandparents, and she was only 14 when her grandfather died. She and her grandmother had no one else to rely on in the village, so they soon left for a place called Michigan, where Anna’s aunt lived.

People said that if her mother had made better choices, Anna’s life would have unfolded differently. Anna was born out of wedlock. Other boys might have looked down on her for this, but not Hans. In Anna he saw a nobleness of spirit.

Besides, his mother had also committed a sin when she conceived him; he and Anna had that in common. Their respective fathers were good enough to acknowledge their progeny, bestowing them with a little dignity and a surname. Anna’s paternal grandparents were the ones who’d raised her. But she and Hans knew better than most that the bonds of blood aren’t always enough to keep people together. Together they would create something stronger.

Four

I didn’t learn these details from the diary. At least, not right away. Its entries were written almost entirely in Danish, which I can’t read and don’t speak.

There were two diaries, in fact, the second of which had relatively little writing, all of it by Hans. There was also a stack of letters. Mat found everything—all this treasure—when he went to reset the modem. The basement ceiling had recently been demolished as part of our renovations. The books and letters had fallen from their hiding place, a cavity where Hans—who else?—had stashed them. I wondered if Mat and I were the first people to read them in a century.

At first all I could learn about Hans and Anna was gleaned from the documents’ few sections written in English:

Dear Anna… Tonight I have been reading over and over again your old letters from the dear old time; but I must not dream the old dreams; but Oh Anna I can’t help it because I do love you in spite of all.

Dear Hans… I am to blame for all you have ever suffered and God forgive me for it…. I am so sorry I was such a good for nothing foolish girl but at the same time I never meant to do any sin.

What drama or scandal was locked in these pages? Handwriting is a funny thing, not least because few people read it much anymore. Anna’s was neat, polite, and comfortably contained by the page. Hans, whose writing made up 90 percent of our find, had a bolder stroke. His flourishes veered maddeningly into indecipherability. In places, the pressure he exerted on his pen had made the ink pool and the letters bleed.

I sent a few diary passages to various Danish friends of friends, but while the language was theirs, none wanted to spend the time required to decipher such baroque penmanship. Frustrated, I made out the letters as best I could and typed the words they seemed to form into Google Translate. At first what came back was gibberish. But the longer I spent with the words, the more of them I got right, and the more the translator divulged actual language. I was also becoming familiar with Hans’s scrawl. His “D” was the longest, most elegant version of that letter I’d ever seen. It marked the beginning of the diary entry in which he lovingly recalled meeting Anna when they were children.

I eventually typed every word from the diaries and letters—some 20,000 in all—into the translator, and a picture of Hans and Anna’s story began to come into focus. Mat and I also did some genealogical research, amassing supporting facts. I found documentation of Anna and her grandmother’s 1897 passage to New York via Ellis Island. I found the household in St. Joseph, Michigan, where Anna was employed. I found evidence of Hans’s departure from Denmark after his stint in Faaborg—a voyage to Sydney, Australia, and onward to Brisbane—as well as his death certificate and a record of his grave just outside San Francisco, which we visited. We reconstructed Hans’s family tree and found a great-grandson on Facebook. We learned that Hans had three children with the woman named Christine, and that their marriage ended in divorce. 

I was sure I knew why: Hans and Anna could only love each other. What then had kept them apart?

Five

Winters in Denmark are long and cold. The wind that sweeps off the North Sea blows through the country’s bays, shallow hills, and beech forests. The nights, too, can seem endless. A man may find himself alone with his thoughts for longer than should be allowed. “There is not much to say,” Hans writes one January evening, “just that time was twice as long as the previous day.” Sheltered by thick, half-timbered walls, illuminated by weak candlelight, Hans and other men stave off boredom with games of cards and letters from faraway places.

Hans often lies awake at night imagining himself in New York, where Anna will travel from Michigan to reunite with him. In his diary he writes that the streets “will be completely different from the cobblestones of Faaborg.” He decides to “learn something useful to be worthy of her” and becomes a carpenter, a job he hopes will allow him to earn his way to America and support Anna. But good-paying work can be hard to come by in Denmark, and Hans will spend portions of the winter and spring of 1900 trying to find it.

In moments of despair, his mind wanders back to happier times. When he was 14, he tended cows in Husby, the farming hamlet where he grew up. Husby overlooks the sea, and the wind carries the smells of agriculture into peoples’ homes. At the heart of the village’s expansive fields sits the parish church. Most churches in rural Denmark have simple whitewashed towers, but not this one. To create a symbol befitting their status, the local aristocracy—among the most powerful landholders in the country—took inspiration from Italian artistry. Husby’s church boasts a copper onion dome atop a Tuscan-yellow tower, a glimmer of grandeur in an otherwise modest landscape.

Hans remembers his younger self leaving the cow fields one day to play with other boys in the village and seeing Anna for the first time. “In my quiet mind,” he reminisces in his diary, “I imagined myself and Anna engaged.” It was as if he didn’t really have a choice, not that he wanted one. Fate brought them together again at age 16, working as farmhands at the home of a widow. Anna was lively and dramatic, a “witty endearing spirit.” After she moved to America, she and Hans began a correspondence. They “became closer and came to rely on each other,” like family of their own choosing.

“I have seen many beautiful girls,” Hans writes in his diary, “but no one has been able to erase the image of my dear black-haired girl with the brave and joyful mind.”

Now, in Faaborg, Hans receives letters from Anna assuring him that she loves him. He is certain their union “will soon become reality,” that they “live only in the world of dreams yet.” In Danish, there’s a word for this kind of reverie: luftkasteller, or “castles in the sky.” Hans is building luftkasteller. The castles are their future, his and Anna’s, strong and impenetrable.

Or so he thinks.

Passage to America can be expensive. Other Danes are instead leaving for Australia, where the government is so desperate for labor that it will subsidize a man’s journey. Hans would likely live someplace hot and dusty. Going there would delay his arrival in America by years. Still, it feels one step closer to Anna.

That is how Hans finds himself in the middle of the Indian Ocean, aboard the steamship Oroya, as the year turns from 1900 to 1901. The journey to Sydney lasts 45 days. Hans and a few Danish friends board another ship to Queensland, then travel 300 miles to the territory’s interior, where dry grass stretches on and on until there is enough moisture to support a forest of red cedar, kauri pine, and other trees. The men help fell those forests, cutting the timber used to fuel the continent’s economic growth.

Hans lives in what the Australians call a humpy: a structure made of two poles stuck into the ground to keep a tin roof aloft, and open in front to the elements. There is only enough room for two makeshift beds. One is for Hans and the other is for his friend, a man named Sorensen. They wash their clothes in a river and cook their food over an open flame. The Australian heat is so fantastic that sometimes Hans can only laugh at it.

He thinks often of Anna, especially at night as the moon rises. “I have seen many beautiful girls,” he writes in his diary, “but no one has been able to erase the image of my dear black-haired girl with the brave and joyful mind.” Yet something has changed. He has not received a letter from her since he left Denmark. “I long to hear a little from little Anna in America,” Hans writes in April 1901. “It is 6 months since I got the last letter from her but I wait every day.”

He doesn’t know it yet, but his luftkasteller are about to break apart, and they will threaten to crush him. By the end of 1901, Anna will be married to another man.

Six

The details of when Anna decided to forsake Hans and how she told him weren’t contained in the diaries or letters that fell from my basement ceiling. Perhaps Anna did finally send him a note in Australia, only to say that she couldn’t wait for him any longer—she needed certainty, a family, a life. Or maybe she had no choice. Anna would later write, vaguely, of getting “in trouble on my own.” Did she, like her mother and Hans’s had before her, become pregnant out of wedlock? Unlike them, did she decide to marry her lover? I could only guess that the missive containing that explanation was gone because Hans couldn’t bear to keep it.

Anna’s marriage might explain why Hans didn’t write in his diary for four years. He suffered grief in silence. Their story wasn’t over, though. I knew that for sure, because Anna didn’t write in the diary until 1905.

I was hooked on the puzzle I was piecing together, to the point that people in my life started asking why. To me the question was the reverse: Why wouldn’t I try to untangle the story of a love affair more than a century old? Who wouldn’t want to learn what became of Hans and Anna? So what if they weren’t my ancestors. So what if they were just ordinary people who lived ordinary lives. Anyone in my position, with a diary full of mysteries that all but fell into her hands, would surely go to the same lengths to find answers.

In truth, I know that my fascination with the past—reawakening it, finding meaning in it—motivates me to ask questions that many people don’t need answered. It compels me to do things that to others seem drastic, even obsessional, but to me feel inevitable. Like scraping paint from the walls of my house for so many hours, over so many months, that long after I’ve removed my respirator for good, I sometimes think I can still see its outlines on my face.

A few years ago, while going through digitized family videos, I found old Super 8 footage of my dad taking a trip to Utah in his—our—orange Jeep. No sound, just moving images of my 20-year-old father, with his own father by his side, maneuvering along four-wheel-drive trails. The Jeep was shinier than I’d ever seen it. There was no one left to ask what route my father and grandfather had taken on that trip, but I knew the canyons of Utah well. I was certain I could find the trails from the video. I isolated images of rock formations and scoured online photos until I found a match: Paul Bunyan’s Potty, a natural arch in Canyonlands National Park. Mat and I loaded the Jeep onto a rented trailer and towed it 1,100 miles to Utah. We brought a drone and a GoPro with us. Mat did all the filming as I drove roads the Jeep had been down some 40 years earlier.

I don’t know what I expected to find in Utah, only that I was sure I had to go. The same was true when I bought a plane ticket for April 2019 and traveled more than 5,000 miles from San Francisco to Denmark. I rented a car and drove alone down country roads on a frigid day, feeling excited and a little embarrassed. When I arrived in Husby on a Sunday, the buildings were so sparse that calling it a town seemed generous. The only business I was able to identify was an auto repair shop, and it was closed.

I wanted to find a road called Norregade—it was there, at the home of the widow of a man named Lars Andersen, that Hans and Anna first spent time together as teenagers. “The wind is crying out and bringing back to my thoughts the winter when we were together,” Anna once wrote. She and Hans said their goodbyes on Norregade before Anna left for America. “I remember our last meeting like it was a shooting star,” Anna wrote. “God knows if we meet again on this rolling earth.”

On my map of Husby, Norregade didn’t exist. I assumed it had been renamed and I just needed to ask someone in town. Driving Husby’s back roads, I spotted a couple out for a chilly afternoon stroll. I slowed the car, rolled down the window, and shouted, “Do you speak English?” They turned to look at me and replied with an almost bewildered “Of course.” Well, I explained, I have a strange question. You see, I come from America, and a Danish man built my house 100 years ago, and I found his diary, and do you know where Norregade is?

The couple said they didn’t, that they were only weekenders. But their neighbors might. They climbed in my car and we drove 30 seconds to the home of a retired couple who were in the midst of baking rye bread. I asked if they knew Norregade. We don’t, they said, but our other neighbor might—she’s 90 years old. The husband went to fetch her. Five minutes later she was beside me, the expert who had lived in Husby her whole life.

She knew Norregade—it was now called Sjobjergvej. (Vej means “way.”) She had known the Andersens, too, the family of the widow Hans and Anna once worked for. She even knew which house had belonged to them, and marked its location on my map. I set out for Sjobjergvej, where I asked my questions all over again and found myself welcomed into the home of another couple. The old farmhouse where Hans and Anna worked had long ago been demolished. Still, I was in the place where their love story began.                                              

People’s eyes lit up when I explained why I was in Husby, just me and my binder full of photocopied diary entries. A woman cheered when I showed her pictures of my house, like Husby’s worth in the world had been secured by what one of its sons achieved elsewhere. And here I was, ratifying his efforts by traveling all the way to Denmark.

I visited other towns that figured in Hans and Anna’s story. I contacted regional archives to locate documentation of their existence. I sat with historians who translated diary entries better than I—which is to say Google—ever could, scribbling as they spoke. I popped into a coffee shop and didn’t leave for five hours, as an impromptu cadre of locals pored over documents and pictures, coming up with their own theories about Hans and Anna. I sparked enough interest that I was later contacted by an amateur genealogist who sifted through Danish church records on my behalf, gathering information about Hans’s and Anna’s families.

I came home from Denmark with a better understanding of who Hans and Anna were and where they came from. If only every trip a person takes could be so warm, so fruitful. Hans once wished the same, only to embark on a hopeful journey that ended in bitter disappointment. 

Seven

Hans’s American dream gnaws at him. Is the country really all that people say it is? He finally is able to find out for himself when he travels to California’s northern timber country, where the giants of the forest sit in a landscape that formed in the Jurassic period. The redwoods are the tallest things alive. The Douglas firs are almost as mighty. Together they seem to dare men to build something—a civilization—as grand as they are.

Hans finds San Francisco to be a marvelous party disguised as a city. He plays cards, bowls, and gambles. He wonders if settling down will ever be for him if it means that he’s not with Anna.

They still write to each other. As friends. Childhood friends. Practically family. In the fall of 1905—more than five years since Hans left Denmark, and eight since he last saw Anna—he travels to see her. He is bound for Chicago, where she can visit him from her home just across the city’s great lake, and he can return the courtesy. He’ll find work and a place to live for a while. And maybe he’ll like it enough to stay. Maybe Anna will ask him to.

Anna is the same kindhearted, buoyant young woman he remembers—still beautiful, with jet-black hair and sharp, full features that give depth to her lingering girlishness. She has lived in the small town of St. Joseph ever since she left Denmark. Her grandmother and her aunt and uncle are close by. She has no children. She has worked as a servant in wealthy households. She has never been truly happy.

But oh, how Anna has loved Hans’s letters. What adventures he’s had, how worldly he’s become.

Anna’s marriage isn’t going well. Her husband, whom Hans meets in Chicago, is a mischievous and sometimes callous man. He was born in Germany. He loves to drink, sometimes with women who are not his wife. His name is Emil, but no one calls him that. Everyone calls him by his last name, Frost—even Anna.

Frost isn’t a fool. He sees what’s going on between Anna and her friend. Once, when drunk, man to man, Frost tells Hans he would sell Anna to him for $500. Then he pretends it was a joke all along. Ha! Frost says he couldn’t live without her anyway. Later, Frost tells his wife that Hans “didn’t care enough…. I won’t let him have you now.”

On one of Anna’s weekend visits to Chicago, she and Hans go out, just the two of them, for dinner at a restaurant on Humboldt Avenue. Neither will write down what transpires that evening, but maybe—surely—it happens like this: Their conversation turns to Frost, because it always does. Anna grew up without parents and told herself that, even if her origins were impure, she would always be pure of heart. She’d made a vow. But if only her husband could be more like Hans. He sits listening to her. It takes everything within him not to move his hand across the table and put it to Anna’s cheek and tell her he loves her more than anything. At the very least he needs her to understand that he thinks she deserves the world. Hans starts to tell her about his diary with the marbled cover. He will give it to her, and she will understand how he feels. The proof is in the writing.

She still has hope, or maybe it’s faith. “It is God’s will that when you and I again get together it will be under different circumstances,” Anna writes.

Anna returns home to St. Joseph in possession of the diary. She reads Hans’s words from 1900 onward and is overcome—she scribbles into one of the diary’s margins that when she grasped his devotion, her heart “almost stood still.” She knows the diary is not hers to keep, but when she gives it back to Hans, she wants him to find comfort in her words, just as she has in his. Anna writes:

Oh how my heart ached for you the day we left Chicago. I sat like a dead woman all the way home. Frost talked and I could not answer. I think that was the saddest day of my life. How I would love to be with you but I can’t until God wills it so…. My beloved brother life would be empty if it were not for you…. We were born to each other I feel it.

The possibilities spin in her head. It’s not an honorable thing to do, leave one’s husband. At least not now. Maybe she will in the future. Even though it would be a sin. But doesn’t God want people to be happy? Doesn’t he want her to be happy?

When it’s time to return the diary, some two months after Hans gave it to her, Anna has made up her mind. “I would be the happiest woman in the world if I could always be with you but there would be one little drop in our cup and that would be that I would always fear that I had done a sin,” she writes in her final entry. To leave her marriage would jeopardize her soul—and Hans’s, too. “In parting us this time,” she writes, “[God] also saved us from the results of what we would have done.” As long as Frost “does his duty,” Anna says, “I shall do mine.” She still has hope, or maybe it’s faith. “It is God’s will that when you and I again get together it will be under different circumstances,” she writes.

It is a sad truth to bear, and Hans decides to return to California. He has shared everything with Anna—what more can he do? She is welcome to visit him. “You are all I have,” he writes in the diary, “and you are as welcome as flowers in May. I am always waiting for you to pay me a visit or to stay forever.”

Hans makes his arrangements to leave Chicago, diary in hand. One day he writes with what feels like finality, pledging to get married to someone else just to show Anna he can live without her—she who says she loves him but who “promised someone else the same.” Hans writes, “You and I little Anna could be happy; but you set me apart for another.… Anyway, I am not angry with you in any way.”

It is now the spring of 1906. What neither of them knows—what no one knows—is that the God whom Anna so fervently believes in will soon punish San Francisco. On April 18, at 5:12 a.m., the ground beneath the city will shake harder than it has ever shaken before. When the earthquake is over, the fires will start; they won’t stop for three days, until most of the city is reduced to ashes.

Once the dust of the disaster settles, the old game of making a fortune will return in full swing. Two hundred thousand people—half the city’s population—will be homeless, which is good business for someone like Hans. Skilled men will be needed to sweep up the ashes and put houses back where they used to be.

Hans returns to San Francisco, or what’s left of it. He will stay forever.

Eight

To tell the story up to this point, I had most of what I needed. The diaries and letters were often rich in detail, certainly full of emotion. I just needed to organize what Hans and Anna wrote into a narrative, supplemented by what I had learned in Denmark and in my genealogical research. But Hans mostly stopped writing in his diary after leaving Chicago. An entry here and there, nothing more. They were short and often melancholy. “The sadness is coming over me again,” he noted on August 10, 1908.

The last time he wrote in the diary, Hans was 30. It was 1910, the year he finished building the house in which I now live. It probably didn’t happen this way—probably wasn’t this dramatic—but I imagine Hans huddled in the dark of his basement, shaking his head in disappointment as his pen meets the pages of his bog for the last time. Before he closes the cover and hides the diary in the ceiling, he writes:

September 19, 1910

Many years have gone since I last wrote in my book, and I have to talk to someone tonight…. My whole life has been destroyed and I have now been away from [Anna] for a long time. And yet her and no other is what my life is all about. Anna, Anna why is everything against me. Everyone tells me I’m crazy, because I am not taking any interest in anyone but you. I shall always keep you in my mind and treasure your memories and keep them for myself. Goodnight, you are my life’s star, without you everything is empty and you never want to write to me. Everything that I have is your letters and the memory of you. Goodnight my beloved friend, you are my everything. Hope disappears. I hope it will rise again.

Three months later, Hans married Christine Petersen, literally the girl next door, on what was surely a miserable wedding day. “I know that I do sin if I marry another,” he’d once written. Hans and Christine’s great-grandson told me that their marriage was not a happy one. Their divorce was contentious, and Hans was not remembered fondly by his descendants. I didn’t pry. I knew from Hans’s diary that he soured over time. A romantic became a cynic. A hopeful youth grew into a bitter man.

Maybe Hans wasn’t wholly deserving of my sympathy, but understanding what ruined him was another matter. I still had so many questions: Did Hans leave the diary and letters untouched for as long as he lived in the house, or did he retrieve them from their hiding place on occasion to read in secret? Christine and her brother C.J. Petersen, the tailor whose name was on the cards Mat and I found in the bedroom floor—one small mystery solved—were awarded the house after Christine’s divorce from Hans was finalized in 1929. Were the hidden documents left behind on purpose, valueless after so many years, or forgotten in the chaos of separation?

More research only led to more questions. In newspaper archives, I found a perplexing detail: Right around the time that Hans returned to San Francisco, in 1906, Anna and Emil Frost were divorced after all. Unfortunately for Hans, Anna’s liberated future didn’t include him. Maybe it was only the idea of Hans—comforting, attentive, a reminder of home—that Anna loved.

I knew that Anna was 25 when she divorced. After that her trail went cold. I couldn’t find evidence of her anywhere. As I had when I first saw the murals in my house, I started filling in the blanks with a story: Anna lived the rest of her life in Michigan, working in other people’s homes. She remarried someone kind and reliable, but it was a relationship absent the passion she had known with Hans. She had children. In old age, perhaps she returned to Denmark. She’d once written to Hans that she couldn’t “wait til we get to our fatherland … where our feet trod when we were children (God bless those days).” Maybe for the sake of nostalgia—something she hadn’t allowed herself to feel while raising her family—she traveled to Husby and visited Norregade, standing on the quiet lane I would visit several decades later. Maybe she hoped that being there could answer her questions about the life she’d chosen not to live.

Nine

I have a vivid memory, early one morning when my father was in the hospital, of my uncle making his way up the carpeted stairs to the bedrooms where my siblings and I slept. I was nine years old. I knew my uncle was bringing bad news. How is that possible, to just know? Maybe his steps were slower or heavier than normal. Or maybe you can feel someone you love slipping away from this world.

Every few years I have a different experience of knowing. I’ll be in a crowd or walking down the street, and I’ll catch a glimpse of my mother or father. Something about the way they move or hold themselves or brush their hair from their face makes me certain. I’m wrong, of course, but the joy is true. If only for a moment, something I want seems real.

A similar thing happened when I finally found Anna. My trip to Denmark had furnished me with the facts that follow a person during their life, no matter where they end up. I knew Anna’s date of birth and the village where she was born and her date of entry into the United States. I knew that her father was Danish, her mother Swedish. I found her application for a passport. I looked at her picture, her dark hair and mournful eyes. She signed her name in the same meticulous way she had in Hans’s diary.

These facts are what made me sure that the Anna I came across on Ancestry.com was unmistakably, irrefutably her. My heart leaped in my chest. Then it fell, because of where I found her and what it might mean.

She wasn’t in Michigan or Chicago or Denmark. Anna had been in San Francisco all along.

She had moved here by at least 1910. What reason could there have been but Hans? Yet two months after Hans wed Christine, Anna married a man named L.B. Carpenter. They never had children. A mining engineer, Carpenter died in 1929 and left Anna with no choice but to return to domestic service as the Great Depression unfolded. Meanwhile, Hans never recovered his financial footing after divorcing Christine, though he continued to build houses. He moved into a residential hotel in the Tenderloin, a neighborhood then full of clerks and teachers, skilled laborers and transient workers, all living conveniently in the city’s downtown.

Did Hans and Anna try a relationship when she first arrived, only to find that it couldn’t live up to what they’d imagined for so long? Hans’s diary gives no indication of this—perhaps when they were finally together, he didn’t feel the need to write. In his final entry, Hans wrote that he’d been “away from [Anna] for a long time.” What if he meant months, not years, as I’d assumed? I found myself hoping so. The notion of Anna coming to San Francisco and not seeing Hans felt impossible.

Hans died in 1966, Anna in 1968, which meant they both lived into their eighties. I was able to find only skeletal traces of their later lives. Addresses in city directories. Census data, but only up to 1940. Newspaper clippings that mentioned city lots Hans was developing. Anna didn’t have any descendants to find and interview. Hans and Christine’s great-grandson told me that St. Joseph, Michigan, sounded familiar, but he wasn’t sure why.

There was one final revelation, and with it a glimmer of hope: In the last decades of her life, Anna moved into an apartment building in the Tenderloin. She lived only three blocks away from Hans. Maybe this was a coincidence, but I remembered the words of their youth. “I know that sometime a time will come when Anna and I are together,” Hans wrote. “A voice whispers in my ear that (Everything comes to those who wait) and I will wait for you to come in 20 years.” Here is Anna: “When you and I get to be 80 years old I shall love you just the same no matter where you are…. Never forget that I am always with you and always will be, [even] if you go to the end of the world.”

I drove to the Tenderloin and walked the distance between their apartment buildings. The historic cityscape, rebuilt after the 1906 earthquake, is pleasing, even if the neighborhood became synonymous with inner-city vice. This was already becoming true in the mid-20th century, when Hans and Anna lived here. Perhaps by then the tempestuousness between them had eased and they were a comfort to each other. I imagined Hans ambling to Anna’s apartment, and Anna coming down to greet him, seeing his familiar grin. Maybe they no longer interpret the pull between them as romance, cherishing it instead as an unbreakable kinship.

She takes his arm and, side by side, they walk through the city.

Ten

In the home movie Mat and I re-created in Utah, I am behind the wheel of my father’s Jeep. The drone, piloted by Mat, shows me driving a barren red-dirt trail, steering through a series of technical four-wheel-drive maneuvers, and coming to a patch of earth where the road ends. The drone zooms out to show why: I have come to a bluff—there is a sheer 1,000-foot drop to the Colorado River below. Since the Jeep can go no farther, I get out and walk to the edge.

When we returned home from Utah, I took our footage and combined it with what my father had filmed on Super 8. I spliced scenes together, blurring the line between past and present. The moment when I’m on the precipice cuts to one at the same spot shot decades earlier. My father is there, his legs dangling over the cliff. I reversed the footage at this point so he appears to turn and greet me—the approaching figure—with a knowing nod. He’s like the wise knight in The Last Crusade, waiting all those years for Indiana Jones to arrive.

The movie seems to enter a time warp at this point, flashing rapidly between past and present. Few people who know my family have been able to get through it with a dry eye. At the end, Mat runs into the frame for the first time. The spell is broken. Mat puts his arm around my waist as we wave to the camera. Or are we waving to my father, thanking him for leading us here and for the opportunity to see him again?

I am desperate to communicate with the past, but so much of it is elusive, scattered, unknowable. I’m all too familiar with the frustration of sifting through fragments of truth and possibility for answers to my questions. I understand now that searching and listening and following are vital, but not always enough. I reconstruct what I can and use imagination to bring the rest into being. To set the world as it should be. To set it as I need it to be. What else can I—or anyone—do?

I write all this enveloped by Hans’s study. It’s a beautiful, peculiar little room, the one with the second mural. The sharp California sun streams through the picture window, with its tulip-patterned stained glass, and brightens the Honduran mahogany I spent half a year liberating from white paint. The effort it has taken to get here—I know it, because it was partly mine. The room sprang from Hans’s mind and from materials he could get his hands on, but it is here, still, because of me. So is the love story once concealed in the basement. I found it, heard it, and told it the best way I know how.

Maybe, though, someone else’s version of Hans and Anna’s story was always in plain sight. I stare up at the mural of the American West. For a time, I was confused by the two mute swans and the white stork, painted in corners of the room, because neither species is native to North America. I should have put it together sooner: The mute swan is a symbol of Denmark—the national bird—and features in Hans Christian Andersen’s iconic fairy tale “The Ugly Duckling.” White storks, now rare in the country because of habitat changes, traditionally arrived in Denmark from Africa each spring, signifying new beginnings.

The pair of swans—they’re Hans and Anna, aren’t they? Surrounded by the possibilities of a new world, swimming together in calm waters, together forever. It’s what Hans wanted more than anything, this ending to their story, and he made it so.

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The Free and the Brave

THE FREE AND THE BRAVE

A patriotic parade, a bloody brawl, and the origins of U.S. law enforcement’s war on the political left.

By Bill Donahue

The Atavist Magazine, No. 106


Bill Donahue has written for The New York Times Magazine, Outside, and Harper’s, among other publications. He is based in New Hampshire. Follow him on Twitter: @billdonahue13.

Editor: Jonah Ogles
Designer: Ed Johnson
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Kate Wheeling
Illustrator: John Lee

Published in August 2020.

I.

American flags lined the parade route, and more than 200 men in shined boots stepped into formation. The date was November 11, 1919—a proud occasion, the first Armistice Day. It had been exactly one year since Germany signed a pledge to stop fighting Great Britain, France, the United States, and other allies, thereby ending World War I. If ever there was a moment for solemn patriotism, this was it. And if ever there was a town suited to express rock-ribbed, God-fearing devotion to America, then Centralia, Washington, was the place.

Centralia was a tidy and prosperous logging town of 7,300 set amid the primeval forests of the Pacific Northwest. Its municipal fathers had taken special pains to ensure that their town stood head and shoulders above other, less civilized western outposts, with their dingy saloons and whorehouses. Centralia had concrete sidewalks. It had streetlights and streetcars and a sewer system. It had a volunteer fire department and a newspaper that dutifully championed the decency and civility of the town’s leaders as they shaped Centralia into a bona fide municipality.

The morning of the parade, that paper, The Centralia Daily Chronicle, reminded readers that Armistice Day was not a party. It was, rather, a holiday “warning against any efforts to interrupt the natural development of Christian Civilization.” The largest perceived impediment to “Christian Civilization” in 1919 was Bolshevism, which had reached full flower two years earlier during the Russian Revolution and found a foothold in America by way of a growing labor movement. A Red Scare was in full swing, and the Chronicle’s editorial homed in on that newfound American obsession. “We can sing and shout and march to the tuneful music of the fife and drums and the martial bands,” it read, “but in all we must not forget the battle is not all won until the disease spots have been eradicated.”

The Armistice Day marchers believed in the righteousness of that battle. Members of the local Elks Club were there, along with a contingent of Boy Scouts and some Marines. Centralia was also home to a newly minted chapter of the American Legion, a national veterans’ group. The Grant Hodge Post was named after a local Army lieutenant who died in France’s Argonne Forest. Eighty of its Legionnaires brought up the rear of the parade.

They were led by a young veteran and lawyer named Warren Grimm. Solidly built and fair, with thinning dark blond hair, Grimm had played football at the University of Washington a decade earlier. As a freshman, he earned himself the nickname Wedge by playing the starring role in a brutal hazing ritual: He led 50 classmates to victory over a sophomore squad in a no-rules skirmish by forming them into a wedge and charging. Now Grimm, 31, led a different kind of configuration. As the Legionnaires divided themselves into eight platoons of ten men each, a marching band played the popular World War I–era tune “Over There.” The lyrics went:

Johnnie, get your gun, get your gun, get your gun
Make your daddy glad to have had such a lad
Tell your sweetheart not to pine, to be proud her boy’s in line.

The parade kicked off at 2 p.m. and followed Centralia’s brick-paved main thoroughfare, Tower Avenue. At the north end sat Centralia’s grandest edifice, the Union Loan & Trust Building, a three-story brick structure replete with a Doric arch over its doorway and a belt of white stone running the length of the facade. Many of its hundred or so windows were elegantly domed at the crest, and the building’s size and heft clearly identified it as the seat of all rectitude and power in Centralia. A men’s clothing store selling dress suits occupied the building’s ground level, exuding respectability. The president of Union Loan & Trust kept his office on the second floor, while the third floor was home to the Elks Club. At one point, the Chronicle was housed in the basement, where it served as a pep squad for the town’s elite and the resource-rich county over which they held dominion. “There are more opportunities to the square inch,” the paper once proclaimed, “than in any other place in the world.”

Just a half-mile away from the Union Loan & Trust Building, the view from the north end of Tower Avenue was harder and grimier. It featured a clutter of low-rent boarding houses that drew itinerant loggers who felled trees in the forests surrounding town. Two stories high, with a warren of small rooms equipped with cold-water sinks, the hotels were home to a constellation of weary and solitary men who typically arrived in town with just a few bucks to their name. There was the Arnold, the Avalon, the Michigan House, the Queen, and the Roderick.

It was in front of the Roderick that Centralia’s Legionnaires suddenly stopped during the parade. Warren Grimm raised his arm and shouted, “Halt, close up ranks!” It was a strange command. The Armistice Day marchers were spaced out by then, with Grimm’s men well behind the rest of the procession. By halting, the Legionnaires would only widen the gap.

Facing the veterans on the Roderick’s ground floor was a 1,000-square-foot space that served as the union hall for the local chapter of the Workers of the World. A large storefront window bore the initials IWW, three letters that evoked the purported evils of Bolshevism or the virtues of economic brotherhood, depending on who was reading them. Grimm’s men stood motionless for a moment. The crowd that had gathered to view the parade waited for the Legionnaires’ next move.

So did several armed Wobblies, as IWW members called themselves. The Wobblies were hidden from view, prepared to attack if anyone tried to eradicate “disease spots.” They wouldn’t let that happen—not again.

II.

Centralia was in some ways a wholesome idyll—the kind of place that in November 1919 ran a news story about “seven boys charged with Hallowe’en pranks” who appeared “before Police Judge Hodge yesterday evening.” (The boys, the Chronicle reported, were “given a lecture by the court and ordered to repair the damages they did.”) But the town was also plagued by troubles that would seem familiar today. The influenza epidemic cast a shadow over everything. In the fall of 1918, it had killed eight people inside of 36 hours in and around the nearby town of Chehalis, and just a few weeks before the Armistice Day parade, the Chronicle had intoned, “Many medical men say we will probably have another epidemic this fall.” Influenza masks were everywhere, and the paper carried advertisements for a dubious elixir, cascara quinine bromide, said to kill the flu if swallowed.

Meanwhile, America was riven by a political divide that deepened sharply in 1919, cutting into small towns like Centralia. The American Legion was founded that March by a contingent of World War I veterans who aimed, according to their constitution, to “foster and perpetuate a 100 percent Americanism.” The group’s language would soon be picked up by another growing movement devoted to patriotic purity: The Ku Klux Klan, revived by a Methodist minister in 1915, also began touting “100 percent Americanism.” The KKK beat and lynched African Americans. It went after Jews and Catholics. It deplored communists and anyone associated with them.

So did the most powerful men in U.S. law enforcement, who fixated on acts of violence staged by a few extremists as evidence of the American left’s wider, nefarious aims. Luigi Galleani, an infamous anarchist orator and political sage of the day, espoused “propaganda of the deed,” which to him involved eradicating capitalism by using explosives. On April 29, 1919, disciples of Galleani sent former Georgia senator Thomas Hardwick a package bomb that blew off his housekeeper’s hands. On June 2, another bomb went off at the Washington, D.C., home of U.S. Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer. Though no one in the home was injured, it shattered the windows—and engendered a historic shift in the way the United States policed the political left.

To combat what he deemed a burgeoning terrorist movement composed of “ultradicals or Bolshevists,” Palmer opened the Radical Division inside the Justice Department’s Bureau of Investigation. As he staffed this new unit, he made an unorthodox promotion, choosing as its director a recent law-school graduate, just 24 years old, who’d began his career by helping the government track down “alien enemies” during World War I. J. Edgar Hoover joined the Radical Division in August 1919. Three months later, on the night of November 7, the boy wonder set anticommunist shock troops loose on 12 cities nationwide. In each locale, the target was the Union of Russian Workers. Hoover’s men rounded up 1,100 suspects, whom young J. Edgar aimed to deport. In Manhattan alone, at the Russian Peoples House in Union Square, the troops arrested more than 200 people and injured many by whacking them on the head, according to one man, with “a twelve-inch steel jimmy and a stair bannister.” Then they herded the accused into the Justice Department’s local bureau. The interrogations lasted until 4:30 a.m.

Powerful men fixated on acts of violence staged by a few extremists as evidence of the American left’s wider, nefarious aims.

Nothing so dramatic had yet happened in Centralia. Still, local politics reflected the national backdrop. Centralia’s young professionals, men like Warren Grimm, were in thrall to one F.B. Hubbard. At 73, Hubbard was a charter member of the Elks Club and president of the town’s largest employer, the Eastern Railway & Lumber Company. Also the president of his own bank, he was the financier behind the Union Loan & Trust Building. Hubbard had silver hair and a broad, bushy mustache. In photographs, his gaze was so steady, his posture so ramrod straight, that he seemed carved in stone, his torso and head forming an invincible marble bust. A New York native, Hubbard had made a small fortune mass-producing narrow wooden crossarms for telegraph poles before moving to Centralia in 1908. By 1919, he had more than 200 people working for him, distributed across 9,000 acres he owned—magnificent, lumber-rich forest, all of it underlain, according to the Chronicle, with “a fine coal deposit.” His allegiance to the town was so deep that the newspaper once saw fit to uppercase his virtues—“Energy” and “Thoroughness”—before noting, “His counsel is much sought and prized by the public, and his natural tendency … is to aid every industry that makes for the social, mental, physical and financial betterment of the district.” 

Hubbard’s archenemy was organized labor, which had a strong appeal in western Washington. Loggers in the region earned about two dollars a day for up to 12 hours of work. When they were on the job, they lodged for weeks on end in cramped cabins in the woods. There were “40 men in the bunkhouse,” according to Eugene Barnett, a logger who moved to Centralia in 1918. “You worked all day in the rain. You came in at night and hung your soggy clothes up around the one stove in the center of the room with wires going out from it in all directions like a spider web, and they hung there and steamed all night. And you slept there in that steam. That’s the only bath you got.”

In 1914, a short-lived group called the International Union of Timber Workers zeroed in on Hubbard’s practice of paying employees poverty wages—some of the workers at his plant made as little as $1.35 a day. When two of Centralia’s Protestant ministers showed up at Hubbard’s office, sympathetic to his workers and hoping to have a look at his payroll, he showed them the door. The union decided to go on strike, and 125 men walked off the job that August. As the picket began, the president and the secretary of the union jointly wrote a letter to the Chronicle, noting that in Hubbard’s lumber camps, loggers were charged 50 cents a month for the use of $4 mattresses.

The Chronicle hurt the union’s cause by calling strikers “agitators” and running a puff piece that extolled Hubbard’s “almost paternal consideration for his employees.” The paper went so far as to claim that Hubbard had “some ideas that might be considered almost socialistic by more material captains of industry.”

Hubbard didn’t change his policies. Instead, he increased the length of the workday at his mill from eight to ten hours, and also hired scabs. In January 1915, more than 70 of these new workers sent a joint letter to the newspaper that pilloried the “self-styled strikers” and proclaimed, “We, the employees, are satisfied with the treatment and the scale of the wages paid us.”

It wasn’t long before the strike ended and Hubbard moved on to more pressing concerns, such as the purchase of a couple of three-car locomotives to transport his timber. But the battle between industry and labor in Centralia was just getting started. 

 F.B. Hubbard

III.

The IWW was a vehemently anti-capitalist organization. When it was founded in 1905, in Chicago, the IWW drafted a constitution that borrowed a page from Karl Marx, calling on the workers of the world to “organize as a class, take possession of the means of production, abolish the wage system, and live in harmony with the Earth.” By the middle of the next decade, the IWW had chapters across America. The IWW’s 150,000 members took to the nation’s streets, spouting diatribes against monied interests as police endeavored to silence them with billy clubs.

The IWW’s foot soldiers were shunned even by mainstream groups such as the American Federation of Labor. Wobblies lived on the margins, fraternally bound as outsiders. Often they rode freight cars together from town to town. As they rattled along, they raised their voices to sing political anthems. One, entitled “Hallelujah, I’m a Bum,” had a line that went, “If I didn’t eat, I’d have money to burn.”

Hubbard and other lumber barons glowered as the IWW took a stand in the Pacific Northwest. In 1916, even before the U.S. entered World War I, the timber industry had begun supplying the Allied powers with lightweight, tensile Sitka spruce that was perfect for making airplanes. The IWW monkey-wrenched this effort in 1917 by rallying some 10,000 loggers into a three-month strike aimed at reducing the length of their workday from ten to eight hours. Once the men prevailed upon some of the logging companies to reduce hours, the Wobblies ended the strike but encouraged loggers employed by inflexible bosses to lollygag on the job. An eye-catching Wobbly sticker declared, “The hours are long and the pay is small. Take your time and buck them all.”

The stronghold of the 1917 IWW strike in Washington State lay just west of Centralia, amid the fog and spattering rain of the Olympic Peninsula, in towns such as Aberdeen and Hoquiam, where meagerly paid, left-leaning Finnish immigrants maintained large “Red Finn” halls at which the IWW’s leading luminaries—poet and journalist Ralph Chaplin, for instance—stopped to lecture. The IWW didn’t yet have a strong organized presence in Centralia, though it wasn’t for lack of trying. In 1915, vigilantes marched a group of Wobblies out of town. In 1917, the IWW opened up a local hall, but the landlord soon evicted them under public pressure. After the Wobblies rented a new space, Centralia’s Commercial Club met to consider a plan to “take matters into their own hands,” according to the Chronicle.

Hubbard was among the residents of Centralia intent on deflecting the IWW’s encroachment. In May 1918, during a parade that was part of a fundraising drive for the town’s chapter of the Red Cross, Hubbard’s Elks detoured from the route to raid Centralia’s IWW hall. They burned the union’s typewriter along with its files and newspaper archives. They carried the IWW’s Victrola and rolltop desk into the middle of Tower Avenue, then held an impromptu street auction to benefit the Red Cross. Hubbard himself scored the desk, which he donated to Centralia’s chamber of commerce. Meanwhile, the half-dozen Wobblies lingering inside the hall were “lifted by their ears into a truck,” according to one report, and taken to a nearby field, where they were flogged with sticks and ax handles.

The following summer, the Wobblies again tried to make inroads in Centralia. A logger named Britt Smith was able to convince the owner of the Roderick Hotel to rent the bottom of her building to the IWW for use as a hall. Smith moved in on September 1, 1919. He set up an apartment in the back and appointed the front with furniture. He had good reason to hope that the hall would grow into a sort of community center. On the Olympic Peninsula, the sprawling Red Finn halls had libraries and gymnasiums. Labor groups used the facilities for union business—meetings and fundraisers and such—and also for wiener roasts and wedding showers, plays and funerals.

But as Smith harbored dreams of a promising Wobbly future in Centralia, he also worried that the union’s opponents might try to rid the town of its despised red blight once and for all. In June 1919, the Centralia chamber of commerce met to discuss the Wobbly problem. It formed a Citizens Protective Association and made Hubbard its chair. When the association gathered at Centralia’s Elks Club on October 20, Hubbard pressed the police chief to force the Wobblies out of town. The chief declined, saying there was nothing illegal about the IWW being there. If he was the head of police, Hubbard shouted, he would toss the Wobblies out right away.

Later that night, Hubbard formed another committee, this one dedicated to seeking extralegal methods of evicting the Wobblies. Warren Grimm was named chair. Grimm’s experience with communism, and his disdain for it, was well known in town. During the war, he had been stationed in Siberia. What he saw there disgusted him. In a guest column for the Chronicle, he once sniffed, “Vladivostock, although a city of 125,000, has neither sewerage nor water systems.” In June 1918, when an IWW sympathizer named Tom Lassiter—a partially blind man—was attacked in Centralia, Grimm took the side of his assailants. Lassiter ran a newspaper stand selling labor rags such as the Industrial Worker. Two thugs kidnapped him, drove him out of town, and threw him into a ditch. Discussing the incident with a fellow lawyer, Grimm said, “That’s the proper way to treat such a fellow.” Soon after, in a Labor Day speech delivered in Centralia’s Riverside Park, Grimm fulminated about “the American Bolsheviki—the industrial workers of the world.”

No wonder, then, that the Wobblies feared the first Armistice Day might bring fresh trouble. They met the night before the parade to hatch a plan: They would secret guns to strategic positions in and around the hall, from which they could protect it. If the parade, led by Hubbard, turned into the sort of attack they’d seen before, they’d be ready.

When Grimm ordered the Legionnaires to halt at the Roderick, the Wobblies on the lookout had only to raise and cock their guns. When several of Grimm’s men burst into motion, hurling themselves at the IWW hall’s locked door and breaking the large storefront window, the Wobblies took aim. As shattered glass flew, five gunmen had Grimm in their sight.

IV.

Three of the men were a block to the east, across a set of railroad tracks, lying prone on Seminary Ridge. The elevated position gave them a bird’s-eye view of Tower Avenue. Another Wobbly, O.C. Bland, a father of seven, was situated across the street from the Roderick, wielding a .25-35 rifle in an upstairs room of the Arnold Hotel. He was in such a hurry to get the barrel of his gun out the window that he smashed the glass and cut a bloody gash into the back of his hand.

A block away, in the Avalon Hotel, was a large mustached man who had just arrived in Centralia. At a meeting in the IWW hall the night before, he’d mentioned that his name was Davis, but no one seemed to know him, and there was something clownish about him: When presented with the challenge of sneaking a rifle into the Avalon to avoid suspicion, he tried stuffing it down the leg of his pant. His stiff gait prompted other Wobblies to laugh, so he wrapped the gun in an overcoat. Now he was aiming the rifle through the slit of an open window.

What did Davis see, peering down? Some historians contend that, as the rest of the Armistice Day parade moved down Tower Avenue, Grimm shouted, “Boys, aren’t you with us?” He tried to beckon some of the marchers back to help with the Legionnaires’ attack on the Wobblies’ hall. A corollary theory holds that Grimm channeled his athletic past. Did he put the Wedge, the maneuver from his college days, into action as his men charged the hall? Did he lead the way? There is, of course, no footage of Centralia’s Armistice Day parade, but it seems likely that Grimm, at the very least, took part in the assault.

Perhaps no one inside the IWW hall was more willing to fire upon the Legionnaires than Wesley Everest.

At about 2:35 p.m., a few moments after the violence began, Grimm was struck in the chest by a bullet fired from above. It likely came from Davis’s gun, aiming from across the street. Grimm staggered half a block to a shed behind a candy store, where he told a doctor—a fellow Legionnaire who’d raced to help him—that he felt “an awful pain” in his stomach. By the time he climbed into the car that rushed him toward Centralia’s hospital, his wound was as “big as an inkwell,” according to a fellow passenger. Grimm would not survive the day.

From his perch in the Avalon, Davis could see a Legionnaire rushing north on Tower Avenue. His name was Arthur McElfresh. He’d fought in the Argonne Forest and now, at 26, was the manager of the Prigmore & Sears pharmacy. With a few other Legionnaires, he found cover behind a building located some 50 feet from the IWW hall, on the same side of the street. When McElfresh peered around the corner to look at the Roderick, he took a fatal bullet to the head. It’s impossible to say with certainty who shot him, but it was likely Davis, who would have had a clear line of sight on McElfresh.

The three gunmen on Seminary Ridge began shooting, peppering the parade’s marchers and spectators. Most of the crowd dispersed in a frenzy, unsure of where the shots were coming from. Centralia’s Legionnaires, however, kept pouring into the IWW Hall—they were trained soldiers and undeterred by artillery fire.

Seven Wobblies waited inside the hall, and they were the salt of the earth. Their leader, Britt Smith, was a native of southwestern Washington, who walked with a limp. In time, legal papers would describe him as “sober, honest and reasonably industrious.” Bert Faulkner, a 31-year-old veteran, had attended high school with Grimm in Centralia. He was missing his left middle finger, the result of a logging accident. Mike Sheehan, a Wobbly elder in his sixties, was a Spanish-American War vet who had been involved in organized labor ever since he joined his father’s butcher’s union at the age of eight. Another man in the hall was a minister’s son and ideologue named Ray Becker. Twenty-six years old, Becker had fled divinity school to work in the woods of Wisconsin, Illinois, and Minnesota. He’d served jail time for evading the draft, and arrived in Centralia just two days before the parade, with a zealot’s fire for social justice and a .38 pistol.

But perhaps no one inside the IWW hall was more willing to fire upon the Legionnaires than Wesley Everest. He was 28 and handsome, with red hair. He crouched in the back of the hall with an Army-issue .45 automatic pistol. Within moments he would turn himself into a folk hero, the subject of myth. 

By the mid-1910s, the IWW had 150,000 members.

V.

John Dos Passos, one of America’s most widely read 20th-century writers, would later refer to Everest, a World War I vet, as a “sharpshooter,” alleging that he fought in the trenches of France. In his landmark novel 1919, Dos Passos claimed that Everest earned “a medal for a crack shot.” Elsewhere, Dos Passos made Everest sound like Daniel Boone, writing of the veteran, “His folks were of the old Tennessee and Kentucky stock of woodsmen and squirrel hunters.” Others have traded on the salacious tale that Everest married and fathered a child with Marie Equi, an Oregon lesbian, physician, and Wobbly icon.

None of this was true. Everest was a hard-luck case and a nobody who, by odd twists of fate, found himself at the center of a historic street battle on Armistice Day. He grew up on a farm in tiny Newberg, Oregon, and his life was shaped by trauma. His father, a schoolteacher and postmaster, died before Everest was even a teenager. In 1904, when he was 13, Everest’s mother was thrown from the seat of a horse buggy. Her head hit a rock and she died hours later, leaving behind seven orphans. “We children were distributed among aunts and other relatives,” his younger brother Charles wrote in a 1977 letter that offers one of the few original accounts of Everest’s life.

For Everest, the third-oldest child, the fatal accident gave way to an unsettled existence. At first he lived on a great-aunt’s farm outside Portland, and then, when milking cows no longer agreed with him, he ran away. He wasn’t yet 15. “I do not know where he went or what he did,” Charles wrote, “but I heard he was felling timber in the woods at age 17.” Charles didn’t see his brother again until 1911, when Everest got a job on the railroad near where Charles lived. “He worked a short time,” Charles wrote, “and disappeared.”

Everest was working for the IWW by the age of 21. In 1913, he was on Oregon’s southern coast, in the village of Marshfield, organizing a logging strike summed up eloquently in a headline that appeared in The Coos Bay Harbor: “35 Men Refuse to Work in Deep Mud. Strike for Less Hours and More Pay.” The six-week campaign failed. Along with another Wobbly leader, Everest was escorted out of town by what The Coos Bay Times called a “committee” of 600 armed citizens—a group that included “practically every businessman in Marshfield.” The men dragged Everest through the streets until he was scarcely able to walk. They forced him to kneel and kiss the American flag. They put him on a boat bound for a distant beach. And they advised him to never return to Marshfield, “as he might,” in the newspaper’s words, “suffer greater violence.”

When Everest was conscripted in 1917, it was into a special contingent of the Army that logged spruce for airplanes in western Washington. He stubbornly resisted the lessons of Marshfield. During his 16-month Army hitch, he spent much of his time in the stockade, repeatedly punished for refusing to salute the American flag. “In the mornings,” writes John McClelland Jr., the author of Wobbly War: The Centralia Story, “Everest would be let out of the stockade at reveille when the flag was raised. Everest would refuse to salute whereupon he would be marched back to the stockade for another day.”

Everest arrived in Centralia in the spring of 1919, and he liked to wear his Army uniform around town. It allowed him to blend in, and he likely donned it on a visit to the Elks’ clubhouse, where a group of concerned Centralia citizens gathered that October to discuss the threat of organized labor. He came away convinced that the town’s citizens were determined to shoot up the IWW hall on Armistice Day. “When those fellows come,” he told other Wobblies at their own meeting, “they will come prepared to clean us out, and this building will be honeycombed with bullets inside of ten minutes.”

It was Everest who argued that the Wobblies should arm themselves for the parade. Listening to him make his case, 21-year-old IWW logger Loren Roberts concluded that Everest was “a desperate character. He didn’t give a goddamn for nothing. He didn’t give a damn whether he got killed or not.”

Everest had been right that the Legionnaires were planning an attack. He was wrong, though, about the hall being “honeycombed with bullets.” When Grimm’s men charged, they were unarmed.

VI.

As the Legionnaires forced their way inside the hall, Everest and Ray Becker, the minister’s son, shot wildly, hitting no one. The vets kept coming. Four Wobblies, including Becker, ran to the back porch of the Roderick, where they hid in an unused freezer. Everest kept running, past the porch and into an alley. Men in military uniform sprinted after him. He kept shooting, and this time his aim was good. Ben Casagranda, a Legionnaire and the owner of a Centralia shoeshine parlor, fell to the ground with a bullet in his gut. Another veteran, John Watt, fell beside him, hit in the spleen. Watt would survive; Casagranda would not.

The Legionnaires, who greatly outnumbered the Wobblies, began asking neighbors of the Roderick for their weapons. Some broke into a hardware store, searching for guns and cartridges. A few who were still unarmed followed Everest at a careful distance.

Everest scrambled west down alleyways, through vacant lots, and past horse stables. He was moving toward the Skookumchuck River, less than half a mile from the IWW hall. On the north bank were farms and forests through which he could escape into the mist.

As he ran, Everest stopped every so often to hide behind a building and shoot at the soldiers on his trail. He missed, wasting bullets. When he got to the river, it was swollen with autumn rains and moving too quickly to cross. Everest was trapped.

The Legionnaires began asking neighbors for their weapons. Some broke into a hardware store, searching for guns and cartridges.

F.B. Hubbard’s nephew, Dale, lumbered toward him, pointing a pistol at Everest as two other Legionnaires hurried to assist. He instructed Everest to drop his gun. Like Grimm, Dale Hubbard had played football at the University of Washington. He’d served in France, with a division of forestry engineers, and gotten married a month earlier. He was 26. He’d borrowed the pistol he was holding from someone he’d encountered en route to the riverbank. The gun didn’t work, though—Dale was bluffing.

Everest didn’t know this, and he likely regarded Dale’s steady pointing of the weapon as a death threat. Still, he didn’t acquiesce to the command that he drop his pistol. Instead, according to legal papers, Everest hurled “defiant curses” at Dale. When Dale moved toward him, Everest fired repeatedly, wounding Dale repeatedly. Dale fell to the ground. He would die that night. 

Everest had just shot a veteran in front of two other soldiers, and his gun was now out of bullets. He tried to reload, but Dale Hubbard’s allies tackled him. The Legionnaires kicked him in the head, drawing blood. When he refused to walk, they strung a belt around his neck and dragged him a mile to the Centralia jail.

The assault on the IWW hall.

VII.

As Everest was hauled through town, no one asked questions. Instead, a crowd grew around him, convinced he was evil, and eventually he found himself “in the vanguard of a howling, sneering mob,” one witness wrote decades later in the Chronicle. “His head was a bloody mass of welts from both men and women who dashed out sporadically from the curb to pummel him with their fists.”

Someone in the mob threw a hangman’s noose around a light pole, according to one eyewitness. Everest was led beneath it. As he stood waiting for his end, he berated the crowd, calling them “cowards, rats, and Hubbard’s hirelings.” As the crowd aggravated for the Wobbly’s demise, an elderly woman intervened and begged Everest’s tormenters not to hang him.

Soldiers lifted Everest off the ground by his neck and feet like a sack of potatoes. They tossed him into a jail cell. As he lay in a pool of blood, squads of Legionnaires combed the streets of Centralia looking for other Wobblies. The IWW hall had been ransacked and destroyed. Mobs burned the Wobblies’ furniture in the street, along with piles of books and labor newspapers. They tore a porch off the side of the Roderick, prompting the building’s worried owner, Mary McAllister, to hastily install an American flag in her window lest the whole place be leveled.

Across the street, O.C. Bland wrapped a towel around his bloody hand. He left the Arnold Hotel, crossed Tower Avenue, and walked east, hoping to convalesce at a friend’s. When he reached Seminary Ridge, he encountered Davis, the crack Wobbly gunman who had likely killed two people that day. The Legionnaires were searching for him. When The New York Times reported on the hunt the following morning, it wrote that the servicemen “searched the highways and byways for all suspicious persons and then sent out parties into the timbered country around the city.”

When they could not find Davis in the open air, the Legionnaires stormed a seedy, smoky pool hall. According to the Times, they “lined about 100 persons against the wall and searched them.” Sixteen men carrying IWW cards were arrested. At least 25 alleged Wobblies ended up in Centralia’s jail alongside Everest.

At 5 p.m., Centralia’s Elks and Legion Post #17 gathered for an emergency meeting in the Union Loan & Trust Building. They adjourned briefly to return home for their guns, then convened again to devise a plan of action, booting anyone who was neither an Elk nor a Legionnaire from the room.

Shortly after the men emerged at 7 p.m., they arrived at the jail in a caravan of six vehicles, each of which had its headlights switched off. The men occupying the vehicles had no problem getting inside. The jail was guarded by a lone watchman, and they were operating under cover of darkness—someone, possibly Centralia’s mayor, had managed to temporarily cut the electricity flowing from the town’s power plant.

“The first person to enter the jail was F.B. Hubbard,” Esther Barnett Goffinet, daughter of Wobbly Eugene Barnett, wrote in her 2010 book, Ripples of a Lie. “Someone in front of the jail turned their headlights on and Hubbard yelled, ‘Turn off that light! Some IWW son-of-a-bitch might see our faces.’” 

It’s not clear that Hubbard actually said this—or that he was even at the jail that night. Goffinet’s source was a pair of affidavits given several years later by two Wobbly prisoners with an ax to grind. Still, the vignette gets the deeper story right. Working his connections and exercising his clout, Hubbard had spent much of 1919 quarterbacking Centralia’s war against the red scourge. Now his ugly hopes were coming to fruition.

The posse dragged Everest outside, where a crowd of about 2,000 people were now “swarming like bees,” the Tacoma News-Tribune reported. “They were rough men, angry, scornful men whose pockets bulged menacingly with the weapons they made small effort to conceal.” Some in the crowd wanted every single Wobbly in Centralia to hang. They shouted, “Lynch ’em!”

The caravan moved west, bound for the broad Chehalis River. Everest was defiant. “I got my man and done my duty,” he said, not specifying which of his victims he intended to kill. “String me up now if you want to.”

Men who were never charged in court knotted a noose to a crossarm of a bridge over the Chehalis. They put it around Everest’s neck and let him drop. A moment later they heard a low moan and knew that Everest was still alive—they’d flubbed the hanging. They pulled him up. They found a longer rope and let Everest drop again. This time his neck snapped. When at last his body went limp, the vigilantes in the caravan turned their headlights on so they could take aim. They shot some 20 or 30 bullets into Everest’s corpse.

They left his body dangling. Early the next morning, November 12, someone cut the rope. That evening, the Seattle Star reported, Everest’s corpse “was dragged through the streets. The body was taken to the jail and placed in a cell in full view of 30 alleged IWW prisoners.” 

“The sight was intended as an object lesson not only for the prisoners huddled in their cells,” the Star noted, “but to all men who fail to respect the men who fought for the United States.”

VIII.

In the lyrics to a 1920 song titled “Wesley Everest,” Wobbly Ralph Chaplin channeled Christ’s crucifixion as he envisioned the activist hanging from a noose. “Torn and defiant as a wind-lashed reed,” the song goes, “a rebel unto Caesar—then as now—alone, thorn crowned, a spear wound in His side.” In The Centralia Conspiracy, a book published the same year, Chaplin burnished Everest’s martyr status by suggesting that his killers had castrated him. “In the automobile, on the way to the lynching,” Chaplin writes, “he was unsexed by a human fiend, a well known Centralia business man.”

The story of Everest’s castration is arguably the most remembered detail of the Centralia tragedy. It is so widely accepted that Howard Zinn presented it as fact in A People’s History of the United States. The story is likely bogus, however. In a meticulous 1986 essay, Wesley Everest, IWW Martyr, author Thomas Copeland makes clear that, in late 1919, not a single report—from journalists, from Everest’s fellow Wobblies, or from the coroner—mentioned castration.

Still, Chaplin’s mythmaking is nothing compared with the stagecraft of the trial that ensued after the Armistice Day violence. In early 1920, in a courthouse in Montesano, Washington, 11 Wobblies stood accused of committing murder during the shootout. To intimidate the jury, Hubbard’s company joined other citizens in paying 50 World War I veterans $4 a day to sit in the gallery dressed in uniform. Outside the courtroom, the soldiers enjoyed free meals at Montesano’s city hall and met trains to discourage IWW supporters from disembarking.

The troops camped outside the courthouse for two weeks and stirred such fear that two jurors secretly carried guns.

The judge presiding over the case, John M. Wilson, refused to let the jury consider the buildup to the shootout—the 1918 attack on Centralia’s IWW hall, for instance, and the October meeting at the Elks Club to discuss the “Wobbly problem.” Prosecutor Herman Allen, meanwhile, turned the proceedings into a circus. Mid-trial, Allen summoned assistance from the Army as what he called a “precautionary measure” against Wobbly violence. Eighty enlisted men were dutifully sent to town. The troops, who arrived armed, camped outside the courthouse for two weeks and stirred such fear that two jurors secretly carried guns in case of a Wobbly attack. Their fear was unfounded, however. Nobody on the union’s side was calling for an uprising in Montesano. In fact, leftist protestors stayed away from the heavily patrolled town.

For the Wobblies on trial, there was one sliver of light: Davis, the stranger who’d probably killed two Legionnaires, had escaped. Somehow, despite extensive searching, Davis had vanished, never to be found. The only other Wobbly known to have killed anyone was Everest, and he had been lynched. As it sought payback for the death of four Legionnaires—Grimm, Hubbard, Casagranda, and McElfresh—the prosecution offered a tenuous argument that the defendants were to blame.

Allen tried to build a case that Wobbly Eugene Barnett, not Davis, had leaned out the window of the Avalon Hotel to kill Grimm. Credible testimony, however, suggested that Barnett wasn’t even in the Avalon when the shooting broke out; he managed to wriggle free of first-degree-murder charges. In the end, the jury zeroed in on the planning that had gone into the Wobblies’ armed resistance, and found seven men, including Barnett, Ray Becker, O.C. Bland, and Britt Smith, guilty of second-degree murder. Each received a 25-to-40-year sentence.

Wesley Everest

IX.

Wesley Everest, Warren Grimm, F.B. Hubbard—indeed, everyone who walked the streets of Centralia in 1919—were bit players in a larger drama. Throughout American history, corrupt power had always found a way to justify cruelty by reframing truth and instilling fear. In 1830, when Andrew Jackson forced thousands of Native Americans west along what became known as the Trail of Tears, he asked, “What good man would prefer a country covered with forests and ranged by a few thousand savages to our extensive Republic, studded with cities, towns, and prosperous farms?” In Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court enshrined white supremacy under the false promise of separate but equal.

In the case of Centralia, the shootout shook an already anxious nation. Three days after it happened, The New York Times ran an editorial declaring that the incident “has probably done more than anything else to arouse the American people to the existence, not of a menace to their Government, but of human miscreants from whom no life is safe, however humble.” The Red Scare would die out in 1920, when the Justice Department lost face by issuing warnings about a May Day anarchist uprising that never happened. Still, Centralia left its imprint. A new suspicion had wormed its way into the back of the American mind. Citizens opposed to leftist politics now harbored a heightened sense that evil could emerge anywhere, even in the streets of a small town in the woods.

Centralia also afforded young J. Edgar Hoover an opening. At the time, Hoover was still living with his parents, but in the wake of the Armistice Day tragedy, the world opted to take him seriously. He ran with it. In a memo, he asked an aide to “obtain for me all the facts surrounding the Centralia matter.” The following month, four days before Christmas, at 4 a.m. in the frigid darkness, Hoover showed up at Ellis Island. The 249 Russian dissidents he had rounded up were herded toward a creaky old troopship that would carry them back to the Soviet Union. Soon, Hoover began compiling a file on Isaac Schorr, the activist lawyer who represented many Ellis Island detainees. Then, on January 2, 1920, Hoover orchestrated his biggest set of raids yet. This time, at least 3,000 suspected communists were captured in more than 30 U.S. cities—all on the same evening.

In time, Hoover became the most prominent reactionary public official in America. Instrumental in the FBI’s founding, he directed the agency for 48 years and kept secret files on thousands of Americans. When a reporter once asked him whether justice might play a role in addressing the civil rights movement, Hoover responded coolly, voicing words that might have played well in Centralia in 1919 (and the nation’s capital today). “Justice,” he said, “is merely incidental to law and order.”

Throughout the 1920s, a dedicated and conscientious Centralia lawyer, Elmer Smith, tried to fight Hoover’s law-and-order approach. He led a campaign to free the Wobblies convicted of conspiring to murder Legionnaires on the first Armistice Day, and he did so with such flourish that he once drew 5,000 people to a speech in Seattle. That day, Smith argued that the Northwest’s lumber barons, having sent the Centralia Wobblies to jail, also had the power to free them.

Smith got no judicial traction, though. The Wobblies languished in prison. One of them, an Irishman named James McInerney, died of tuberculosis in 1930 while behind bars. The following year, Eugene Barnett was allowed to go home to nurse his wife, who was sick with cancer. O.C. Bland was paroled soon after, and in 1933, Washington’s then governor, Clarence Martin, granted parole to three more Wobblies.

Only Ray Becker, the minister’s son, remained behind bars. Bitter, paranoid, and holding firm to his anti-capitalist convictions, Becker refused to seek parole. Instead, he wrote handwritten pleas—to newspapers and also to a judge—as he sought admissions of guilt from everyone he believed had conspired in framing him for murder. Becker did not leave jail until 1939, when Governor Martin announced that, after 18 years, he had served his time.

X.

The legacy of the Centralia shootout is still palpable in the town. In the center of its main green space, George Washington Park, fronted by a long, regal concrete walkway, is a bronze statue erected in 1924. The Sentinel features a helmeted World War I soldier, his lowered hands gently wrapped around the barrel of a rifle. An American flag flutters high on a pole behind him, and an inscription on the statue’s side honors Warren Grimm and the three other soldiers “slain on the streets of Centralia … while on peaceful parade wearing the uniform of the country they loyally and faithfully served.”

Not 200 feet from The Sentinel’s patinated nose, on the exterior wall of the Centralia Square Hotel, is a bright mural titled The Resurrection of Wesley Everest. Awash in splashy oranges and yellows, installed by artist Mike Alewitz in 1997, the mural depicts the lynched Wobbly with his arms held high in victory. Flames crackle beneath him; they signal, Alewitz has said, “discontent.”

When I visited Centralia not long ago, I stayed at the Square Hotel, so that every time I stepped into the street I found myself crossing the energetic force field between the statue and the mural. It was pouring rain most of the time I was in town, so usually I hurried, intent on staying dry and on ducking the bad municipal feng shui achieved by the memorials’ counterposition.

Once, though, heading out for an interview near the former home of the IWW, I paused in the space between. I watched as the flag above The Sentinel was pelted by steady rain. The shootout in Centralia was a fight over what that flag meant. One side wanted an America that was fair and equitable, framed by the right to free speech and steeped in justice for all. The other was mesmerized by the battlefield glory that the flag represented, the legacy of bloodshed knitted into its stars and stripes. In their opinion, such a legacy demanded obedience. It was worthy of vigilant defense, and if marginal citizens did not behave like 100 percent Americans, well, it didn’t matter if they got trampled.

Standing there, I wanted to believe that in the 101 years since the Centralia shootout, the Legionnaires’ cruel patriotism had withered away—that the intervening century had delivered the nation to a gentler, more humane outlook. But I knew that wasn’t completely true. In recent years, Donald Trump had resurrected the exclusionary nationalism of the early 20th century, justifying racist and xenophobic policies under the banner of making America “great” again. At the same time, a socialist was a legitimate contender for president—twice—and Black Lives Matter grew into the largest social justice movement in U.S. history. There was still hope, but it had to be nourished.

The rain picked up. I was running late. I hurried north toward the scene of battle.


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