Welcome to Dog World!

My job was to make tourists believe they were seeing the “real” Alaska. Then things got real.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 49


Blair Braverman’s work has appeared in Buzzfeed, Orion, High Country News, The Best Women’s Travel Writing, and elsewhere. Her first book, Welcome to the Goddamn Ice Cube, is forthcoming from Ecco/HarperCollins. She trains and races sled dogs in northern Wisconsin.

Editor: Joel Lovell
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Christopher Swetala
Images: Blair Braverman, Kevin Ellis/Metro DC Photography
Video: Ken Carlisle, Kevin Ellis/Metro DC Photography

Published in June 2015. Design updated in 2021.

Dog World was perched atop a glacier near the edge of an icefield the size of Rhode Island. The only reasonable way to get there was by helicopter, and eight times a day they came in, five birds, loaded with cruise-ship tourists who’d spent $500 to go “flightseeing” over the icefield and then set down on the glacier for a dogsled ride—a taste of Real Alaska.

At first, from the helicopter, the only thing they’d see was the sweeping ice, smooth and white, punched through with mountaintops. If they had never been there before, the sight was near religious, something to bring them to tears. The pilots were instructed to play Enya on repeat, piped directly into their passengers’ headphones—music the tour company believed was a properly swooning soundtrack for the otherworldly vista below.

We lived there from May to September—I and nine other musher guides, a few staff, and 200 huskies—in a cluster of canvas tents and plastic igloos. Our job was to provide a luxury experience: all the thrills of a glacier with none of the discomfort, either physical or mental, that comes with the terrain. It wasn’t that our efforts were secret; they were just invisible. We cleaned the kennels constantly so that tourists would be spared the sight of a single lump of dog poop. We raked up fur that collected on the snow and piled it behind the tents in an enormous mound we called the woolly mammoth. Sometimes we had to be creative: If my dogs’ eyes got sore from the sun, I’d put mascara around them to minimize reflected light. “Those dogs must be related,” the tourists would say, admiring the huskies with big black circles around their eyes, and because it was easier than explaining, I let them believe it.

Nothing was meant to live on the glacier, and the longer I stayed, the clearer this became. Yet somehow we all got used to it. We no longer jumped at the gunshot crack of an avalanche on a sun-warmed afternoon. Turquoise lakes a half-mile wide formed and vanished overnight. As the surface snow melted, the foundation under our camp sank steadily away, and we’d wake to find our tents, which were on skis, perched atop pedestals of hardened snow. On rainy weeks, we gave up the dream of staying dry. At night, when I undressed, my waterlogged, sunburned skin fell off in white strips, which I’d toss to the nearest dogs, who sniffed them and turned away. I wrapped my fingers in duct tape to keep my shredded skin in one piece when I shook hands with tourists. When it was foggy we probed for crevasses, working a tight grid through camp, pushing aluminum poles into the snow until our palms blistered and our muscles burned. I never saw a big crevasse, but sometimes turquoise cracks split the snow. They were usually small, just a few inches across, and when I crouched close and peered into them they seemed to extend down forever.

The camp was a closed system: If we ate cherries for lunch, we’d be picking the pits out of the outhouse pump two days later (and getting a lecture from our manager about not swallowing pits in the first place). All human and dog waste had to be packed into barrels and flown to Juneau in a sling that dangled beneath the helicopters. On a bad day, we called it the Goddamn Ice Cube. On a good day, Summer Camp on the Moon.

But if the camp was a closed system, then the tourists, with their camcorders and designer sunglasses, existed outside of it. Our job was not to give them a peek in but to build the walls of their fantasy so solidly that they could not see anything else—to reassure them that even though they were on a glacier, nothing was dangerous, all was good, and everything was under control.

Our days started at 6 a.m. sharp and lasted until early evening. Most of my time was spent guiding the tourists. Each of the eight daily tours consisted of an orientation, a lap around a two-mile trail, and a chance to pet the dogs. My groups were often surprised that their guide was a young woman, and when I first arrived on the glacier I had taken pride in disarming them with my enthusiasm and knowledge. I praised their adventurousness, offered expertly timed confessions (“I was terrified on my first helicopter ride, too!”), took photos with their cameras and let their kids stand in front of me on the sled runners, pretending to drive. At first the performance was exciting, a chance to play the role of my bravest, brightest self. But with time my end of the conversation solidified into a script, one I could deploy with pristine enthusiasm. I hardly noticed what I was saying.

The tourists were always curious about glacier life, and I did my best to give them what they wanted. I told them about the hummingbirds that stopped by on their way to the moss-covered mountains, but I didn’t tell them about the time a lightning storm closed in on us and I thought for sure we’d all get electrocuted. I told them how strange it was to live in a world almost totally drained of color, but not about the elaborate plans another guide and I had come up with to escape the glacier on foot if we ever needed to. I told them the food was great and the mushers and dogs were like family and I had the best job in the world. Then I’d go back to my tent and cry.

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During my last summer on the glacier, I shared a tent with a girl named Rebekah, who became one of my closest friends. I was 20 years old, a Californian who had fallen in love with dogsledding at a folk school in arctic Norway. Rebekah was a homeschooled 18-year-old from Indiana who had never been away from her family for more than a week and who lived her life, in her words, guided by Jesus Christ and His teachings. She had cherubic curls and a constant sheen of sweat on her pink face; because she was an assistant, not a musher, she always seemed to be running from one chore to the next, fetching this harness or that shovel for whoever called out to her first.

There were a few male mushers at the camp whose teasing had an edge. One evening, Rebekah removed her boots and socks in the community tent to find that her feet had swollen like bread dough and had the pale cast of something left underwater. “That’s trench foot,” said a musher named Chad, who was new to the glacier. (Some names have been changed in this story.) “I saw it all the time in Nam. You’ll have to amputate.”

“If you amputate, you’ll go to hell,” said Dan. He was in his mid-twenties, handsome and popular.

“Shut up, Chad,” another musher said. “You never been to Nam. You’d’ve shit yourself like a baby.” 

None of them were looking at me, so I didn’t say anything. 

That night, Rebekah and I stayed awake longer than usual in our tent. Often we sat in silence, reading young-adult books about the end of the world and trading pieces of trail mix, but that night we talked.  “I just want to go home,” Rebekah said. “Don’t you want to go home?”

She was planning a short trip to see her family, a break to steel herself for the last month of summer.

I nodded but I didn’t answer. I wanted the best for Rebekah, but when she talked about leaving my throat went tight. I was scared that she wouldn’t want to come back. I didn’t know how I could stay on the ice without her.

It hadn’t always been that way. The previous summer I’d loved the job: working with the dogs, adjusting to the spectacular landscape—not to mention getting paid more than I’d ever made before. There were more women around then, three or four female mushers at a time, veterans of major dogsled races who could handle an ice auger like an embroidery needle. I copied the way they talked and dressed, buying my clothes off the men’s rack at the Salvation Army, joking with the pilots, and lifting water buckets between tours so that I’d be strong enough not to wobble when someone tossed me a 50-pound sack of dog food. The other women seemed to belong on the glacier in a way that I—who was torn between a desire for adventure and a deep-seated aversion to physical risk—never would. But they welcomed me. And for a while, as my skin darkened and my arms hardened and I learned not to flinch at the roar and wind of the helicopters, I began to feel more like them, like the tough girl I had always wanted to be. 

But the real difference between those summers for me was that during the first one Dan and I were a couple. Everyone was nice to me when I dated Dan, including, at first, Dan himself. He took me hiking, showed me around Juneau, and wrote sweet notes that he folded up in dog booties and tossed to me across the kennel.

“You’re good on a snow machine,” he told me one night. Then, when I blushed: “What I mean to say is, I think you’re pretty.” 

I lost my virginity to him in a cheap tent in a campground on one of our days off. By the next day, our relationship had changed. Sex seemed to make Dan a different person, focused and cold, insistent even when my body was sore. “You’re not supposed to like it yet,” he told me repeatedly over the next weeks—practice would make perfect. That sounded wrong to me, but I couldn’t argue from experience. I cobbled together boundaries where I could. 

One line was agreed upon: Dan and I would never hook up on the glacier. For one thing, we were disgusting, covered in grease and sweat and a days-old film of dog poop. And sleeping in each other’s tents would risk both our jobs; the company was strict about single-gender living spaces. But more important, there was no privacy on the glacier; nothing you did in your tent belonged just to you. Every thump, every murmur, traveled clearly across the ice from one tent to another. I wanted the other guides to see me as a musher, not a girl. The last thing I needed was for them to hear that.

A few weeks after our first time together, though, Dan slipped into my tent while I was alone, promising that he just wanted to hold me. Before long he was tugging my long underwear off my hips, kissing me even as I pressed my mouth shut. Tensing his arm when I tried to push his hand away. Pulling a condom from his pocket, rolling it on. As soon as I saw it, my heart sank: He had come here for this. I told him I didn’t want to, and he told me yes, I did, he could tell. When I clenched my knees together he shoved them apart. “Shh,” he whispered as I squirmed, no place to pull away between his body and the tent wall. “We don’t want everyone to hear us.”

“Everyone” meant the men on the other side of the canvas. They couldn’t know. I couldn’t face them if they knew. I closed my eyes and let my body go slack. 

When it was over, Dan got up quickly and slipped out through the tent flap. He walked out backward, so that his floating head was the last thing I saw. “Now we can say we’ve had sex on a glacier,” his head said. “Admit it, that’s pretty cool.” 

I grabbed a baby wipe from the box on the floor and rolled over to face the wall.

I wished by then that we had never gotten together, but I didn’t want to confront him and shatter the careful social balance of the camp. The only thing harder than dating Dan on the glacier would be breaking up with him on the glacier. And so for the rest of the summer, I played girlfriend the same way I played dogsled guide, learning the motions week by week, not stopping to think about what it all meant.

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I started college that fall. Dan gave me a framed photo of the two of us, one I couldn’t remember having been taken. He told me I was only going to school to please my parents. What I should do, he said, was follow my heart and come north to live with him. We could drive dogs year-round. I pretended to think about it. I put the photo facedown in my desk drawer and covered it with papers. 

That winter I broke up with Dan again and again, but each time he wrote to me the next day as if nothing had happened, until finally I gave up trying to object. Our correspondence lagged. He was far away, and I distracted myself with things that were closer, adopting a vegan diet, working out for hours every day until I no longer recognized the body Dan had fucked.

It never occurred to me that I wouldn’t go back to Alaska. It never occurred to me that I might not want to. Of course I’d go back to the ice. I didn’t know how else I’d get to be with the dogs, doing what I loved. And for a while on the glacier, I had felt tough. What would it mean about me if I turned back now? 

When I landed in Juneau, expecting to be picked up by one of the company’s support staff, Dan stood by the baggage claim. He greeted me with a hug, said he’d taken the day off to meet me. Of course he had. We were going to have a great summer, he said, without a hint of acknowledgment of our months-long breakup. His certainty made me question my own. Had I misunderstood the whole thing? 

Over the next day, as we waited in town to fly up to the glacier, I told Dan I wouldn’t sleep with him. I told him I didn’t like it when he touched me. I told him I didn’t want to be a couple. But the more I objected, the more he tried to convince me otherwise. “Just give me a reason,” he kept saying.

Later, when he slipped his arm around me in the women’s apartment, I found the only words that had an effect: “I’m not attracted to you.”

“Why didn’t you say so?” Dan said, crossing the room in three steps, smacking the doorframe on his way out. And like that, the matter was settled.

Dan had already arranged for side-by-side kennels and shared days off, which meant that we spent a lot of time over the next weeks, when we weren’t ten feet apart among our rows of dogs, pressed together in a helicopter flying to and from the glacier. We handled this at first by ignoring each other completely. But soon he began upping the ante, talking loudly to other guides about how I was doing my job wrong, how I was unfit to give tours, how the dogs would never listen to my high, girlish voice. I’d enter the kitchen tent to find him questioning the veterinary care I gave my yearlings or scoffing at something he’d overheard me say to a tourist. Once, as he escorted a couple to my sled, I heard him say, “She’s good at acting like she knows what she’s doing. It’s too bad you didn’t get an experienced musher.” But usually when I was within earshot he’d fall quiet. 

I’d seen guides laugh along as Dan mocked the more vulnerable among us. He had been particularly amused by a heavyset couple who had needed snowshoes to get around and ended up quitting early in the season. After they left, he made fun of another new guide, the only black musher, for wanting to be a doctor. Dan teased him even more when he was seen exiting an outhouse with his laptop. Weeks later, that guide was fired.

When Dan aimed his scorn at me and the others followed, I was dismayed but not entirely surprised. What bothered me more was when they harassed Rebekah. Hard-working, cheerful Rebekah, who Chad tried to get to deworm the dogs by inserting the pills rectally. Rebekah, who’d fallen for the idea of Alaska, the idea of dogsledding, and back in Indiana had saved up money from making change in a McDonald’s drive-thru to buy herself a malamute and a husky, which she trained to pull her on Rollerblades. Her dream had been to mush dogs. And by the time she planned to see her family, she’d been on the glacier for two months, more than half the summer, without once getting to drive a dogsled. She kept setting aside time, getting her work out of the way—and somehow, just as she was about to go out on the trail, someone would yell that they needed her to scoop poop or fetch some booties, and the trip would be delayed once again. 

But now Rebekah was about to leave, and she couldn’t see her family without having driven a sled. So I begged an hour off and we hit the trail with enough time for a quick ride before her departure. We had just taken off when five helicopters rounded a distant mountain single-file and then roared into camp, coming down fast on the ice, hot rotors thumping. Moments later, nearly 30 stunned and immaculate cruise-ship tourists stood around the American flag at the edge of the dog yard. 

It was not a scheduled landing. I knew it, and everyone back at camp knew it, but we also knew better than to acknowledge to the tourists that anything was unusual. 

So the other mushers didn’t even glance at each other as they corralled the tourists together with big smiles and shouts of “Welcome to Dog World!” Rebekah and I, partway down the trail, stopped our dogs and watched from a distance. The tourists seemed happy—we could hear the buzz of their excitement—and the guides ran around harnessing dogs and hooking them to their sleds as quickly as they could. The pilots huddled together behind the helicopters. 

It turned out that a sudden storm, a wall of cloud between Juneau and the glacier, had blocked their usual flight path and forced them to forgo the flightseeing tour and make an early landing. Now, from the glacier, the weather looked overcast but by no means terrible; visibility was better than it often was. The pilots decided to continue on schedule. They lifted off in a line, heading back to Juneau. In an hour, they would return to pick up the tourists and drop off the next group. The mushers took off with their tours, and Rebekah and I continued along the trail.

For a while, at least, the ride was lovely—maybe the best I’d had all summer. It wasn’t raining, Rebekah was laughing, and the tourists’ voices sounded from the other trails, where other people were responsible for them. But within 15 minutes another rumbling echoed over the glacier, and a tiny figure in an orange vest zoomed toward the dogsled trails on a snowmobile. This was Malcolm, our manager. We’d been warned about orange vests: They were used to signal urgency. 

Malcolm waved to the tourists as he passed them—“Stunning, isn’t it?”—and then came to a stop next to Rebekah and me. “We’re in trouble,” he said. “The pilots can’t get back.” His voice was higher than I’d ever heard it. “Nobody’s hurt, but the tourists are trapped here now. They’re trapped here.” 

Rebekah was jumping a little on the sled brake. “What should we do?” she said. 

He told us to let the staff know what was going on without alarming the tourists. “Just tell them they’ll be here longer than expected—maybe an extra hour or two until the weather clears. And girls? Try to make it sound like a good thing.”

Rebekah drove fast around the trail, and we were waiting in the kennel by the time the other teams returned. We split up to spread the word: “Great news! You get a longer tour than usual!” While the tourists cheered and rushed to pet the dogs, I sidled up to each musher and whispered an update in his ear. Chad snorted—“Nice one, Blair”—but Henry, an older guide whom I considered a friend, nodded and squeezed my arm before straightening up and returning to his group. I had been hoping that Rebekah would reach Dan before I did, but by the time I’d worked my way over to his kennel she was still several teams away, giggling sharply and gesticulating to a man in a cowboy hat.

When Dan saw me coming, he led his tourists away from me, toward the lead dogs, who had flopped down in the snow. “This here is Mo,” Dan said. “He’s awesome.” (I noticed he was following instructions: Mo was short for Money, but Malcolm had directed him never to use the dog’s full name, since tourists might interpret it as angling for tips.) When I reached the group, I put on my biggest tour-guide smile and gave them the news.

“Wow!” said Dan. “Why don’t you all pet Mo for a minute?” He walked a few feet off, head down, and I followed. “What’s going on, Blair?”  

I told him the birds couldn’t get back. This was the closest that Dan and I had come to being alone together in two months, and I couldn’t help noticing how familiar he was.

“OK,” he said. He crossed his arms. 

“Just keep them happy for as long as possible,” I said. “I’ll let you know when there’s more information.” 

For just an instant, Dan looked up, and our eyes met. We both took a step back. “Don’t tell me what to do,” he said. “And next time, send Rebekah. At least she knows not to interrupt me when I’m with tourists.” By the time I gathered a response, he had walked away. 

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Back at camp, Malcolm and Nell, our cook, were standing around the satellite phone. They had called the cruise ship to say that the passengers would be late; the captain had agreed to wait three hours, but no longer. Nell was heating a massive pot on the propane stove, preparing cocoa. The goal was to keep things fun for as long as possible. Let the tourists hang out in the kennel, then bring them in for hot drinks. They were making plans for snowmobile rides and a snowman contest. As long as the backup helicopters arrived within an hour or so, there was no reason for the tourists to worry.

But after a half-hour in the kennel, when the weather had not just failed to clear but gotten worse, we brought the tourists into the community tent and fed them cookies. Malcolm broke the news: They were stranded. The helicopters couldn’t make it in. “No,” a man said, “that can’t be. My ship is leaving.” This met with nods of agreement. Then the tourists got angry—at the guides for misleading them, at the pilots for misjudging the weather, at the ship for not waiting. Didn’t we understand that this was a serious inconvenience? A woman had left her infant child with a babysitter. A couple was worried about standing up a dinner date. A few people raised concerns about medication they’d left behind, but their voices were lost in the general despair. 

By that second summer, it seemed to me that the tourists’ unhappiness was a bomb that could detonate at any time, and my job was to keep it from doing so. I had, at that point, spent almost six months giving eight rides a day, eight hour-long rides during which I acted delighted by all things dog and glacier, fascinated by every detail that my passengers cared to tell me about their cruise—a whale that very morning!—and their trip so far, and their relatives stuck at home, and their new Welsh corgi. It all felt so fake. I was still somehow a great guide, as measured by the generous tips and teary hugs I received, and the grateful letters that arrived occasionally, wadded in a pilot’s pocket. But the truth was, the more the tourists loved me, the more I resented them. I blamed them for not seeing through me; their admiration felt like a constant reminder that I didn’t deserve it anymore. By the end of each day, my cheeks sore from smiling, it felt like all I could do was stand in the snow, watching the patterns of light on the mountains, ducking my head at another sexual remark of the kind that, without Dan on my side, I was no longer spared. “Another one, Blair,” a pilot would call, letter in hand. “What are you doing, giving blow jobs?”

Ten thousand tourists passed through the camp each summer, and I had never seen any of them get stuck like this before. But it didn’t really surprise me, either; nothing about the glacier surprised me anymore. I had learned, over months of avalanches and lakes, trench foot and neoprene, to adjust to its changes without question. I stood back and watched the tourists from a distance. They were mostly middle-aged couples dressed in striped raincoats of the type I imagined were sold on cruise ships. A little girl held hands with her mother. Another woman walked in tense circles, pointing her useless cell phone at the sky. For a moment, as I watched the tourists jostle in line for the sat phone, blatant in their desperation to leave, I envied them. And then the moment was gone. The tourists became tasks again, not people—each one simply another item on my to-do list. 

Framing a backcountry emergency as an extended luxury tour is no enviable task, but Malcolm did his best. “We have a cook,” he announced, his voice confident. “We have plenty of food and water.” He laid out his plan for making their unexpected stay as enjoyable as possible, offering them as many dogsled rides as they liked. 

The tourists looked grim, but Malcolm gave them a pleasant nod and then stepped outside, gesturing for the staff to follow. “I don’t care what you need to do,” he whispered once we’d gathered around him. “Just keep them happy. Do whatever it takes. Act like this is the best thing that ever happened to you. And for God’s sake, don’t do anything that could get us sued.” 

The afternoon passed in a haze of card games, the tourists checking their cell phones in vain, the weather reports over the sat phone steadily bleak. At some point, it became clear that they would be staying for dinner. 

Nell, who ran a tight kitchen, must not have been pleased. But she knew how to keep her cool—she had been on the glacier longer than most of us. Nell could work magic with a propane stove, making lasagna, fry bread, biscuits and gravy. In the same way that the guides monitored the dogs’ weight and food intake, Nell scrutinized ours; since I had lost weight over the winter, she had taken to pouring oil over my food. The second a staff member sneezed, she was ready with a mug of hot chocolate and orange Tang, a mixture she swore by for the vitamin C. 

The tourists ate Nell’s dinner—meat loaf, real mashed potatoes, chocolate cake—around picnic tables in the community tent. The staff squatted behind the storage tent, eating sandwiches. We would be ceding our tents and cots to the tourists—we had extra sleeping bags for emergencies—and after dinner Malcolm went tent by tent to make sure the quarters were ready. He’d decided we should call the tourists “guests,” as if they had been invited over for a dinner party and just happened to be spending the night. “Put all your stuff in trash bags,” he said, “and pile it outside. We want to make sure the guests are comfortable.” 

When he reached our tent, Malcolm made Rebekah and me take down the perfume ad we had tacked to the support beams. “We can’t have the guests sleeping under a naked picture of Leonardo DiCaprio,” he said. But when Rebekah reached to take down a photo of a baby at a day care center where she worked back in Indiana, Malcolm stopped her. “Put that somewhere prominent,” he said. “It makes us seem human.”

Rebekah surveyed the empty tent. “Where are we going to sleep?” 

“I really don’t care,” Malcolm said. 

Back in the community tent, the tourists were gathered around the three tables, playing Go Fish and Parcheesi. A few guides hung around outside, sitting on a pair of snowmobiles, not saying much. Every 20 minutes or so, one would take a long breath, stretch a smile across his face, and pass through the tent flap. “Parcheesi! I love Parcheesi! Who’s up next?” Whoever had been relieved would step out of the tent, visibly deflate in the sudden chill air, and collapse onto the empty snowmobile seat. In this way, the tourists were infused with a constant rotation of freshly conjured enthusiasm.

When it was Rebekah’s turn, she stepped off the snowmobile and headed toward the tent. 

“Rebekah,” Chad called after her. 

“What?” 

“Just remember: Jesus hates you.”

After my Parcheesi shift, I didn’t feel like waiting with the other guides, so I began pacing the camp. I wandered over to the kitchen, but I could hear Nell talking to herself, so I walked over to the storage tent, figuring that if anyone confronted me I could say I was looking for something. When I stepped in, I found Chad and Henry sitting close together. They had been whispering but stopped abruptly.

I asked if we had duct tape. Chad looked at me blankly. 

“To fasten a bandage,” I said. 

“Maybe we could use her,” said Henry. “I could use an assistant.” 

“What’s your medical training?” said Chad.

I’d needed first-aid certification to qualify for the job, but when I applied I was living in Norway, far from any official courses. Our limited training at the folk school consisted of a few encounters with classmates who hid in the woods, covered in reindeer blood, moaning over various feigned injuries that we were encouraged to remedy with birch branches and torn strips of T-shirt. Afterward, I made my own certificate. 

“Some medical training,” I said. 

“Good.” Henry lowered his voice. “There’s a woman here, she’s got this blood-pressure thing and her meds are back in Juneau. I’ve been talking to the hospital. They say that if she’s stuck here through tomorrow, we’re going to have to let blood.” 

“Let blood?” I said.

Chad told me they’d find me when they needed help. “The guests can’t know about this, all right?” 

“All right,” I said. It was all I could do to keep my voice calm.

“All right,” said Henry.

They were waiting for me to leave. 

“All right,” I said again. Then I stepped out of the tent and zipped it shut and looked out at the white sea of that endless fucking glacier. 

I thought about going to the kennel next, but I knew the dogs would get noisy and people would notice and I’d need a reason for being there, so I decided instead to figure out sleeping arrangements. There wasn’t much to figure out. The men had claimed the community tent, the storage tent had no floor space, and Nell would have the kitchen, which left the vet tent for Rebekah and me. That was OK. It was far away, at least. I slung our trash bags over my shoulders and staggered through the snow, dumping them just outside the entrance. Then I untied the bags and began rummaging inside. I had my head so deep in one that I didn’t notice when Dan came up behind me. 

He was holding back a dog with each hand, clutching their collars as they stood, panting, on their hind legs. I unzipped the flap and threw my blanket onto the floor. “No room for dogs,” I said. “We’re sleeping here. There’s nowhere else.” 

Dan pushed past me into the tent. When I followed him in, I saw that he had kicked aside my blanket and was making room for the dogs. 

“Why are you doing that?” I said. “We need to sleep here.” 

“The dogs are sick,” he said. 

“The dogs are fine.” 

He didn’t answer. 

“Dan,” I said, “why are you doing that?” 

It struck me that I’d never been afraid of him, not even when he had pressed himself onto me, when he’d hushed my objections. I’d been resigned, unhappy, but never afraid—at least not like I was in a storm or a helicopter. And I wasn’t afraid now, either. Unhappy, yes. Resigned. And here was Dan. It all felt familiar.

“Dan,” I said again, more softly. “Why are you doing that?” 

“Don’t sleep here,” he said. “Sleep with me. We’ll find a place.” 

“I can’t.”

“We could fix all this right now,” he said.

I thought about it. What would be harder, what would be easier.

“I miss you,” he said. He was crying, and the sight of that shocked me more than anything else that happened that day. “You’re different now,” he said. “I miss who you were. You were a better person before. Don’t you remember how happy we were? We could have that back. It’s up to you.”

It was up to me—if only I would sleep with him. The unspoken standing offer, now made clear. 

I’m ashamed now to admit how seriously I considered it: the proposition that things could change, that the animosity, at least, could be over. I tried to remember the feeling of Dan’s mouth on my ear, the heat of his skin against me. Whether those feelings were more or less horrible than the silence, the muttered comments and strained relationships with coworkers, my constant prickling awareness of his whereabouts. It was hard to say. 

“I told Rebekah I’d stay with her tonight,” I said. “Besides, there’s nowhere else to sleep.” 

“We could tell Nell we need the kitchen,” Dan said, and I was caught off-guard by the absurdity of it, the image of Nell wielding ladles to defend her territory, and for a second everything dissolved and we were two people laughing. 

“Fine,” Dan said. “But it’s not going to get better. When you want it to, come find me.”

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We assured the tourists that the helicopters planned to come first thing in the morning, because what else could we do? We had to get to bed somehow. Rebekah and I hooked Dan’s dogs to a cable staked outside the vet tent. We spread our blankets in the small rectangle of floor between plastic chests and stacked dog crates, boxes of Neosporin and Cipro and tea tree oil. There was a folding table with mascara, zinc cream, rolls of stiff new booties. A propane heater hissed in one corner, and the rafters were draped in dark insulating blankets. Within a few minutes of lying down, curled beside each other, the tent had warmed enough to release the strong smell of piss and menthol. It burned the inside of my nose.

I had always liked nights on the glacier, the thin buffer of time between leaving the kennel and falling asleep. Most evenings I’d spend an hour or so grooming trails on a snowmobile, gunning the engine repeatedly to keep the metal grader from catching in the snow. It was an optional job, cold and loud at a time of day when most of the others were settling in after dinner, but I volunteered whenever I could. I’d realized early on that driving the trails was the only time I could be alone. I loved it when a fog came in, when I couldn’t hear voices or dogs and couldn’t see anything but white opening up in front of me, white closing in behind. When I finished the rounds I’d pull up to an empty camp, a silent ghost town with just the faint glow of flashlights showing through tent walls. Rebekah was usually asleep by then, and I’d peel off my clothes carefully, draping the rain shells and long underwear over the half-dozen lines strung from the central rafter. I hung my boots up last, upside down, catching the toes in loops of string so that moisture drained overnight. Then I’d tiptoe through fast-spreading puddles and fall onto my cot, zip my sleeping bag, and exhale. 

Now, in the vet tent, Rebekah was not asleep. I could hear her turning, could make out the tiniest of whimpers. It was black in the tent, the snow’s glow blocked by the insulating blankets—the first real darkness I’d seen in weeks, and even that was unsettling. I whispered, “How are you doing?” 

“My flight,” she said. 

I’d forgotten. “Your parents will understand.” 

She sighed. That wasn’t the point.

“I’m sorry the guys are so mean to you,” I said. It was the first time I’d acknowledged it aloud. “I wish they weren’t.” 

“What do you mean?” Rebekah said.

“You know. Trench foot, Jesus. Everything.” 

“They’re just being guys,” she said. “That’s how they do things.” 

“But it shouldn’t be like that. You shouldn’t have to go home because of them.” 

“I’m going home because I miss my family,” she said. 

Not to escape, like I wanted to.

“They’re meaner to you than they are to me,” Rebekah said. “I mean, if I can say this—Dan is the worst.” She told me how she’d met him at the beginning of the summer, before I’d arrived there, and how he’d said “all sorts of things” about me. “I was pretty nervous to share a tent with you, actually, after what I heard. Then I met you and within five minutes I was like, What was he talking about? ’Cause you were so nice.” 

“No,” I said, trying to make sense of it. According to Dan, we hadn’t broken up yet. I had the odd, sudden sense that Rebekah was embarrassed for me. 

I thought: We were never happy. Neither of us. Of course. 

It took me a long time to fall asleep. I wondered how many of the tourists were also awake, twisting in their borrowed sleeping bags and blinking their eyes against the constant, unfamiliar glow of the icefield. Where was the little girl, and the woman whose blood we might have to let? At the thought of her, my stomach turned. What would we use—a knife?

The tourists were probably uncomfortable, I thought. They were probably scared. They’d wake to realize that they were still here, still trapped—that none of it had been a dream. 

Rebekah and I woke early to the sound of voices. She went straight to the community tent, but I was relieved when Malcolm directed me toward the kennel instead. I spent the morning moving team by team, working to get all the dogs fed. I wasn’t used to caring for the other guides’ dogs, and when one of them nipped my arm, I felt like throwing down the food in frustration. But reaching my own team felt like coming home. I took my time with each dog, rubbing ointment between their toes, kissing the dips between their eyes. Even though it was overcast, I spread sunscreen on the females’ bellies and over the males’ balls, extra protection from the UV rays that reflect off the ice. I took pride in brushing them sleek and stretching their muscles with my thumbs. 

Every so often, heart pounding, I’d peek into the storage tent to get medical updates. There was no news on the woman with too much blood—I figured she must’ve been stable enough to stay with the group, even if her condition was serious. It would be years before I learned that she may never have existed, that the whole bloodletting thing was probably a lie made up to provoke me. 

But if the bloodletting was a lie, other dangers were real. One man was an insulin-dependent diabetic, and if he were stuck on the ice for just one more day, he might slip into a coma. I heard whispered news that a mountain-rescue team was mobilizing back in Juneau, ready to cross the frozen wilderness with ropes and ice picks, carrying insulin in their packs. 

For close to two hours I stayed with the diabetic man, who I guessed was in his mid-fifties. He sat on a cot, breathing slowly, radiating a calm that I envied. I tried to tell him the stories I’d perfected over months of tours—tall tales about dogsledding adventures, arctic weather, cute puppies. He was a patient listener, but the stories felt empty to me. Halfway through a secondhand story about a polar bear encounter, which was one of my standbys, I found myself wishing that I’d never started telling it at all. So instead I took a piece of paper and drew a picture of the man, taking my time. I tried to capture the angles of his broad face, his soft skin. When I finished, he admired the sketch at length, then tucked it into his breast pocket. He took my hand and told me how honored he was to be spending time with such a lovely young woman. I squeezed his hand and felt like a liar. 

When the man fell asleep, I left his tent and went outside. Some of the guides were sitting on the snowmobiles, looking out over the icefield. It took me a moment to realize what they were watching. There was a figure in the distance, heading away from us. “He won’t get far,” someone said. “He’ll either get spooked and come back, or he’ll fall into a crevasse.”

“Who is that?” I asked.

“Chad,” the guides said in unison. One of them added, “Either he’s going for help or he just lost it.”

“Lost it?” someone else said. “What’s to lose?” They all laughed.

Chad waved. I knew he was just goofing off and would come back soon, but he looked so small out there that the idea of watching him horrified me. I thought about going back inside the community tent, but Dan was probably there, so instead I went to the guest outhouse and locked the door. It smelled nice in there, like biodegradable cleanser. I stood with my eyes closed, leaning against the wall, grateful to be alone. But at some point I noticed myself, a sad, foul-smelling girl, hiding in an outhouse, and once I’d noticed that, I couldn’t un-notice it. I squirted sanitizer on my hands and trudged back out into the snow. 

Late in the afternoon we gathered the tourists in the community tent, planning to break the news about a possible second night. They had been remarkably positive all day, playing along with our smiles, bravely agreeing to an umpteenth round of cards. Some of the younger ones had even helped to feed the dogs, hauling buckets of soupy kibble from plastic igloo to plastic igloo. They were trying as hard as we were, but their faces in the tent were solemn. 

That was when we heard the thin rumble, so quiet that at first I thought it was in my head. Everyone froze, listening, and then began to cheer. The tourists rushed out into the snow, clutching their jackets as the birds landed. I stepped back and watched from the kennel, sitting on a doghouse as some guides ushered the diabetic man into the nearest helicopter. Rebekah and the other tourists climbed into the other four.

I don’t remember whether any of the tourists hesitated and looked back. It’s true that earlier a few had made remarks about wanting to stay. “I can’t believe you get paid for this,” they’d said, fantasizing about how, if they could take the summer off, they’d love to come work here. Malcolm took this as a sign of success. But in the moment, midrescue, the dogs were in a frenzy, yelping and leaping on their chains, and the pilots were shouting, and the noise of the rotors drowned everything else. 

I remember this, though: When the helicopters first came into view, all of the guests, as if by instinct, raised their arms, reaching. And without realizing it, I did, too. 

The Desert Blues

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The Desert Blues

In 2001, two unlikely friends created a music festival in Mali that drew the likes of Bono and Robert Plant. Then radical Islam tore them apart.

By Joshua Hammer

The Atavist Magazine, No. 48


Joshua Hammer is a former Newsweek bureau chief and correspondent at large in Africa and the Middle East. He is a contributing editor to Smithsonian and Outside, and his writing also appears in The New York Review of BooksThe New Yorker, the AtlanticThe New York Times MagazineNational Geographic, and many other publications. His fourth book, The Badass Librarians of Timbuktu: And Their Race to Save the World’s Most Precious Manuscripts, will be published by Simon & Schuster in early 2016.

This project was supported by a grant from the Pulitzer Center on Crisis Reporting.


Editors: Katia Bachko and Joel Lovell
Producer: Megan Detrie
Designer: Gray Beltran
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Kyla Jones
Images: Alice Mutasa, Nadia Nid El-Mourad (including cover photo), Jonathan Brandstein, Corbis, Associated Press
Video: Joe Conte/Ola TV
Music: Samba Touré, “Fondora”; Noura Mint Seymali, “Tikifite”; Super Onze, “Adar Neeba”; Lo’Jo, “De Timbuktu à Essakane”; Terakaft, “Alghalem”; Khaira Arby, “La Liberte”



Published in May 2015. Design updated in 2021.

Author’s Note — November 20, 2015

The terrorist attack at the Radisson Blu hotel in Bamako, the capital of Mali, wasn’t supposed to happen. Just a little more than two years ago French forces crushed a ragtag army of a thousand jihadis who had seized control of most of the African country. Opération Serval initially seemed a smashing success: French soldiers killed hundreds of extremists, dispersed the rest deep into the desert, and restored a sense of fragile normality to a region where, for one grim year, music was banned and adulterers were stoned to death.

Since early this year, however, Mali’s home-grown insurgency—which some say inspired the Islamic State—has come back to life. Militants have chased African peacekeepers out of the desert and carried out a series of murderous attacks across the country. On Friday—precisely one week after IS terrorists murdered 129 people on the streets of Paris—Mali’s jihadists carried out their most daring operation yet, storming the gates of the luxury hotel, seizing dozens of hostages and murdering at least 27 people, as of this writing. The hotel was a regular destination for Air France flight crews on the Paris-Bamako route, and some theorized that the act had been carried out in solidarity with IS. Whatever the case, France now appears to be waging war on at least two fronts. And Mali, its former colony, is spiraling again into instability and violence.

I have reported in Mali for more than 20 years, drawn to its vibrant music scene. In 2014, I traveled to the region to understand how the country’s musicians became a target of the Islamist rebels. What I discovered was the story of a friendship between two men who have lived the conflict in the most intimate way imaginable.

—Joshua Hammer

One

When Mohamed Aly Ansar studied international law at the University of Bamako, in the capital of Mali, he spent his days thinking about how to bring development to his impoverished nation. But at night he had a much different dream, one that came to him over and over: He saw himself standing in the middle of the desert near a stage, watching as a helicopter descended. The chopper was carrying the Swedish pop group ABBA, and Ansar was there to receive them.

Thirty years later, on January 12, 2012, a version of that dream came true. Ansar stood on the tarmac at the airport just outside Timbuktu, searching the dark sky for the lights of a private jet. Ansar was the founder of a three-day concert series called the Festival in the Desert, sometimes referred to as the African Woodstock, and on this cool night, he was waiting for Bono to arrive.

Around 8 p.m., the plane carrying the U2 front man alighted on the small runway, and Ansar climbed aboard to greet his guest. He found Bono relaxing on a sofa with his wife and a few friends. The group was excited about the festival, and Bono, dressed as always in black, asked Ansar, whom everyone called Manny, whether he thought Timbuktu was safe.

The situation was fine, Ansar replied. And everything was fine, but he knew more than he was saying, and he didn’t want to scare his guests.

For years, Mali had been among the most stable countries in western Africa, a democratic, laid-back, tourist-friendly oasis. It also had one of the world’s most vibrant music scenes. The Festival in the Desert had flourished since its inception in 2001, and some of the most famous musicians in the world—Robert Plant, Damon Albarn, and other Western stars—had come to play with popular Malian musicians. But things had grown darker in recent months. The Tuareg, a group of nomadic Berbers who periodically rose up against the government in the remote northeast corner of the country, were restive again. Radical Islam, introduced to North Africa in the 1990s, was rapidly gaining converts. And the Arab Spring, which began as a moment of hope in late 2010, had created ethnic and religious chaos that threatened to destabilize the entire region.

Even as Ansar reassured Bono—and it was true that at that moment the city of Timbuktu was enjoying a period of temporary calm—a large group of jihadist fighters were encamped in the desert. Armed with weapons stolen from the armories of the recently murdered Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddhafi, the jihadists had announced their plans to attack the government’s weak army. Six weeks earlier, three Europeans had been kidnapped and a fourth killed at a hotel in Timbuktu. Ansar didn’t mention his fear that his famous guest might be abducted.

Bono and his entourage boarded a guarded convoy of four-wheel-drive vehicles and drove to the festival grounds outside Timbuktu—a wide, sandy tract bordered by white domed tents. Troops patrolled the dunes outside the festival grounds, scanning the horizon for suspicious movement. As the crowd of 7,000 braced against the cold night air, Ansar escorted Bono to a VIP box. After an hour, Bono retired to a French-owned luxury guesthouse, where he was guarded by a dozen troops. The next day, he took a hike alone past the military perimeter and into the dunes while Ansar waited anxiously in a tent on the festival grounds.

That evening, Tinariwen (pronounced tee-na-ree-wayn), the festival’s headliner, took the stage. The band was composed of former Tuareg rebels who had achieved international fame with their haunting music, known as the desert blues. The group had formed in exile in Libya during the 1980s, and their music was deeply rooted in the Tuareg’s turbulent history: Like protest singers in the United States during the Vietnam War era, the musicians gave voice to an angry, alienated generation. They sang not about peace but about war, a fight for the dream of an independent Tuareg nation, which they called Azawad—“land of pasture.”

The crowd exploded when Bono got up to join the band, dancing and improvising with the singers and guitarists. A few hours later, he boarded his jet and flew to Bamako, in the south, far from the jihadists’ stronghold.

A year later, I sat with Ansar in the garden of a riverside guesthouse in Bamako. He described the palpable relief he felt once his celebrity charge had departed. The festival had been an artistic success, he said, and had even made some money, but there was no time to celebrate. In the weeks before the event, newspapers had predicted that the Islamist rebels would attack and Western embassies had warned that northern Mali was highly dangerous. Ansar knew too well that those fears were well founded. After all, Iyad Ag Ghali, the man who commanded the fighters, had been one of Ansar’s closest friends—and had even inspired the festival that he and his rebels now saw as an affront to their vision for an Islamic state in Mali.

The story of their friendship, sealed by music before it was severed by ideology, is in many ways the story of Mali itself, and of the fractures between radical and moderate Islam that have emerged across the globe. But for Manny Ansar and Iyad Ag Ghali, their estrangement revealed more fundamental questions—about belief and betrayal, and about how well we really know those closest to us.

On January 14, roadies dismantled the stage and fans began the long journey home from Timbuktu. Meanwhile, somewhere in the desert, Ansar’s old friend was rallying hundreds of jihadist fighters. Once everyone departed, Ansar wondered if he had just closed his last festival and whether Ghali would deliver on his threat to destroy everything they had built together.

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Audience members at the Festival in the Desert. Photo: Alice Mutasa

Two

Manny Ansar and Iyad Ag Ghali met for the first time in January 1991, at the villa of a prominent Tuareg politician in Bamako named Baye Ag Mohamed. Four months earlier, Ghali and 45 rebels armed only with knives and hand grenades had ambushed a small army camp in northeast Mali. In close combat, rebels killed nearly 100 people and captured armored vehicles, mortars, and rocket launchers. The attack, the most brutal in a series of them, forced the army to retreat, and Mali’s military dictator Moussa Traoré began negotiations with the rebels.

Government officials and rebel commanders met in Tamanrasset, a large town in the southern Algerian desert. The enemies reached a ceasefire agreement, and the regime brought a delegation of five rebel commanders to Bamako for a round of ceremonial events. Mohamed invited Ghali to stay with him and arranged a meeting with Ansar. 

The roots of the hatred between the Tuareg and the Malian government date to the end of the 19th century, when the French colonial army forcibly occupied the Tuareg’s traditional homeland in the central Sahara. French administrators joined the arid north with the Niger River valley and the southern savanna, both dominated by black Africans, creating an awkward colonial construct they called French Sudan, later known as Mali. It would never be an easy peace, in part because the light-skinned Tuareg traditionally believed that blacks were inferior and kept many as slaves. (Descendants of those black slaves, known as bellah, speak Tamasheq, the language of the Tuareg, but tend not to identify as Tuareg because of the racial divide.) In the 1950s, the colonial administration considered joining the north with the Saharan regions of other French colonies to create a separate Tuareg state, but the idea was abandoned because the territory wasn’t viable without access to the Niger, Mali’s lifeblood.

In 1991, Ansar was working as an administrator for a Norwegian development organization in Bamako. He was also the leader of an association of young Tuareg students and professionals from the Timbuktu region that raised money from European donors to build wells and primary schools in the northern desert.

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In college, Manny Ansar made recordings of traditional Malian musicians. In 2001, he founded the Festival in the Desert to celebrate their music. Photo: Jonathan Brandstein

Ansar and his fellow urban Tuareg didn’t support the rebellion, but they were in awe of the insurgents’ military prowess. “Everyone wanted to see these people who, when they started to fight, put Moussa Traoré in the position of begging,” he recalled. “They were like Rambo. There was something mystical about them.” Some worried that he was committing treason, but Mohamed assured Ansar that the rebels wanted to make peace. 

Ushered into Mohamed’s salon, Ansar laid eyes on the guerrillas for the first time. The men’s hair was long and tousled, their faces sunburned. Though they had done their best to attire themselves properly, with vests, trousers, and button-down shirts, it was clear that they had just emerged from the desert. Tall, slender, and bare headed, with expressive eyes, a wild black mane, and a walrus mustache, Ghali stood out. Ansar regarded him with a mix of admiration and trepidation.

Ansar invited Ghali and his four fellow commanders to a reception at a popular Bamako restaurant. He didn’t know what to expect, but he decided to break the ice with music and had crafted a mix tape of songs by some of Mali’s biggest stars, including Ali Farka Touré, a masterful guitarist and vocalist from the north, and Salif Keita, an albino troubadour from southern Mali. Four of the Tuareg commanders chatted up the female guests and danced, but Ghali sat silent in his chair. “He was closed off, shy, naturally fearful,” Ansar remembered, speculating that he had had little interaction with women before this, or that he had suffered some trauma that made him suspicious and guarded around strangers.  

When the meal was over, Ansar and Ghali retreated to a private room. Ansar told Ghali that because his father was a decorated Tuareg officer in the Malian army, he grew up on military bases and saluted the flag every morning. 

“What made you want to raise arms against the state?” Ansar asked.

Urged on by Ansar’s extroverted nature, Ghali began to talk. For the next several hours, he recounted his tumultuous youth, which followed the contours of Mali’s difficult path. Ghali grew up near Kidal, a dusty administrative outpost of 2,000 people living in wattle-and-daub huts in the shadow of a French colonial fort. 

When Mali achieved independence in 1960, long-smoldering ethnic animosities reemerged. Tuareg, who comprise about 3 percent of Mali’s population of 16.5 million, felt oppressed and ignored by the central government. In 1963, when Ghali was a small boy, Tuareg rebels swept across the desert on camels, seized rifles from government depots, and ambushed government soldiers. The government forces could not defeat the rebels and began to target civilians and their livestock. Thousands of innocents died. Ghali’s father, who served as a guide to the government army, was killed by a Tuareg rebel. And yet, after witnessing the killings of so many of his fellow Tuareg, Ghali, like many of his generation, came to believe that his people’s survival depended on forming their own state. During a devastating drought in the 1970s, government troops stole food donated by international aid agencies and sold it in markets. Many young Tuareg fled into exile, and Ghali left Kidal. “We didn’t believe we had a future here,” he told Ansar.  

He traveled by camel and on foot to Libya and settled in a shantytown outside Tripoli while he looked for work. A photograph of Ghali taken around this time shows a teenager with an Afro and flared jeans poking out beneath an embroidered Arab gown. In Tripoli, in the 1970s, Ghali began to frequent cafés in Tuareg neighborhoods, where a vibrant music scene was preserving the Tuareg culture. Many of the exiles’ songs recalled the rebellion of 1963 and the dream of a separate Tuareg nation. The singers modernized the traditional music of northern Mali, replacing the four-string lute, or teherdent, with acoustic and electric guitars. A typical song declared: 

You should be in the desert 

Where the blood of kin has been spilled

That desert is our country 

And in it is our future.

When Ghali spoke of Tuareg music, Ansar felt the distance between them shrink. As a boy, Ansar had been drawn to Tuareg warriors and their doomed struggle. He had grown up in a desert encampment 75 miles north of Timbuktu, a region of rolling dunes and a few scattered Artesian wells. When he was five years old, a tall bronze man, wearing a purple turban decorated with silver jewelry, arrived at his home. The man wore a traditional white gown, or boubou, from which dangled goatskin bags covered with red and green embroidery, and he carried a teherdent made of wood and leather. He was a griot, an itinerant singer and oral historian who traveled from village to village, telling stories about Tuareg culture and history. The adults laid carpets in the dunes and gathered the family around a bonfire; people from neighboring encampments came to watch the griot’s performance. The griot sang about Ansar’s great-great-grandfather Ngouna, who was the chief of the Kel Antassar clan when the first French soldiers arrived in the Sahara. In the late 1890s, Ngouna led the Tuareg resistance against the French military occupiers; he died in an ambush in the very dunes where the griot performed. 

While he was at university, Ansar had often traveled back to his ancestral home with a reel-to-reel tape recorder, capturing the performances of traditional musicians. He made cassettes of the music and played them for his fellow students back in Bamako. 

While Ansar graduated from college and started working in rural development, Ghali became a mercenary. In 1981, Gaddhafi began recruiting a force to expand Libya’s influence in Africa and the Middle East, and Ghali joined the fight. He spent the next decade in and out of Gaddhafi’s camps, training in Syria and fighting in Lebanon alongside Yasser Arafat’s Palestine Liberation Organization, and later in Chad, where Gaddhafi was trying to unseat the country’s president. 

Whenever Ghali returned to Libya, he lived in a Tuareg military camp near Tripoli. There he met Ibrahim Ag Alhabib, a skinny, brooding man with a billowing Afro. Alhabib’s father had been executed for helping the rebels in 1963. After the government destroyed the family’s livestock, he fled to the Algerian city of Oran, on the Mediterranean. In exile, Alhabib fashioned a guitar out of an oilcan and a bicycle cable. He was a musical omnivore, drawing on everything from the protest music of the Maghreb and Egyptian pop to the desert blues of Ali Farka Touré to Bob Marley, Elvis Presley, and Carlos Santana. The music he composed was often nothing more than a couple of chords and a repetitive phrase. It was austere and haunting, with Alhabib’s unpolished voice imparting a ragged authenticity. 

“They murdered the old folk and a child just born,” Alhabib sang in “Sixty-Three,” one of his early songs:

They swooped down to the pastures and wiped out the cattle

’63 has gone, but will return. 

Before long, Ghali began writing romantic ballads and martial songs for Alhabib and his band, including an anthem that would become the national hymn of Azawad:

Like true warriors we are going to trample on the enemy

Yes, in the name of God, we rise up and begin. 

By 1990, the Tuareg rebels in exile had become disillusioned with Gaddhafi, who promised to provide them with arms and vehicles but never delivered. Ghali left Libya with about 100 rebels and returned to Mali. “We are not bandits, but we want to claim our rights as Malian citizens,” they declared in a communiqué. “Today, these rights are trampled upon by the Malian government, which considers us strangers.”

Ghali’s army soon grew to more than 1,000 men. Their years of fighting for Gaddhafi had created a fierce force skilled in close combat. They seized vehicles from an international relief agency in northern Mali and captured weapons from poorly trained Malian soldiers in the north, who were quick to abandon their bases. 

In the evenings, the rebels gathered to hear Alhabib, and other Tuareg musicians who had joined the fight, play music around a fire. Bootleg cassettes of these sessions circulated throughout the north, attracting more young Tuareg to the insurgency. As Alhabib sang: 

Let the blood boil if it is really in your veins

At the break of day, take your arms and take the hilltops

We kill our enemies and become like eagles

We’ll liberate all those who live in the plains.

For months, Ghali’s men hammered the Malian forces, until the government finally conceded in September 1990 and negotiated the ceasefire. In Bamako, Ghali was stunned by what he found—educated Tuareg like Ansar, with decent jobs, and plenty of black Malians who didn’t want to exterminate the Tuareg. “Before I came here I thought Mali was an evil place,” he told Ansar. “I’ve seen a different reality.” 

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Tuareg rebels in the Malian Sahara, November 1990. Photo: Getty Images

Three

Ghali worked to maintain the ceasefire, but the accord began to unravel. Moussa Traoré’s dictatorship collapsed in the face of nationwide protests in March 1991. The interim leader, a former military man named Amadou Toumani Touré, pledged a quick democratic transition and committed himself to a lasting peace in the north. But many fighters in Ghali’s ranks believed that the instability afforded them an opportunity to wrest more concessions from the new government and urged him to resume their fight. European and American diplomats, as well as representatives from Mali’s powerful neighbor Algeria, warned Ghali that the Tuareg faced international isolation if they picked up their guns again.

Caught between powerful forces, Ghali organized a conference in June 1991 and called upon his new acquaintance Ansar to help him urge their fellow Tuareg to keep the peace. Ghali was waiting at the airport in Tamanrasset when Ansar arrived. The rebel chief brought Ansar to his modest house, introduced him to his wife and daughter, and took him out for a meal. “I’m going to lose the peace, Manny,” he said. Ansar reached out to influential young Tuareg from the north, and soon after, Touré organized a special flight to carry 30 Tuareg tribal chiefs and politicians to Tamanrasset. 

For the next ten days, Ansar met Tuareg leaders from across the country in the grand salon of the Tamanrasset governor’s mansion, urging them to stand behind the accord and persuade the fighters to lay down their arms. In the evenings, he and Ghali walked in the lively streets of Tamanrasset, stopping at small cafés to hear live music. 

One afternoon, Ghali drove Ansar to a dry riverbed in the shadow of the Hoggar Mountains, which rise to more than 9,000 feet. A dozen all-terrain vehicles were parked at a camp, and mutton sizzled on a grill. Ansar sat beside Ghali on a carpet in the white sand, and together they watched low clouds on the horizon glow orange, then purple. Alhabib, Ghali’s friend from the camps in Libya, and Abdallah Ag Alhousseyni, a former rebel-musician from a family of Islamic scholars deep in the Malian desert, set up a rudimentary sound system and played the songs they’d written in exile. As their guitars and raw voices echoed across the riverbed, Ansar drifted back 25 years to songs he had heard as a child.

My God, this is Ali Farka Touré singing in Tamasheq, the language of the Tuareg, Ansar thought. Ghali, too, seemed transported. “All the stress, the rebellion, the attacks were left behind,” Ansar recalled. One of the songs that the group sang was “Toumast,” or “The People,” a call for rebel unity:

A divided people will never reach its goal

It will never cultivate an acacia tree with beautiful leaves

A divided people will lose its way

Each part of it will become an enemy in itself.

Despite Ghali’s efforts the ceasefire collapsed, and Tuareg radicals resumed attacking army posts and camps. In 1992, after the deaths of hundreds more fighters and civilians, Ghali finally persuaded factional leaders to sign a new accord. Funds were set up to support former rebels and compensate victims. Government troops agreed to withdraw from many posts in the north, and hundreds of former rebels joined the Malian armed forces. 

After the new pact was signed, fighters began collecting their weapons. In March 1996, the country’s newly elected president joined Ghali at a ceremonial burning of 3,000 Kalashnikovs in Timbuktu. The weapons were encased in the Flame of Peace monument to commemorate the occasion. Nearby murals painted by local artists depicted Malian soldiers clasping the hands of Tuareg insurgents. For the first time since 1990, Mali was at peace.

The government hailed Ghali as a statesman and a peacemaker and considered various political and military positions for him but ultimately decided that the Lion of the Desert, as many called him, would never be satisfied in a conventional post. “Because he was the biggest fighter, no one was in a position to be the chief of Iyad,” Ansar explained. In the end, Ghali became an unofficial security adviser to the president and a diplomat without portfolio. He worked out of his villa in Bamako and also at the so-called Commissary of the North, located next to the president’s palace, a whitewashed Moorish-style villa perched atop an extinct volcano. He traveled with the president on diplomatic missions to Mauritania, Algeria, Niger, and other countries, and often brought Ansar along. Ghali now wore a Rolex watch, bespoke suits. and finely embroidered boubous, (“He was fascinating to people,” Ansar said, describing the many admirers who showered his friend with gifts), but he didn’t greedily pursue power or wealth. 

Nor did he practice his faith. Ansar prayed five times a day and fasted during Ramadan, but Ghali avoided prayers and never set foot in a mosque. “I was the good Muslim and he was the bad Muslim,” Ansar said. Ghali smoked, was reputed to be a big drinker—though Ansar never saw him touch a drop—and, when they traveled, was often out carousing all night. “People wanted to talk to him in the morning, and he just wanted to sleep,” Ansar recalled. “You could only bother him after 11:30.” 

Ansar frowned on such habits, but Ghali had earned his respect. During the factional fighting that had followed the breakdown of the peace in the early 1990s, Ghali’s men had brutally mistreated a captive, who later died. Ghali was infuriated when he learned of the crime, and he punished his men, he told Ansar. “He was a rebel commander, but he never condoned torture,” Ansar said. “He had a warrior’s code of honor.”

Ansar lived on the outskirts of Bamako, in a large house he had built for his family. (His wife gave birth to a daughter in 1995 and a son five years later.) He often hosted parties at which insurgents turned musicians were regular guests. As the evenings wore on, they would climb a spiral staircase to a rooftop known as La Terrasse des Fêtes, the Party Terrace, and listen to music and talk until dawn. On most Sundays, the friends gathered near the Niger River, a few miles outside Bamako, and held informal concerts hosted by Ghali and Ansar. Here, Alhabib and Alhousseyni would play for hours in the shade of a mango tree, typically joined by two female musicians, one playing the traditional imzad violin, the other the tindé drum.

The two former fighters formed the core of a group that had played together since they met in the Libyan rebel camps. Ansar became their manager, booking them into concert halls in Bamako. The rebellion was over, but they still sang songs about insurgency and the mythic Tuareg nation of Azawad. 

In 1999, the band accepted an invitation to play at a festival near Nantes, France. They chose La Groupe Azawad as their name. and Ansar booked flights and secured passports. They flew to Brussels Airport on Sabena Airlines, but when they arrived they were pulled aside for questioning. The police detained the group in a windowless cell after inquiring what the band, clad in traditional Tuareg veils and robes, were doing in Europe and whether they had sufficient funds. (They didn’t.) Seventy-two hours passed before the authorities finally released them. Alhousseyni commemorated the ordeal with a song: 

We thought we would arrive in paradise with Sabena 

Instead we ended up in prison with Sabena.

Despite the complications, the concert was a resounding success. Immediately after returning to Mali, Ansar decided that the name La Groupe Azawad was too politically charged, and he asked them to find an alternative. The musicians started calling themselves Kel Tinariwen, the People of the Desert, which was soon shortened to Tinariwen. 

Four

In January 2000, Ghali invited Ansar to Intejedit, a remote valley of rocks, reddish sand, and unearthly silence in northeastern Mali. Ansar traveled there by Jeep from Bamako, a three-and-a-half-day journey. This could be Mars, he thought as he drove through the scorched, barren land. The valley of Intejedit was fiercely hot. Barren sand dunes lie to the west, while in the east rose the Adrar des Ifoghas massif, a nearly impenetrable range of eroded sandstone and granite boulders surrounding sandy riverbeds.

Amid this striking scenery, Ghali had organized an event he called the Kidal Festival. Hundreds of Tuareg nomads had pitched goatskin tents around a makeshift stage. They slaughtered sheep and settled in for three days of music, camel races, and a camel “beauty pageant”—all arranged by Ghali to drum up tourism and development in the region. At Ghali’s request, Ansar had brought a Malian television crew to film the event for the national network. 

Ansar and Ghali were inseparable. They watched camels thunder down a sandy path, listened to Tinariwen perform, and soothed an angry Tuareg chieftain who felt that his clan had been shortchanged by the peace agreement. The festival culminated with the “dance of the camels,” featuring a group of Tuareg women draped in black who sat in a tight circle beating drums, chanting, and rhythmically clapping their hands. Tuareg riders in turquoise gowns and turbans led their camels, bearing richly embroidered saddles, in a circle around the women. “He was proud of how well the camels had been trained,” Ansar remembered. “He was proud of his culture and happy to have the chance to show it to me.” At the end, Ghali presented his friend with a large white camel—“the most beautiful animal I had ever seen,” Ansar said—as a token of their friendship. It was, Ghali told him, “the number one camel of Kidal.” 

During his days with Ghali at Intejedit, Ansar began to realize the potential of a commercial music festival in the Sahara, one that would attract Western tourists and musicians and promote Tuareg culture. He envisioned a roving concert series that would take place in a different venue each year and include Tuareg clans across the north, all of whom would share in jobs and revenues.

In January 2001, Ansar joined with members of Ghali’s clan, the Ifoghas, to produce the first official Festival in the Desert, also north of Kidal. Through his development group in Bamako, Ansar persuaded the embassies of France, Germany, and the United States, as well as Mali’s Ministry of Culture, to contribute financing for the three-day affair. The chief of Ghali’s clan organized tents, firewood, food, water, and provisions for the crowd; Ghali himself, a power broker in the region, assured Ansar that he would keep the visitors safe.

At the time, political tensions were roiling. Months earlier a recalcitrant Tuareg rebel and close friend of Ghali’s, Ibrahim Ag Bahanga, had turned against the peace pact and launched a small-scale rebellion near Kidal. Malian officials hoped to use the festival to dissuade Tuareg from joining Bahanga’s uprising. Conferences took place during the day, followed by music at night. One evening, to Ansar’s annoyance, the politicians ordered the producer to delay opening the concert because the meetings were dragging on. 

Ghali used the occasion to carry on his own clandestine peacemaking mission in cooperation with the Malian government. While Tinariwen performed on a makeshift stage in the sand, before Western ambassadors, government ministers, and 2,000 Tuareg men in cerulean robes, Ghali huddled on a dune a few hundred yards away with Mali’s prime minister and Bahanga, trying to talk the rebel leader into laying down his arms.  

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Festival entrance, Essakane. Photo: Alice Mutasa

Five

During the winter of 2002, around the time of the second Festival in the Desert, a friend in the Tuareg community told Ansar that a group of Muslim missionaries from Pakistan had arrived in Kidal, Ghali’s hometown, to preach their version of the religion to the Tuareg there. Mali’s Muslims are predominantly Sufist. Theirs is a tolerant, mystical form of Islam whose adherents venerate Muslim saints and chant wazifas, or the names of God. 

The missionaries who arrived, by contrast, belonged to the fundamentalist Tablighi Jamaat sect, which extols a return to the austere lifestyle led by the Prophet. Members of the group that came to Kidal sleep on rough mats and use twigs to brush their teeth. They spend a portion of every year on overseas proselytizing missions.

“The Pakistanis are up there converting all the former Tuareg rebels,” Ansar’s friend told him. “They’re all becoming devout.” Even Ghali, Ansar learned, was going to mosque now on a regular basis and had expressed keen interest in what these strict Muslims had to say. 

A year later, Ghali invited Ansar to visit him at his home. When he entered, he found Ghali seated on the floor, absorbed in a copy of the Koran. Ansar had never seen him reading the Holy Book before. Soon after, Ghali again summoned Ansar to his home and began to lecture him. He thumbed through the Hadith, the sayings of the Prophet, and told his friend that life is “like a waiting room in an airport when you are in transit,” a brief interlude before the “real journey” begins. “You had better be prepared,” he admonished. Ghai pressed Ansar to cancel the Festival in the Desert. It was a “materialistic pursuit,” he said, that “won’t speak well for you before God after you are dead.” He handed Ansar a book about the proper way to pray and urged Ansar to read the book and put it into practice. 

Ansar fended him off gently, defending the festival as a source of much needed hope and jobs. “Leave me alone for five more years, and when I turn 50, I’m going to stop everything and follow your advice.”

“No, that’s too late,” Ghali replied. “You don’t know if you’re going to die today.” 

Soon after, Ghali invited Ansar to meet him at a Salafist mosque. Salafism is a radical branch of Islam that worships the Prophet and his original followers, the salaf, or ancestors. Ansar arrived to find Ghali seated on a mattress in a small prayer room, a stubbly beard forming on his cheeks. Delighted that Ansar had come, Ghali suggested that he spend the entire weekend there. Ansar looked at the cramped cubicles, the dirty mattresses, the bearded acolytes, and politely declined.

Ghali had given up his rich diet of lamb and couscous, his bespoke suits and embroidered boubous. He seemed to subsist on nothing but milk and dates, and he dressed in a white djellaba, a long Middle Eastern robe, and short trousers that ended well above his ankles, as favored by fundamentalist Muslims. He removed all photographs and paintings from his house, made his wife wear the veil known as the hijab, and kept her confined to home. And he began giving away his prized possessions, handing his expensive Rolex watch to another former Tuareg rebel. Ghali confided to Ansar that he was saying “twice as many prayers” as those required by Islam, because “of all the things I have done that I regret.”

Ansar was mystified by his friend’s devotion but tried to remain open to it. “He was always smiling,” Ansar said, “like a child.” 

“You must not lose yourself entirely in religion,” Ansar told him. “You were the one who created these problems for the state and for the society, so you have to stay in charge, to maintain the peace.” 

Ghali waved him off. 

When I spoke with Ghali’s old musician friend Alhousseyni of Tinariwen, he told me that Ghali “began to lose his friends, his acquaintances, and he became solitary. He entered a different world.”

In 2003, Ansar moved the festival across the Sahara to Essakane, west of Timbuktu, a remote and otherworldly sea of dunes that served as a traditional gathering place for his clan, the Kel Antassar. The British guitarist Justin Adams arrived to play with Tinariwen, whose first album he had recently helped produce. Adams was joined by Led Zeppelin’s Robert Plant, who jammed with Tinariwen and Ali Farka Touré before an audience that included hundreds of foreign tourists. Thanks to Plant, the festival drew media attention around the world. It also produced some awkward encounters. Vicki Huddleston, who had just arrived in Mali as the new U.S. ambassador, reached Essakane on the festival’s first afternoon. Huddleston made her way to a section reserved for diplomats and briefly inspected her designated tent, marked by an American flag flying out front. When she returned late in the afternoon, she noted with puzzlement that the flag had been removed. 

“Is somebody in there?” Huddleston’s public affairs officer inquired, standing outside the tent.

Out stepped Robert Plant. 

“This is the ambassador’s tent,” the officer said.

“But I am ambassador to the world,” Plant protested, before surrendering the quarters to Huddleston.

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Preparations for the 2003 festival in Essakane, west of Timbuktu. Photo: Nadia Nid El-Mourid

In the spring of 2003, an organization calling itself the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat, based in Algeria, kidnapped a group of European tourists—most of them German—on a desert highway and led them on a punishing hike south through the Sahara, to the Adrar des Ifoghas massif.

Mali’s president, Amadou Toumani Touré, realized that he had a radical Islamic threat inside his borders and reached out to Ghali for help. The leader of the group, a former Algerian paratrooper who called himself El Para, offered to free the hostages in exchange for a ransom from the German government, and Touré asked Ghali to make the deal. 

Surrounded by barren hills, the Tuareg negotiator and the Arab terrorists sat on blankets in a dried-out riverbed and discussed terms. El Para agreed to a five-million-euro ransom, and Ghali delivered the money, flown down from Germany in a government jet, in a batch of suitcases. The hostages were freed immediately, earning Ghali the goodwill of both the Malian government and the jihadists. 

Soon after, Huddleston met with Ghali in Kidal. Huddleston and other American officials worried that the Germans’ five-million-euro payment would enable the Saharan radicals to buy weapons and recruit jihadists. They were also concerned about Ghali and his flirtation with fundamentalism. In 1998, John Walker Lindh, a young American, had traveled with preachers from Ghali’s sect, Tablighi Jamaat, to Pakistan and soon joined the Taliban. Zacarias Moussaoui, the only person charged in the United States for the September 11 attacks, regularly attended a Tablighi Jamaat mosque in France. 

For half an hour, Ghali and the ambassador talked about the state of things in the north and the importance of keeping the Tuareg at peace for the sake of development. Huddleston noted his piercing eyes and full beard, the flowing white robe and intricately folded head scarf typically worn by Tuareg. He looked, she thought, like a classic desert warrior. When she pressed him about possible ties with Islamic terror groups, Ghali assured her that he had no interest in their cause.  

Vieux Farka Touré performs. Video: Joe Conte/Ola TV

Six

As the festival grew, Ansar began to believe that it could help unite all of Mali through music. Although he was growing distant from Ghali, he took solace in the fact that the festival that Ghali had inspired was providing jobs to Tuareg and establishing Timbuktu as an international tourist destination. Western journalists and diplomats were praising Mali as a symbol of hope and freedom on a deeply troubled continent. And stars from around the world were clamoring to appear at Essakane.

Around 2007, Ansar began receiving warnings from Tuareg elders that a new movement of Islamic jihadists in the Sahara, Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, viewed the festival as an abomination. The group was made up of some of the same Algerian jihadists whom Ghali had first encountered in 2003, when he negotiated the release of the European tourists being held by El Para. “They are saying that you’re spreading debauchery, that you’ve created some kind of Sodom and Gomorrah in Essakane,” he was told. And yet, AQIM never attacked the festival, and the radicals—who had begun seizing Western tourists and aid workers across northern Africa and holding them for ransom—never attempted a kidnapping in or around Essakane. When I asked Ansar why, he said he couldn’t be sure, but he believed that his longtime friend was quietly protecting it—and him—from violence.  

Outsiders, meanwhile, had little idea of the tension behind the scenes. I visited the Festival in the Desert in 2008, at the height of its popularity, when 8,000 people came to Essakane, a quarter of them Westerners. Tourists in safari jackets filled the sandy streets of Timbuktu. They flooded the markets and packed their rented Land Cruisers with tents, coolers, bottled water, food, first-aid kits, extra fuel, GPS devices, and other supplies for the two-hour journey down a rough track through the desert.

The festival was a grand, unforgettable scene. White canvas tents and traditional nomadic dwellings stitched together from the hides of goats dotted the wind-rippled white dunes. After a day in the heat and a communal meal with a party of young Australians on a months-long trek through Africa, I fell asleep in a tent before midnight. Two hours later, awakening to an infectious guitar phrase, I scaled a 50-foot-high dune overlooking the floodlit stage. I lay back on the cool sand, stared at a sky filled with stars, and let the hypnotic vocals and guitar licks of Ibrahim Ag Alhabib, Tinariwen’s lead singer, wash over me.

Tinariwen perform. Video: Joe Conte/Ola TV

In late 2008, Ghali informed Ansar that he had accepted a diplomatic assignment to the Malian consulate in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia.

“I want to be close to the Great Mosque of Mecca, where I can pray every Friday,” Ghali said.

Ansar was appalled. He couldn’t understand why Ghali would leave the country for an inconsequential post, especially at a time when Tuareg insurgents were stirring again and radical Islamists had begun kidnapping Western tourists, aid workers, and diplomats in the north. Ghali had recently negotiated on behalf of the government and freed hundreds of soldiers captured by a Tuareg splinter group around Kidal. “God gave you this intelligence, the power to find solutions,” Ansar argued. “You don’t have the right to leave it all behind.”  

Ghali said that he was tired of the internecine warfare between Tuareg factions, and tired of Malian politics in general. He wanted out, and he was searching for a new direction. A few weeks later, Ghali boarded a plane for Jeddah. But after less than a year he returned to Mali, with newspapers reporting that he had been expelled from Saudi Arabia for allegedly making contacts with radicals.

Ansar shrugged off the news. In fact, he would later admit, he was pleased that Ghali had been forced to leave a dead-end job in Saudi Arabia, auguring a possible return to a domestic political role. Ansar continued to regard Ghali as a “great man,” he said, “who had always been respectful toward me, in spite of my resistance to his offers to lead me along the ‘right path.’” He regarded his piety as a good thing, on balance. “I had nothing against someone who transformed himself into a monk,” he would say years later, “to leave behind all the good things in life in order to nourish his faith.”

“Are you sure you’re not heading down the road of violence?” Ansar asked him upon his return. Ghali shook his head emphatically. “We are pacifists,” he said.

When they met again in February 2010 by chance in a roadside restaurant north of Bamako, Ghali was far less warm. Ansar was driving north to the Festival on the Niger, a five-day concert event set on a barge in the river. This time, Ansar said, Ghali stared at him with contempt, offering an unspoken rebuke to his former friend for continuing his passion for music.

It was the last time the two men would see each other, but it wasn’t long before Ansar realized how fully his friend had immersed himself in his fundamentalist faith and violent Islam.

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Fighters from Ansar Dine in the desert outside Timbuktu. Photo: Associated Press 

Seven

In December 2010, Tunisians rose up against President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, a repressive figure whose free-spending wife had come to epitomize institutional corruption. The Tunisian revolution inspired Egyptians to demand the resignation of Hosni Mubarak, who fell weeks later. Soon it was Gaddhafi’s turn. In Benghazi, in eastern Libya, security forces killed many protesters, and rebellion spread. NATO forces, acting on a United Nations Security Council resolution, attacked Gaddhafi’s army. Gaddhafi called on the Tuareg of Mali for help, and several thousand answered his plea. Despite their help, Tripoli fell in late August. In the ensuing chaos, Tuareg looters ripped off the gates of arsenals across Libya and filled their trucks with heavy weapons. Then they headed back across the desert to Mali.

Ghali, meanwhile, was plotting his next move after his disgraceful expulsion from Saudi Arabia. He watched with keen interest as a rebel movement, consisting of secular Tuareg, coalesced in northern Mali. That fall he drove to the camp of the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad, as the group now called itself, and made a bid to become its commander. But Ghali had few diehard supporters left among the Tuareg rebels, some of whom viewed him with suspicion because of his longtime ties to the government; others were repelled by his fundamentalist leanings. The rebels rejected him.

A short time later, in Kidal, Ghali established his own rebel movement, Ansar Dine—Defenders of the Faith—consisting of Tuareg who embraced fundamentalist Islam. Ghali made an alliance with AQIM, whose confidence he’d won years earlier by arranging the five-million-euro ransom for the German hostages. 

Ghali’s new Islamist coalition soon proposed a partnership with the nonreligious Tuareg rebels who were encamped, with their heavy weapons, in the northern desert. The secular rebels were deeply divided. Some viewed the Al Qaeda fighters as criminals, killers, and international outcasts, and wanted nothing to do with them. The majority, however, saw the alliance in opportunistic terms. By merging their men and their heavy arms with AQIM and Iyad Ag Ghali’s Ansar Dine, they would likely roll over the Malian army and achieve their long-held dream—Azawad.

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Iyad Ag Ghali (second from right) with Tuareg fighters. Photo: Corbis

Four days after the Festival in the Desert, on January 18, Ghali and the Ansar Dine rebels attacked an army camp in a remote village in northeast Mali. They overran the compound, then lined up nearly 100 soldiers and civilians and executed them, either by slitting their throats or shooting them in the head. The French government accused Ghali of Al Qaeda tactics. 

“My God,” Ansar exclaimed when he saw his old friend in combat gear, surrounded by armed jihadist fighters, on Malian TV. “He always swore to me that his Islam would never become violent.” 

The insurgents were growing in number, capturing weaponry and moving freely through the desert. In Bamako, mobs attacked businesses run by Tuareg. The president pleaded for calm. 

“Do not confuse those [Tuareg] who are shooting at military bases with those who are living amongst us, who are our neighbors, our colleagues,” he said on state television, but the message didn’t get through. 

“It’s you who have destroyed the country,” one man shouted at Ansar as he was stopped in traffic in downtown Bamako. 

In Bamako, threats against Tuareg intensified. As the situation worsened, Ansar flew with his family to Ouagadougou, the capital of neighboring Burkina Faso. A few weeks later, President Touré arrived there on a state visit. In his hotel suite, Touré pleaded with Ansar to return to Bamako, promising that the situation was stable. The Tuareg population in the south felt vulnerable and afraid, he said, and he believed that Ansar’s return would send a positive signal to them. Even now, Ansar realized, Touré failed to understand the enormity of what was happening in his country. His military was collapsing, Mali disintegrating. Ansar’s eyes filled with tears—Touré took his hand, and then the president teared up, too. 

In a show of fidelity to the president, Ansar left his wife and children in Burkina Faso and returned home on the presidential plane. But days later, Touré and his wife fled the palace ahead of a gang of marauding soldiers, taking refuge first in the Senegalese embassy, and later going into exile in Dakar. 

A junior army officer seized control of the government. Across the north, the military quickly collapsed. Soldiers fled south, abandoning an area the size of France—stretching from the Algerian border to Mali’s Inner Niger Delta—to the rebel army. By late March, two-thirds of the country was under rebel control. On April 1, Ghali led a convoy of 100 vehicles flying black jihadist flags into Timbuktu. 

Ghali declared war on the north’s musicians, whom he now believed to be a threat to the Islamic state that he had nearly formed. Members of Tinariwen fled to California. In Niafounké, an oasis town that lent its name to an album by the late desert-blues master Ali Farka Touré, Ghali’s fighters threatened to chop off the fingers of the singer’s protégés. In the summer of 2012, Ansar Dine militants trashed the studio of Khaira Arby, a popular half-Tuareg, half-Arab diva known as the Nightingale of the North, and threatened to cut out her tongue if they captured her, forcing her to flee to Bamako from Timbuktu. A few weeks later, Ansar Dine vandalized the house of Ahmed Ag Kaedi, a Tuareg guitarist from Kidal, taking special care to douse his guitars in gasoline and set them on fire.  

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Khaira Arby. Photo: Alice Mutasa

The militants set up a Sharia court in the former La Maison hotel, where Bono had stayed during the festival three months earlier, and meted out medieval punishments without mercy. They lashed women caught with their faces uncovered, chopped off the hands and feet of suspected thieves, and stoned an unmarried couple to death. 

In December, Ghali and his partners in Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb gathered several hundred jihadists for a war conference near Essakane, the former site of the Festival in the Desert. Between prayers and grilled lamb, they set a date of mid-January for the conquest of the remaining third of the country. When Ansar heard about the gathering, he was certain that Ghali had chosen the area to rebuke him for refusing to close down the festival. As Ansar said, “He was telling me, ‘This place is no longer for singing and dancing, no longer for debauchery, no longer for the hippies of the world. This place is now for jihad.’”

In January 2013, jihadists drove hundreds of pickup trucks mounted with heavy weapons toward the government front lines, where ill-trained soldiers were charged with preventing the rebels from breaking through to the south. In a savage battle, the jihadists killed dozens and sent the rest fleeing into the bush. Ghali and his men were just eight hours from the capital now, and Ansar suspected that AQIM and Ansar Dine were mobilizing jihadist cells inside Bamako to facilitate their entry.

In Paris, President François Hollande followed the events with alarm. The prospect of a radical terrorist state in the former French colony, of the potential kidnapping and execution of French citizens, prodded him into action. He ordered armed helicopters stationed in nearby Burkina Faso to launch a counterattack. The choppers fired rockets at the militants’ vehicles. French jets from Chad followed, and with support from tanks on the ground, dozens of rebels were killed. 

A convoy of blood-streaked pickup trucks, led by Iyad Ag Ghali, made its way back toward Timbuktu. Ghali had gambled that his lightning strike against the south would overwhelm the government forces, never imagining that a powerful Western army would intervene so quickly. 

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Tuareg on camels at sunset. Photo: Alice Mutasa

Eight

I met Manny Ansar for the first time a few days after the French intervention. He was sitting at a table in the outdoor bar of the guesthouse in Bamako, where I was staying, overlooking the Niger River. The haunting music of Ali Farka Touré was playing softly on the bar’s sound system. 

Ansar was a slender man in his early fifties, with a receding hairline, a narrow face, and a thin mustache. He wore jeans, sandals, and a loose-fitting, open-necked white shirt. Ansar seemed distracted, dazed by the dramatic turn of events, and still bewildered by his friend’s transformation. “I don’t understand what happened to him,” he said, going back and forth between English and French. “I could see that he had become radicalized, but I never thought that he would be capable of senseless violence.” Ansar acknowledged that Ghali might have become hardened to warfare and killing as a boy, but he had believed that the Tuareg leader’s embrace of religion had changed his life for the better. “Never violence,” he repeated. 

Even now, I thought, he seemed to be in a state of denial about Ghali’s crimes. Ansar said he heard that Ghali had been “furious” when his men overran the military camp in northern Mali in January 2012 and, in the war’s most notorious episode, killed nearly 100 people. And he was sure that Ghali had not been behind the most heinous applications of Sharia law. “I never had any proof that Iyad punished anyone who listened to music or that he tortured or executed anyone,” he insisted. “I hope that I never have such proof.” And yet it was hard to believe that Ghali’s men would have disobeyed their powerful commander; plenty of witnesses I talked to later would describe Ghali as being intimately and actively involved in every stage of the war and the brutal occupation of northern Mali. 

The Festival in the Desert had been canceled that year, and Ansar had little idea about its future or his own prospects. Ghali’s fate seemed equally unclear. Days after my first encounter with Ansar, as French forces advanced on Timbuktu, Ghali fled north from Kidal and disappeared. According to conflicting reports, he had either taken temporary refuge in Mauritania or was hiding in a mountainous region of Darfur, in western Sudan. For the moment, he appeared safe from the French special forces who were tracking down jihadists across Mali by air and by road.

When I returned to Mali a year later, sporadic rocket attacks and ambushes of French troops and civilians in the north had forced Ansar to cancel the festival for the second year in a row, but he had found a temporary solution. Ansar had organized a series of “concerts in exile” to keep the music of the north alive, and he invited me to join him at a performance of northern musicians at the Festival on the Niger in Ségou, a southern town that had never been occupied by the jihadists. 

We walked along the riverbank at dusk while waiting for the first night’s performance. On this stretch of the river, in December 1893, French officers and Senegalese infantrymen boarded a gunboat for Timbuktu—only to be massacred a month later by warriors led by Ansar’s great-great-grandfather. Ansar was a direct descendant of perhaps the greatest Tuareg rebel, yet he had been driven all his life by a yearning to knit his country together.  

At 10 p.m., Ahmed Ag Kaedi, the Tuareg musician whose instruments had been burned by Ghali’s men, climbed onto the stage with his band. Clad in boubous and veils, the men sang of the desolate beauty of the Sahara, the joys of companionship, and the loneliness of exile. To the sound of their call-and-response vocals and hypnotically repetitive guitars, ecstatic spectators rushed the small stage, surrounding Kaedi. Ansar danced among them, swept up by the music.

Soon after my visit to the Festival on the Niger, Malian and Algerian journalists reported that Iyad Ag Ghali’s whereabouts were known to security forces in the region. He was said to be hiding in the oasis of Tinzouatine, the no-man’s-land between Algeria and Mali. In exchange for immunity, Ghali had offered to negotiate for the release of Western hostages seized by Al Qaeda. The U.S. State Department had named Ghali a Specially Designated Global Terrorist and rejected any possibility of a deal with him. But the French and Algerian security forces seemed to have little interest in pursuing him. Ghali’s influence among the Tuareg remained considerable, and it was widely believed that no final agreement between the armed nomads and the government could be achieved without his approval. “Iyad has lived many lives,” Ansar told me, predicting that he would eventually resurface as a major political player in Mali. 

As for Ansar, he was forced to cancel the Festival in the Desert for the third consecutive year, and he had little hope that it would come together for 2016. Despite the presence of French and U.N. peacekeepers, the radical Islamists were resurgent. In February 2015, they launched a deadly attack in Kidal. In March, terrorists struck Bamako for the first time, firing on a café popular with expatriates. Five people, including a Frenchman and a Belgian, were killed. No place in Mali seemed safe, and the possibility of reconciliation between the north and the south seemed remote. The musicians of Tinariwen, who had been forced to flee into exile, now traveled throughout the West, still singing about their dream—the nation of Azawad.

Operation Red Falcon

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Operation Red Falcon

He was one of the greatest spies the Mossad had ever seen. Then he brought his own country to the brink of war.

By Ronen Bergman

The Atavist Magazine, No. 47


Ronen Bergman is a senior correspondent for military and intelligence affairs atYedioth Ahronoth, Israel’s largest-circulation daily newspaper, and a contributing writer at The New York Times Magazine. He is the author of five bestselling Hebrew-language books; his third book, The Secret War with Iran, was published in English by Simon & Schuster. His work has appeared in The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal, Foreign Affairs, Newsweek, the Times, the Guardian, Der Spiegel and GQ. He is currently writing a history of the Mossad for Random House. Bergman lives in Tel Aviv.

Editor: Joel Lovell
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Danny Kopp
Other images: AP Photo, Corbis Images, Getty Images, Yehuda Gil, Library of Congress, Eldad Rafaeli

Published in March 2015. Design updated in 2021.

One

Early on the morning of September 1, 1996, the Israeli military began moving troops to the Syrian border in preparation for a war they were convinced was imminent. The military’s actions were based on top-secret intelligence—that Syria was about to launch a surprise attack—passed on by an informant, a general at the center of Syria’s Supreme Military Council, code-named Red Falcon. Red Falcon’s information had caused panic at the highest reaches of the Israeli Defense Forces, and senior military officials and Mossad officers were urging Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to issue an order to the IDF to launch its own offensive before the Syrians could launch theirs.

The attack never materialized, and the people of Syria and Israel never knew how close their countries had come to a devastating war. More than a year after that tense alert, in November 1997, I met in secret with a senior member of the Israeli intelligence community, who told me a story I found nearly impossible to believe at the time. It would soon become one of the most infamous spy stories in modern history. A legendary Mossad operative, he said, had been arrested on suspicion of fabricating the intelligence that had brought Israel to the brink of war.

The operative, Yehuda Gil, had been widely celebrated within the Israeli intelligence community for years. In the aftermath of the massacre at the Munich Olympics, in 1972, Gil had been among the operatives who’d hunted down and executed members of the terrorist group Black September. He had collected operational intelligence on Iraq’s nuclear facility, which was later destroyed by Israel’s Air Force. He had laid the foundation for intelligence networks in Sudan and had played a key role in a covert operation, known publicly as Operation Moses and within the Mossad by the code name Brothers, that brought 7,000 Ethiopian Jews to Israel.

And it was Gil who had recruited and handled Red Falcon, who for over two decades was Israel’s most valuable agent in the Arab world.

On March 24, 1999, Yehuda Gil was found guilty of espionage and theft in a secret trial—though he was released not long after, in December 2000, when his term was reduced for good behavior. For the next ten years, Gil refused to tell his story.

During that period, I spoke with many others in the Israeli intelligence community about why such a revered operative would so profoundly endanger his own country. Their theories varied. According to some, Gil was a sociopathic “evil genius.” Others suspected he had been undercover for too long and confused the good guys with the bad. Still others said he was driven by an inexplicable, egomaniacal desire to turn his unique gift—the ability to lie to and manipulate others—against his own side.

But no one could be sure why Gil had committed the crimes he’d committed. Or even what, exactly, those crimes were, though their consequences were severe. He had profoundly damaged the international credibility of the Mossad, whose false information—going back how long, no one was quite sure—had been shared with the major intelligence agencies of the Western world. He had put Israeli lives at terrible risk. He had even endangered his own family. One of Gil’s colleagues told me that Gil’s son was a paratrooper stationed at the Syrian front on that September day when the Israeli military prepared for war. “What kind of person is he,” the man said, “that he would risk the life of his own child?”

Two

It’s impossible to appreciate the enormity of the Yehuda Gil affair without first understanding the mythic place that the Mossad occupies in the collective Israeli consciousness. As with the CIA, the agency functions opaquely and is protected by a number of draconian laws; but the adulation it receives in Israel, the way in which the country’s survival is, in the minds of many Israeli citizens and leaders, due to and forever dependent upon the heroic and secretive operations of the Mossad, is unlike the experience of any other foreign intelligence agency in the world. For every operative who joins its ranks, there are a thousand turned away. And so for one of them—not just an agent, but one whose exploits were as legendary as Gil’s were—to deceive his own country was nearly impossible for Israelis to comprehend (as it was for me when I first heard about it).

Like many other reporters, I tried for years to arrange an interview with Gil. I spoke several times with his wife, Noa, but she was unable or unwilling to persuade him to meet with me. After Gil was released, he and Noa withdrew to their home in Gedera, a community 20 miles southeast of Tel Aviv, where they lived a very private life.

I tried other leads, none of which worked out. And then, in the course of working on another investigation, I met a man named Pierre Lavi, who had served in Israeli intelligence in Lebanon and was still in touch with Gil. Gil trusted him, Lavi told me, and he agreed to pass on my request. After two weeks, Lavi called to say Gil was willing to meet and that I should go on the appointed day to a busy café near a Trappist monastery on Highway 1, the main road between Jerusalem and Tel Aviv.

Gil and Lavi arrived first. It was crowded and noisy, and the two of them sat in a far corner, facing the door. Gil had a heavy gray mustache that stood out across the room. He was noticeably uncomfortable when I sat down. Just before I arrived, they told me, Gil had seen two ex-colleagues and feared that either he or I was being tailed. I found the possibility far-fetched and tried to reassure him.

He was confrontational from the start, trying to control the conversation by saying, “So here’s the journalist who thinks he knows everything about the Mossad.” I appealed to the various motivations he might have to tell his story—to clear his reputation in the eyes of his family and friends and country, and to go on the record regarding the injustice he claimed Danny Yatom, the chief of the Mossad, had perpetrated against him. Yatom had just published a memoir that contained a searing attack on Gil, including an allegation that Gil had never recruited Red Falcon at all, that the whole thing—the agent, all the intelligence passed on over 23 years—was an elaborate lie.

“For the first time, someone who is supposed to know everything has spoken,” Gil said bitterly. “He knows how this operation fit in with the big picture, what it contributed and what it didn’t contribute. This man comes and says in the bluntest possible way, unequivocally, that Yehuda Gil never handled this source. That blows my fuses.” He didn’t know why Yatom would write what he did, he said, whether it was out of “arrogance, or a desire to harm me, or simply ignoring the facts.”

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Yehuda Gil near his home in Gedera, Israel, 2010. Photo: Eldad Rafaeli

Eventually, Gil agreed to let me interview him in his home. I was joined by a young woman who was familiar with the world of Israeli espionage and who, I hoped, would help Gil feel less defensive and contentious than he might if he was speaking only to me. The two of us met five times with Gil and his wife in their modest single-story home. The walls were lined with books; objects from their former lives in Africa and Europe sat on the shelves. On the walls were framed certificates and shields that Gil had been awarded in recognition of the high-level training courses he had conducted for various intelligence units. He pointed out that some of them had been presented to him after his trial and his time in prison, as evidence that the public story being told by the Mossad was not the real one. “I was released from prison on the 20th of December 2000,” he said. “Three weeks later, I was training classified IDF units. Tell me that’s not peculiar.”

Our meetings generally began in the early afternoon and continued until 7 p.m., when Noa would serve an evening meal, during which we agreed that all talk of espionage would stop. After dinner, the interviews carried on late into the night. Taken together, our conversations yielded a transcript nearly 60,000 words long; in the months since those initial meetings, we have met again on several occasions and spoken by phone many times. In all these conversations, Gil has maintained that he is innocent of deceiving his country and that he is a victim of the agency to which he dedicated his life.

“He was called ‘the man with a thousand faces.’ He could persuade anyone to do almost anything.”

Three

According to a senior Mossad member who investigated the Gil affair and has access to the agency’s personnel files, Gil was born in June 1934 in the Libyan capital of Tripoli, to Jewish parents of Italian and Greek origin. His grandfather was the chief rabbi of the Jewish community there. At home he spoke Spanish, Italian, and French; in the street he learned Arabic. Early in our conversations, Gil recounted his most formative experience as a young child, witnessing a pogrom against Libyan Jews carried out by his Muslim neighbors. “When you see with your own eyes how a pregnant woman is cut open and her baby is tossed onto a bonfire,” he said, “you don’t forget it.” 

When he was 12, his father taught him how to use a handgun and told him that it was better to commit suicide than to give himself up to the mercy of the Arabs. This background may explain his decision, years later, to join the radical (now defunct) nationalist Moledet movement, which advocated the “voluntary transfer” of Israel’s Arab citizens. “I have seen what bastards they are, what scum,” Gil said of Arabs. “A goy can’t be trusted, even after he’s been buried for forty years.” We sat in silence, listening to his tirade. I have heard these opinions many times, in many places, of course; there are plenty of Israelis, especially those who emigrated from Arab lands, who hold extreme hawkish views. It shouldn’t have surprised me that even a man as erudite as Gil is could be so unnuanced in his opinions. Still, I found myself wanting him to demonstrate the charm that others had said he was so famous for. As if he, too, was aware that he’d gone too far, Gil finally said, “I don’t hate Arabs. I truly do not hate Arabs. But I’m explaining to you that I am not capable of trusting them.” 

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Tel Aviv, 1948. Photo: Dmitri Kessel/Getty Images

In September 1948, in the midst of Israel’s War of Independence, 14-year-old Yehuda immigrated with his family to Israel. They were welcomed in the new country by Gil’s uncle, a former member of Etzel, the extremist guerrilla militia that fought against the British Mandate and the Arabs before the State of Israel was established. New immigrants were being given homes abandoned by the Arabs who had fled or were expelled from areas conquered by Israeli forces. Gil’s family was allocated a house in Jaffa, but not long after moving in he left for a kibbutz, where he stayed until he was conscripted into the army at age 18.

In 1964, the IDF sent Gil to train military forces in Chad and Cameroon. The training of African military and intelligence forces was part of a strategy known as the periphery doctrine, instituted by Israel’s first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion. The idea was to foster alliances with the countries just beyond the hostile Arab states encircling Israel. In exchange for weaponry and military and intelligence training, Israel received permission to use those countries as covert bases to act against the Arabs. 

When a Mossad operative working in Chad learned that Gil spoke several languages, he suggested that Gil apply to join the organization when he returned to Israel. “We got back in July 1970,” Gil said. “I called and began the screening process.” Gil takes pains to present a dignified, unemotional front when discussing his career, but it was clear how meaningful an invitation from the Mossad must have been to him at that point in his life. Recruitment into the organization, especially for someone with Gil’s background, meant not only getting a respected job and the chance to do exciting work, but also that he, an immigrant from Libya, had penetrated the very heart of the Israeli establishment. “To be in the Mossad,” Gil said, “was to give expression to the ability of a Jew not to be a willing slave, not to be a second- or third-rate citizen, but rather a person with the ability and the right to live free.”

After six months of security vetting and physical and psychological testing, Gil entered the agency’s cadets course, held in an academy named after Eli Cohen, an Israeli spy who was caught and hanged in Syria. The course prepares a core, elite group of Mossad operatives. They are not expert assassins. They can’t fly planes or captain submarines. They are more George Smiley than James Bond. Their main weapon is not a silenced handgun but, in most cases, something far more necessary and effective—the ability to take on a false identity and to manipulate others.

The recruitment and handling of foreign agents is carried out by the Mossad’s Tsomet division. Tsomet, Hebrew for “junction,” is a code name given to the section in the 1960s. Today, the Mossad uses a different code name in its internal correspondence, but its employees still refer to the division as Tsomet. It is the largest department within the Mossad, employing many hundreds of personnel who populate a large part of the hexagonal building in Tel Aviv that is Mossad headquarters. Most of those who work in this wing are staff officers, either at the headquarters or in the Mossad’s secret stations across the globe. Those in Tsomet who are responsible for recruiting and controlling agents are known as katsa, a Hebrew acronym for “collection officer,” or case officer.

Regarded as the elite of the elite, case officers are experts in the types of deceit necessary to exploit a target’s weak points—whether greed, pride, or loneliness. They are able to live under assumed identities for extended periods, fully inhabiting the roles they take on in order to extract information without raising alarms in the minds of their agents. Within the Mossad, case officers are granted nearly complete operational autonomy and are often the sole conduit through which information flows from a target back to the agency and to the highest members of the Israeli military and government. 

Until the Gil affair, the Mossad’s faith in its case officers was absolute. As a former head of Tsomet put it to me, “You can’t work unless you trust them 100 percent.” 

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Gil, second in line, in military school, 1955. Photo: Courtesy of Yehuda Gil

It was clear early on that Gil had a remarkable aptitude for recruiting, running, and debriefing foreign agents. Several people who served with him described Gil as a man who possessed unique, preternatural skills and whose talent was matched only by his arrogance. One former commander, who ran a course for senior officers in the intelligence community, told me, “He complained all the time that we didn’t appreciate him enough, and he asked provocatively if I knew what operations he had executed. In the end, he was the only participant who appealed against the grade and evaluation we gave him.”

During one of our early conversations, Gil said of himself, “I passed every course the Mossad offered within a couple of days. I would begin a course, and two days later the instructor would say, ‘I have nothing to teach you.’” He claimed that in his 27 years with the Mossad, he never had a single operational mishap, even though most of that time was spent acting undercover as a foreign citizen. “Not because I am a genius,” he said. “Because I am a coward. Before I executed anything, I checked it out from all angles and I prepared. They used to laugh at me, ‘Why do you immerse yourself so deeply in your cover?’”

Recruiting agents is a complex, all-encompassing craft. The Mossad divides the process into three discrete stages, each one performed by a different member. The first stage, “spotting,” is when the initial contact is made with a target. It is a casual contact, an acquaintanceship, and its purpose is to provide a pretext for the spotter to introduce the target to the case officer who will carry out the next stage. The “attack” is when the case officer attempts over time to deepen the relationship in such a way that the source feels sufficient trust to begin to reveal valuable information. The last phase is the “handling” of a subject who has agreed, for any number of possible reasons, to give over state secrets—to extend and nurture the relationship for as long as possible.

From the beginning of his career, Gil was assigned as an attacking case officer. In each mission, it was up to him to decide how and where to approach a target, what cover to use, and how to induce the target—be it a Libyan diplomat, a Syrian officer, a PLO functionary, or an Iraqi nuclear scientist—to want to meet again. Retired general Danny Yatom, the Mossad chief who ultimately ordered the investigation against Gil, described him to me in the kinds of terms one would use to talk about an artist. Gil was “a charismatic, colorful, astute man, with an almost hypnotic presence and a phenomenal ability to improvise and change identities. He was called ‘the man with a thousand faces,’” Yatom said. “He could persuade anyone to do almost anything. We used to say Gil could get a telephone pole to talk.”

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An Israeli soldier surveilling the Golan Heights, February 1996. Photo: David Rubinger/Getty Images

“I didn’t even ask her. I came home and said, ‘Listen, in two weeks I’ll be going away for some time.’”

“I was released from prison on the 20th of December. Three weeks later, I was training classified IDF units. Tell me that’s not peculiar.”

Four

Gil nurtured his legendary status within the organization. In the courses he taught in the Mossad’s training academy, he made a point of leaving a dramatic, lasting impression on his young trainees. He once faked a heart attack in the classroom, leading his horrified students to call an ambulance. Another time he drew a pistol on a trainee, who burst into tears, fearing that Gil had lost his mind and was about to pull the trigger.

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Gil in the early 1960s. Photo: Courtesy of Yehuda Gil

In 1984, according to Gil, the future director of the Mossad, Ephraim Halevy, summoned him to his office to review Gil’s cover story before he left on a mission to Sudan. Gil was planning to pose as a thoroughly corrupt businessman, “a real slave trader,” in his words, engaged in human trafficking—a cover story that made sense in this case because the “slaves” were Ethiopian Jews purportedly being transported to Europe via Israel.

Halevy was from the Tevel (or “world”) division—the part of the Mossad that serves as a liaison with foreign intelligence agencies. “This man who has never worked undercover is examining me?” Gil said, recounting the event. “What does he know about cover stories?”

As Gil described it, Halevy arrives at his office half an hour before their meeting to find a phone-company technician in overalls working on the wires. In a “peculiar” accent, the technician explains that he is there to check out a complaint that the office’s phones had been tapped. Halevy begins to panic and tries to shield the top-secret papers on his desk, all the while shouting for his secretary to call the Mossad’s chief security officer. As the secretary runs into the room and tries to calm Halevy, the technician mutters to himself and goes back to work. Then, after a few minutes have passed, the technician stands up straight, drops the accent, and says, “So, do you think I’m ready to go on my mission, Ephraim?”

When I contacted Halevy, who was the director of the Mossad from 1998 until 2002, I asked him about Gil’s story. His reply: “As a rule, I do not respond to such requests. However, in this case, I have decided to answer. The episode concerning Mr. Gil’s entry into my office in the disguise of a telephone technician is a figment of his imagination—it never happened. The comments concerning my operational career indicate to me that Mr. Gil knows nothing about it, and that is the way it should be.”

Gil served for prolonged periods in European countries where most of the Mossad’s operations take place, involving potential marks from enemy states traveling outside the Arab world. But he was also among the select few operatives who went undercover in “target countries”—hostile Arab and Muslim nations where the risk of torture, imprisonment, or execution was high if he was to be exposed.

“There were some case officers who wriggled out of such assignments,” Gil said. “When they were looking for someone to go to certain Arab countries, there were two men who agreed: Yehuda and Gil”—meaning only himself. “I was then a department head, with a nice armchair,” he went on, “with future promotion possibilities, air-conditioned rooms, and so forth. They would come to me and say, ‘We need someone to go to a certain country and do a certain job. Is there anyone?’ And I would say, ‘Why are you messing around? You’ve got the man. I’m right here.’ Within 24 hours I was being briefed, and within two weeks I was where I had to be.”

He paused and looked at Noa. “I didn’t even ask her. I came home and said, ‘Listen, in two weeks I’ll be going away for some time.’”

“You didn’t ask because the answer was self-evident.” Noa replied. “When you have to do a job, you do it.”

After the Munich massacre in 1972, Gil was among the team of operatives chosen to eliminate the Palestinian terrorists responsible for the attacks. Their first target was Adel Wael Zuaiter, whom the Mossad learned was working part-time as an interpreter for the Libyan embassy in Rome. Undercover as an Italian businessman, Gil managed to befriend an acquaintance of Zuaiter’s, who over time supplied Gil with many details about Zuaiter—his home phone number, his work hours, even descriptions of his personal habits and how he spent his free time. Gil took painstaking notes of these details and then transmitted them to Tsomet headquarters.

Once Gil had gathered sufficient intelligence, the Mossad’s special-operations division, known as the Caesarea, went into action. An assassination unit arrived in Rome and, using information supplied by Gil, shadowed Zuaiter for several days. On September 16, they followed him from the Libyan embassy to a nearby café, then to the city bus that took him home. When Zuaiter got off at his stop, the operatives who’d followed him signaled to a waiting team—two Caesarea members hiding in a dark stairwell—that the target was approaching. As Zuaiter called the elevator, the two men stepped out, drew their Beretta pistols with silencers, and shot him 11 times. Within hours all the team members had left Italy and were on their way back to Israel.

At the end of 1973, Gil was ordered to report to Paris for a new mission. “I didn’t see what could be more important than killing Palestinian terrorists,” he said. “But you don’t argue with orders. That night I headed for Paris.”

His new target was a general in the Syrian military who the Israelis had discovered was stationed for several months in Europe. The presence of a Syrian officer of that rank in a location so accessible to Mossad operatives was a rare opportunity. The general was given the code name Red Falcon.

There was no reason to believe Red Falcon would be sympathetic to Israel, quite the opposite. The general had fought in the Golan Heights in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, and his fierce hatred of Israel was well-known to the Israeli Defense Forces. On November 23, 1973, the Israeli government received a secret report stating that 42 Israeli soldiers who had been captured by the Syrians were murdered before reaching prison, where two others were also killed. According to intelligence information gathered by the IDF, some of those soldiers were killed in a zone where Red Falcon was commanding Syrian troops. The murder of the POWs was perpetrated, at the least, with his knowledge, and quite possibly on his orders. Other Israeli soldiers who’d been taken prisoner but spared during the monthlong war came home after their negotiated release and described torture sessions that Red Falcon had taken part in.

The surprise attack by Syria and Egypt that launched the Yom Kippur War in October 1973 was catastrophic for the Israeli intelligence community. Israeli Military Intelligence (AMAN) had failed to correctly evaluate the intentions of Syria and Egypt as the two countries amassed troops on the Golan Heights and the West Bank of the Suez Canal, believing they were engaged in war games and not planning an invasion. When those troops attacked, the IDF was caught completely unawares, and its losses were crushing. October 1973 is AMAN’s deepest scar. To prevent such an attack from happening again, the Mossad was put under intense pressure to recruit agents who not only could supply secret information, but would also have access to what those in the agency referred to as the ”intent echelon”—the high-ranking inner circle who were involved in making strategic plans.

“There was a doleful atmosphere in the Mossad,” Gil said, recalling the effect that war had throughout the agency. He told the story of a young case officer who had worked with him in the Rome station and left to fight with his army unit when the war broke out. “He predicted that he wouldn’t come back, and he was killed on the Suez Canal. Many of the case officers, and that includes me, had a powerful need for revenge, a desire to do something out of the ordinary.”

I asked him if he distinguished at all between the Egyptians and the Syrians. For whom did he feel more rage? “There’s a proverb in Italian,” he said. “‘They’re all the same breed—kill them all.’ What difference is it to me if he’s a Syrian or an Egyptian? It doesn’t matter. I don’t like them. I don’t hate them, but I don’t like them. It’s because I know their mission is the exact opposite of mine.”

“Nobody knows who’s who at these meetings. You just have to know how to play the game.”

Five

Prior to Gil’s arrival in Paris, a female Arab spotter working for the Mossad had made initial contact with the general in Paris. “The orders she got were to develop a superficial relationship with him,” Gil explained. “He invites you to dinner, make eyes at him and so on. The aim is that at a certain stage he’ll accept your invitation to a party, and there he’ll meet someone who will execute the operational moves. That’s all she was supposed to do, but she went further and gave him sexual favors.” Despite her efforts, Red Falcon refused to meet any of the spotter’s acquaintances, and a second operative (to protect his identity, I will refer to him as Gabriel) was brought in to befriend him. That relationship also failed to develop as hoped, and so with three months left before the general was scheduled to return to Syria, Gil was called in.

As soon as he arrived in Paris, Gil joined the surveillance team already in place and began closely observing his target. Red Falcon came from an affluent family in Syria, but in Paris he lived frugally in a cheap hotel. Gil noted that he took great pains to put on a smart front—his suits were impeccably pressed, his shoes always freshly shined—but he usually caught the Metro or walked to his destination rather than spend money on a taxi. There were three possible “hooks,” Gil said, in the recruitment of agents—money, emotion, or sex—and based on his surveillance (and the failure of the female spotter to manipulate her mark), it appeared that money would be the key to convincing Red Falcon to betray his country.

Gil determined that the best way to approach his target would be through Gabriel, whose friendship with the general seemed to be taking hold. And so a plan was developed: Gabriel would invite the general to join him at an upcoming international convention on construction and development, and there they would meet Gil, working undercover as a prosperous and influential Italian businessman. For a few days prior to their visit, Gil attended the convention alone, deliberately cultivating ties to the staff and attendees. Within two days, exhibitors and waiters assumed that he was one of the event’s organizers, addressing him as Monsieur le directeur. “Everyone was coming up to ask me, ‘Mr. Director, we have a problem here and a problem there,’ and I would solve the problems for them,” Gil recalled. “I would scold some of them if it seemed to me they weren’t carrying out their duties.”

When Gabriel arrived with Red Falcon, he introduced Gil as an old friend of his father’s. Gil distractedly greeted Gabriel and his friend, making it clear that he was very busy. As Gil recalled the moment: “[Red Falcon] says, ‘Why’s he brushing us off like this?’ And Gabriel says, ‘Listen, he’s an important man. You see, everyone calls him le directeur.’ So the impression we created was that I was powerful. He sees everyone running around with name tags, and I haven’t got a tag or anything, but I’m telling them what to do.”

He quickly seized an opportunity to demonstrate his influence to Red Falcon, Gil said, by stopping a young woman walking past with a stack of brochures. “So I say, ‘Mademoiselle, what’s this? Show me.’ I open a brochure. ‘OK. It’s nice. What I asked for. Give a couple to these gentlemen here’—and I point at Gabriel and Red Falcon. She’s certain that it’s my job. Nobody knows who’s who at these meetings. You just have to know how to play the game.”

Gil took Red Falcon to a three-star restaurant that evening, and the next day escorted him to several presentations that he claimed to be overseeing. Throughout these meetings, and for all the years that they knew each other, Gil kept the fact that he spoke fluent Arabic a secret from the general, so that he could eavesdrop on the man’s conversations.

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Gil with his daughter in Chad, 1966. Photo: Courtesy of Yehuda Gil

As is typical of the Mossad’s recruitment operations, the female spotter, Gabriel, and Gil all went undercover as Europeans, in what is known as a “false flag” operation. The reason for this is obvious: like most Arabs, Red Falcon could hardly be expected to cooperate directly with the Zionist enemy. The hope, though, was that if there was enough in it for him, he might be open to the possibility of working with an influential Westerner.

Gabriel urged Red Falcon to get to know Gil, suggesting that they might be able to do business together. He shared his friend’s life story with the Syrian: Gil was from an Italian Fascist family that supported the Nazis, Gabriel said. After the war ended, his father, who backed the Italian Christian Democratic Party, had collaborated with the Americans to undermine local Communist sympathizers. “And then the game begins,” Gil said. “That same day, [Red Falcon] tells me he is a military man, that he has a lot of land and his family is very rich, and that he’s a prince—all kinds of stories. Of course, in order to show how important he is, he too embellishes reality.”

The next stage was to set up a direct connection between Gil and Red Falcon, without Gabriel as the mediator. They told the Syrian that Gil knew Gabriel’s father when Gabriel was still a young roughneck and that Gil had promised to take care of him. “That way,” Gil said, “the officer and I suddenly became serious types, and he, Gabriel, was a little scamp we could boss around.”

To deepen the impression that Gil was a wealthy and powerful businessman, Gabriel showed up at one meeting with a sheaf of documents that were supposedly from a deal Gil was about to close. “We sat there for about an hour,” Gil said, “with papers that I had prepared and given Gabriel in advance. In the end I tell Gabriel, ‘Drop it. At most you’ll make half a million a year. Is it worth putting so much effort into this for half a million bucks?’ Red Falcon heard us tossing these sums around and, you know, his ears began perking up like an elephant in the savanna who catches a whiff of some female in heat.”

When the convention was over, Gil arranged to meet the Syrian alone. “Before we parted he said to me, ‘Tell me, do you think that in a country like ours it would be possible to do this kind of business?”’ It was then, Gil said, that he knew Red Falcon had swallowed the bait. Or, as he put it: “The elephant had lost his sense of direction and was charging after the female.”

“He has important information to convey to me and he expresses his readiness to supply whatever I ask for.”

Six

Gil’s initial meetings with Red Falcon were conducted under Mossad surveillance. Two of the agency’s operatives had recently been shot—one fatally—by double agents from the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the Mossad had instituted a number of precautionary measures that are still in use today. It was determined that targets should always be followed on their way to meetings with case officers and that these meetings never be held at the predetermined venue; instead, the foreign agents should always be “jumped” to a different location, to prevent the possibility of the case officer being ambushed.

As he became more acquainted with Red Falcon, Gil said, he grew more disdainful of him. He described the general as “a peasant, a respectable peasant from a respectable family. But he looked at everything in terms of respect—the external image.” The general drank a lot of alcohol, Gil said, and the Mossad had proof that he was an adulterer, but in conversation he was offended by open talk about sex and found Western-style advertising, with its half-naked models, distasteful. He despised the rampant nepotism in Syrian society and, despite his high military rank, felt that some of his colleagues looked down on him.

In the course of their first lengthy conversation, Red Falcon told Gil that he hated Israel but was in awe of its military capabilities. He told him, too, about his treatment of Israeli POWs. “I encouraged him,” Gil said. “I said, ‘That’s what you need to do to those shitty Jews’ and so on and so forth. It’s not easy. It’s not easy.”

Despite the general’s criticism of Syrian president Hafez al-Assad and his cronies, Gil said, “he believed that with a leader like Assad and an army like the IDF, any objective could be met. To his great regret, the Syrian army was significantly inferior to the Israeli army.” In the first reports Gil submitted on Red Falcon, he noted that the general hoped to see Syria become an integral part of the West—allied with Europe and the U.S. and the developed world—rather than being part of a united Arab front or a nation that cooperated with the Soviet Bloc.

Gil focused during that first meeting on forming a more personal bond with his target, proving that he was sympathetic to the general’s anxieties and desires and could possibly help him. In response to Red Falcon’s financial concerns, Gil suggested that there were business opportunities for the Syrian and that he could introduce him to the kind of people who were working in very lucrative areas.

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Israel and neighboring states as of 1982. Photo: Courtesy of Library of Congress

Over months’ worth of conversations, Gil emphasized the ways in which he could provide connections that would bring Red Falcon economic security and searched for reasons that would justify Red Falcon’s frequent trips to Europe in the eyes of his superiors. The general told Gil that he hoped to send his eldest daughter to study in Europe but didn’t know how to raise the money necessary to afford it. “He could have applied to the French Foreign Ministry, and they would have arranged it,” Gil said. “But he didn’t know this, and I wasn’t about to tell him.” Gil explained to Red Falcon that he had an excellent solution, one that would not require filling out forms or dealing with government bureaucracy: “I told him that I’d found a company that was ready to finance talented and promising students in exchange for their signing on to work for the company for a few years.” When Red Falcon expressed interest, Gil and his colleagues in the Mossad hastily created a “scholarship” for the girl.

Before he left for Syria, Red Falcon had one final request: He wanted to return home with the ultimate Western status symbols—a large refrigerator and a washing machine manufactured in America. Gil immediately contacted Mossad colleagues stationed in Washington, who purchased Westinghouse appliances and shipped them to Paris. When they arrived, Gil recalled, the Syrian “gave me a strange look. ‘What’s going on?’ he says. And I see what’s going through his mind at that moment. He’s thinking, ‘What happened here? All of a sudden, the world is opening up before me. I want an education for my daughter, and bingo! I want an American refrigerator, and it’s all arranged.’ He says to me, ‘I don’t get it. Do you have friends everywhere?”’

This was the opening Gil had been waiting for, the most crucial point in the attack phase, when the relationship morphs from the sharing of opinions and common interests to the handing over of sensitive, secret information. The main problem Gil faced was how to deftly prepare Red Falcon for the questions and requests for information that he was about to start presenting. To make it all sound logical, even inevitable, he told Red Falcon more about his father’s intelligence work for Italy’s National Fascist Party and the relationships he’d formed with influential Americans working in Europe who were bent on rooting out Communists. According to Gil, Red Falcon said, “‘Your father was wise. Look what he made of you.’ I saw that I was on the right track and that I could press on. I explained that from time to time I was sent by Western intelligence services to all sorts of places in the world to look into sensitive matters, to speak to people, to do deals of one kind or another.” Global business and global intelligence went hand in hand, Gil suggested, and great opportunities existed for the few savvy people who understood that the truly rich and powerful were not overly constrained by national interests or ideology, who know how to move in these shadowy international networks and take advantage of them.

Red Falcon asked him how much money he made doing this work.

“A lot,” Gil said. “Working for this intelligence service gives me access to certain business opportunities. For example, when one of the countries in Western Europe renews its emergency stockpiles, which it does every three years, I get first opportunity to buy up the old stock cheap and resell it. Buy low, sell high to Third World countries, and make millions along the way.”

Gil swore Red Falcon to secrecy, expounding on the importance of loyalty among friends. This was meant to condition the Syrian to the security procedures he would soon be implementing with him, Gil said. It was important to teach him “what secrecy is, how secrets are kept, how loyalty is maintained, and how to avoid indicating to anyone that you are in touch with foreigners. Things like, if you ever have a lot of money, don’t start squandering it. Or if, for example, you are asked how your daughter has an apartment in Europe, you have to be ready with an answer.”

Gil saw Red Falcon off on his trip back to Damascus, then immediately headed to an office in a Parisian apartment operated by the Mossad. He wrote up his report and handed it to a waiting courier, who delivered it to headquarters in Tel Aviv. His superiors were elated, Gil said, but Red Falcon’s initial agreement to cooperate wasn’t enough. In countless other cases, a fresh recruit might have been happy about the money and gifts he received, but would then return to his own country and cut off the relationship.

Gil and his superiors waited tensely to see what would happen in the weeks following Red Falcon’s return to Damascus. Then the signal came in. The first letter from Red Falcon arrived at an address Gil had given him. A summary, written by Gil and filed with the letter, stated: “The letter contains a mention of and a demand for the sums that we promised him. He reiterates his agreement to cooperate.”

The Mossad began transferring money to a Middle Eastern bank account that it had opened in Red Falcon’s name. It was only a few thousand dollars, not a huge amount in Western eyes, but a great deal for a Syrian. A few weeks later another letter arrived, which Gil summarized: “[Red Falcon] claims he has important information to convey to me and he expresses his readiness to supply whatever I ask for.”

A month later, Red Falcon returned to Europe with his daughter, who was about to begin her studies, thanks to a Mossad contact within a prestigious French academy. “We introduced Red Falcon to a local collaborator,” Gil said. The collaborator posed as the chairman of a society “dedicated to encouraging promising youngsters from French-speaking countries.” The Mossad’s network in Paris provided an apartment for the girl and paid all her bills. Once the details of his daughter’s “scholarship” and living arrangements were finalized, Red Falcon returned to his high-level post in Syria.

“There was no other handling of a human source that occupied us more than Red Falcon.”

Seven

According to Gil’s reports to the Mossad’s chiefs, Red Falcon began sharing documents and military secrets with his Italian benefactor out of gratitude for the favors being heaped on him. In 1976, after two years of groundwork, the general handed over information of such high value that the heads of Israel’s intelligence community refused to believe it was true. “At first the Research Division of Military Intelligence laughed at me and at my source,” Gil said. “When it turned out that he was right, they had to eat their hats.”

The Research Division of AMAN is responsible for analyzing and evaluating all the information collected by the entire Israeli intelligence community—the Mossad, Military Intelligence, and the Shin Bet, as well as the intelligence branch of the Israeli police and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Hundreds of experts serve in the division, sifting through vast amounts of data and intelligence of various sorts to compile Israel’s National Intelligence Estimates, which serve as the bible for the assessment of threats and determination of military policy. The Mossad is engaged in the collection of information, mostly through human intelligence sources, but it is the analytical experts in the Research Division of AMAN who evaluate the information and decide upon its credibility. The intelligence community has far greater influence in Israel than the Foreign Ministry, and AMAN research has a critical influence not only on questions of war, but also on diplomatic decisions with hostile countries and all of Israel’s foreign policy.

Various members within the Mossad and the IDF whom I spoke with—and who were familiar with the affair—agreed that at this point the information Gil was providing was reliable and was coming directly from Red Falcon. It’s likely that the general wasn’t aware that he was betraying his country, they said, because Gil, a master at managing the questions and misgivings of his targets, was able to assuage any doubts Red Falcon may have expressed by assuring him that the secrets he was passing on would never be used against Syria.

With each new benefit, too, the general was less likely to question or end the arrangement. Aside from his daughter’s apartment and tuition, and the regular “bonuses” he was now receiving from “European intelligence employers,” Red Falcon was treated to seductive tastes of Western privilege. After he revealed to Gil that he dreamed of traveling around Europe, Gil took him on a grand European tour, covertly accompanied by a team of security and logistics personnel.

I spoke with a Mossad operative who acted as one of the unseen escorts on this trip. “I was young and not yet really sure of myself,” he told me. “When the trip was over, I learned that Gil had complained that Red Falcon had pointed me out and said, ‘That man looks like an Israeli commando.’ My boss said he wasn’t firing me only because Gil requested leniency on my behalf. Looking back, I realize how unlikely that story was. I come from a European background and don’t look at all like an Israeli. In the investigation following his arrest, it came to light that Gil used this tactic with lots of young guys, in order to make them indebted to him, as if it was thanks to him we weren’t kicked out of the Mossad.”

Everyone who served in the highest reaches of Military Intelligence between the mid-’70s and the late ’90s knew of Red Falcon (only by code name, not his real identity), and it was widely understood that the information he provided was precious. There are a very limited number of sources—the cardinal sources, as they are called—who are deemed to be so strategically significant that the raw material from meetings with them is sent directly to the prime minister and the Research Division is intimately involved in their handling. With these sources, the division’s experts are in direct contact with Mossad case officers, and analysts accompany Mossad handlers to the foreign cities where their meetings take place. They brief the handlers before the meetings and immediately debrief them afterward. Red Falcon was considered a cardinal source from early on—and, over time, was assumed to be Israel’s most important cardinal source.

Gil said that he held his first meetings “in the presence of members of AMAN Research” as early as 1976. “Amos Gilboa”—then head of the Syria desk and later commander of the Research Division—“came to Paris. In AMAN’s eyes, everything that [Red Falcon] said was not only serious but the word of God. They were agog [at what Red Falcon was saying]. The agent not only supplied them with information, but also described for them the strategic doctrines of the Syrian military.”

To suggest that Red Falcon outlined these things “for them”—meaning the AMAN members—is not entirely accurate, however. In each of his meetings, Gil refused to allow direct contact between anyone else on the team and his source, claiming that Red Falcon would be scared off. At most he would allow the AMAN analysts to sit in the same café in which he was meeting with his source or to watch from a distance as they took a morning stroll down the Champs-Elysées. This refusal to let anyone other than himself interact with Red Falcon was later used against Gil in his trial, but at the time, AMAN members went along. “I do not know how to work undercover,” Gilboa told me. “Gil’s refusal to allow me to meet the source seemed absolutely reasonable. We sat in the café and watched him meeting with the source, who we knew from photographs. Everything seemed logical to me. I didn’t suspect a thing. We were grateful to Gil for this amazing recruitment.”

The one aspect of his handling of Red Falcon that caused him the most concern, Gil said, was that the general’s daughter seemed to sense something. “She was very suspicious,” Gil said. “She knew there was something she couldn’t explain.” The question was, would she be able to convince her father that she was right.

On the one hand, the Syrian treated her harshly. “Once, I was dining at their home,” Gil said. “My fork fell, and I began to bend down to pick it up. When she, the daughter, didn’t hurry to bring me a clean fork, he slapped her, just like that, in the face.” But he also knew that the daughter loved her father and worried over him. She was suspicious of Gil’s motives and would often warn her father—in Arabic, which she didn’t realize Gil understood—that he was speaking too freely in the presence of his friend. “One time the girl told her mother: ‘Speak to father. Why is he telling him these things? These aren’t things you tell just anyone.’ The mother told her, ‘But he isn’t just anyone. He’s one of us. He’s family. Have you forgotten what he did for you?’”

Despite such warnings, Gil said, by this point in their relationship, Red Falcon was openly discussing military and political topics. “He believed that I was reporting on our conversations to NATO intelligence,” Gil said, “and that he was serving as a NATO adviser, through me, and getting paid for it.”

The intelligence coming in from Red Falcon was staggering. Gil reported back on the operations and training exercises of Syrian commandos, on structural changes within the Syrian army, on the purchase and allocation of new arms and electronic-warfare systems, and on redeployments along Syria’s borders. He was also learning about Syria’s internal politics, he said, including the news that President Assad intended to change Syrian law to enable him to continue in power despite his advanced age.

In March 1984, now over a decade into his handling of Red Falcon, Gil reported back information on a top-secret Syrian storage facility for chemical weapons. As the years passed, he expanded on this subject, filling his reports with more refined details. Each time Red Falcon indicated that he could meet Gil in Europe, a vast operation, involving dozens or sometimes hundreds of people, was set in motion. AMAN analysts exhaustively briefed Gil in advance of his meetings, prepping him on what questions to ask and what to follow up with after the Syrian’s replies. The Mossad planned all operational aspects of the meetings: security, logistics, safe houses, escape and surveillance routes, accommodations for everyone involved, transfer of funds to be paid directly to Red Falcon, along with depositing money in another account to satisfy his family’s various domestic needs.

“We used to hold meetings day and night, arguing about what questions Gil should ask Red Falcon about which topics during their limited time together,” an AMAN officer who served during those years told me. “These became real fights, with every individual sure that his question was more important and more vital to the security of the state.”

One top Mossad official put it this way: “There was no other handling of a human source that occupied us more than Red Falcon during those decades.”

“The Mossad called me a traitor, an enemy of the state. It was a very difficult time.”

Eight

In the spring of 1981, tensions mounted between Israel and Syria after the Syrians attacked Israeli allies, the Christian Falangists, in Lebanon. In response, Israeli warplanes downed Syrian helicopters ferrying troops in that country and flew warning flights over Beirut and Damascus. Syria countered by sending large numbers of forces and anti-aircraft missiles into Lebanon, far greater than had been stationed there before.

The Israelis were desperate to know what the Syrians were planning, and Gil called Red Falcon, who was once again visiting Paris. “I bought some wonderful grouper in the market today,” Gil said—using the code for “I need an urgent meeting.”

Danny Yatom told me that after that meeting, “Gil reported that the Syrian army’s moves were the first steps toward an offensive against Israel.”

The Mossad director at the time was Yitzhak Hofi, who had been a top IDF commander on the northern front during the surprise Syrian attack in October 1973. Like other senior commanders at that time, Hofi bore the psychic scars of the attack, and he immediately conveyed Gil’s report to the military’s high command and to Israel’s political leadership, where it was greeted with equal alarm. For the chief of the general staff, Rafael “Raful” Eitan, and the northern region commander, Avigdor “Yanosh” Ben-Gal, the Yom Kippur War also remained an open wound. Both had fought on the front lines, had lost comrades, and had nearly been killed themselves—and each was now eager to act on Gil’s intelligence.

The head of AMAN’s Syria desk at the time, Eli Halahmi, told me, “Raful and Yanosh wanted to call up all the reserves. I said that’s absurd. If we mobilize, the Syrians will see we’re mobilizing and think we’re going to attack them. Very quickly the situation will get out of control.” Halahmi said that he was suspicious of the information in Gil’s report but that the Mossad gave Gil its full backing. “Red Falcon was their flagship,” he said. “Everyone was pushing to call up the reserves. I moved into my office. For three months I slept there, so I would be the first to see new information, because I knew it was the only way to prevent war. The Mossad called me a traitor, an enemy of the state. It was a very difficult time.”

I asked Amos Gilboa why there weren’t others who shared Halahmi’s skepticism of Gil—and why he didn’t suspect Gil at the time. “Are you insane?” he replied. “Suspect one of our own? Would you suspect your own mother?”

Ultimately, Halahmi’s predictions were borne out. Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin accepted the chief of staff’s recommendation and approved a call-up of military reserves. The Syrians noted the developments, feared an Israeli offensive, and began preparing for a preemptive attack.

According to various sources, Israel kept the United States informed of the crisis as it developed. Fearing further escalation, President Reagan sent Robert Ames, the CIA’s Middle East expert, to mediate the situation. Ames traveled between Israel, Syria, and Lebanon, urgently seeking and providing assurances on all sides that no one was planning an attack. Eventually, it was Ames’s information gathering and diplomacy that convinced both Syria and Israel to back down. (Three years later, Ames would be killed in a suicide bombing in Beirut.)

“It turned out that Syria had no intention at all of attacking,” Danny Yatom said. “That call-up not only cost the country a fortune, but also nearly brought about a military confrontation.”

When I raised Yatom’s claims with Gil, he flatly denied that he had suggested that a Syrian attempt to recapture the Golan Heights was imminent. It was one of the first moments of direct confrontation in our conversations. I knew the history, and I had spoken to several people who were close to the events. I pointed out to Gil that, from what I understood, he had said the Syrians were going to launch an offensive immediately.

He erupted in anger. “That is not true,” he said. He claimed there was nothing in his reports that gave a specific window for the attack. He said that I should try to get the actual reports, originally written in Italian as he took notes from his source, and investigate the question myself. “If you are capable of it,” he said. “If you have the strength to make [the Mossad] relinquish the dictations.”

“You know I can’t make them do that,” I said.

“So I’m telling you, word for word, what was written in Italian. There was no date.”

According to Gil, what Red Falcon had told him, and what he conveyed, was that Syria was engaged in “strategic thinking, training. He described down to the last detail how the maneuvers would take place, where the blocking forces would be deployed, where the chopper-borne commando raids would be, and so on and so forth. But he didn’t say they were doing it today and he didn’t say it would be tomorrow.”

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An Israeli tank in the Yom Kippur War, 1973. Photo: Corbis Images

A year after the 1981 scare, Israel invaded Lebanon, with the stated purpose of destroying PLO bases in that country. In fact, the assault also served as a pretext for striking at Syrian forces there, another attempt to bring closure to the lasting trauma of the Yom Kippur War. The Syrian forces in Lebanon were devastated in the attack, and in its wake the prevailing opinion in Israeli intelligence was that Syria, having just suffered from the overwhelming force of the IDF, would now be very unlikely to engage in another conflict with Israel.

According to Gil’s reports, however, Red Falcon was saying the opposite. The intelligence Gil passed on was that Assad was preparing a secret plan to regain the Golan Heights territory that Israel had occupied since 1967. A source who served in the Mossad’s Research Division at the time told me that Red Falcon “began reporting on something that he called the ‘limited-attack theory.’” The thinking went like this, he said: “[The Syrians] wanted to do to Israel the same thing the Egyptians had succeeded so well at in October 1973—a limited ground attack to conquer a narrow strip inside Israeli-held territory, where they would enjoy the protection of their anti-aircraft missiles and artillery. Special forces would then be flown in by choppers and take Mount Hermon. The intention,” he said, “was to shock Israel and the world and to force Israel, this time in an inferior position, to begin negotiating the return of the Golan Heights to Syria.”

Red Falcon had not given a date for the offensive, but the limited-attack theory gradually acquired supporters in the intelligence community, and the pressure on Gil to get as much intelligence as possible from his source intensified. In order to facilitate that, Mossad directors allowed Gil to forgo a whole host of procedures normally employed to assure the veracity of intelligence, including recording conversations with his source, introducing a second case officer into the relationship, and facilitating face-to-face debriefings of the source with agency experts.

When the Mossad directorate ordered Gil to take another case officer along with him, he told them that Red Falcon refused to talk to him. Attempts to send in a female case officer posing as Gil’s wife also failed. And when his bosses insisted that Gil record his meetings, the machine didn’t work properly.

“Yehuda would spot a trick like that. He’s a million times smarter than they are. They’d break in a moment.”

Nine

In 1989, Red Falcon retired from his position in the Syrian army. Around the same time, Gil was passed over for a promotion. It’s unclear exactly why. Some people who served in the Mossad at the time told me that while Gil was regarded as one of the greatest case officers the Mossad had ever known, he was less esteemed as a commander. He had run a small station in Europe, and held intermediate command positions in Israel, but there was a sense that he wasn’t cut out for the teamwork and communication necessary to lead large groups of people.

Gil briefly left the Mossad to go into private business, but both his and Red Falcon’s retirements were mere formalities. Red Falcon remained involved in Syrian military affairs and participated in secret military discussions. And Gil continued to serve as an instructor within the intelligence community and was occasionally called up by the Mossad for various missions.

Gil’s brief life as a businessman was significantly less glorious than his life as a spy had been. A relative of his, who worked in the Israeli defense establishment and had tried to help Gil enter the business world after his retirement, told me: “I witnessed him in action posing as a rich businessman, and he was great. Ordered everyone around, managing a ‘successful import-export business.’ It was obvious to anyone that he was a major tycoon. In real business, in the real world, he wasn’t that good, and he was really disappointed. It’s almost as if he thought that acting as a businessman should be the same as being one.”

Gil’s lack of success in the civilian world was the opposite of the status he still commanded within the agency. He continued to meet frequently with Red Falcon, and the general remained the focus of Israel’s intelligence activity concerning Syria. “Gil had a tremendous talent for putting himself at the center of the action,” a former Mossad colleague told me. “When the big bosses come to us, or an AMAN representative, they listened to all of us politely, but it was clear whose words they were waiting for.”

It was during this period, though, that doubts about the credibility of Gil’s source began to spread. When a group of intelligence experts within the Mossad decided to take a closer look at Red Falcon’s voluminous file, they came upon the caustic comments Eli Halahmi had written during the scare with Syria back in 1981. “What we suspected,” one of the experts told me, “was not that Gil was fabricating, but that this was a classic case of over-identification between a handler and a source. And that the handler, in order to boost both his source and himself, was cutting corners a little in his reports.”

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Gil in Paris, 1985. Photo: Courtesy of Yehuda Gil

At the same time, Yehiam Mart, who was then head of Mossad’s Paris station, also began to have concerns. After a series of meetings between Gil and Red Falcon in July 1990, Mart ran a number of side operations to investigate some of the information Gil was reporting. He then sent a for-your-eyes-only memo to the agency’s director, Shabtai Shavit, saying that he believed there were problems with the Red Falcon operation. Shavit immediately summoned him to Israel for a meeting with the Mossad’s top officials. Mart was not the first to raise suspicions about Red Falcon, but he was the first to say the problem lay not with the source but with the handler. In his opinion, Gil was taking material from AMAN research experts, modifying it slightly to make it seem credible, then reporting it as intelligence he had obtained from his source. It was even possible, Mart said, that the entire Red Falcon operation was no more than a sophisticated disinformation project by Syrian intelligence, that it was the general who had recruited Gil and not the other way around.

A source who was present at that meeting recalled Mart’s words striking the high-ranking members who were gathered there like a thunderbolt. “It had never happened before that someone cast this kind of doubt on one of us,” the source said. “And not just any one of us but a legend who had recruited our most important agent.”

Mart’s plan for ferreting out the truth was something the Mossad had never done before. He proposed that they plant a false item, one that purportedly came from another source in Syria, within the information conveyed by the Mossad to AMAN’s Research Division. This item, about a new kind of weapon that Syria was receiving from Russia, would be sufficiently significant that AMAN’s Syria experts would pass it on to Gil before his next round of meetings with Red Falcon.

 One of the participants in the meeting suggested that they go straight to the AMAN analysts and tell them of the plan. “Why lie to them, too?” he said.

“Because Yehuda would spot a trick like that,” Mart replied. “He’s a million times smarter than they are, and he’d sense they were hiding something. They’d break in a moment.”

Shavit, who had long been offended by Gil’s arrogance, was in favor of the proposal, and a decision was made to inform only the head of AMAN’s Research Division, Brigadier General Yaakov Amidror, that the item was part of a plot to deceive Gil. At the last moment, however, Shavit gave in to heavy pressure exerted on him from high-ranking members of Tsomet, the division of the Mossad that oversees the case officers. “This is no more than a circumstantial theory,” a source inside the meeting told me one of them said. “There’s no real evidence against Gil, and if it comes out that we’ve played a trick on one of our own men, it will bring down the whole structure of mutual confidence in the organization.”

Shavit gave in, and Gil’s meetings with Red Falcon continued.

Shortly thereafter, however, Gil himself made the case that the Red Falcon operation should be terminated. “His access to material has become very restricted,” Gil wrote at the time. His request was granted, and for a year and a half—from early 1994 until the middle of 1995—no meetings were held with the source. According to information obtained by other intelligence units, though, it was apparent that Red Falcon still had access to highly placed members of the military and government, including excellent ties with Syria’s deputy chief of staff, Ali Aslan.

Why, then, had Gil suddenly tried to belittle his value? Some sources in the Mossad theorized that while Red Falcon may still have been closely connected to the so-called intent echelon, the burden of lies that Gil had peddled over the years was becoming too heavy for him to bear.

Whatever the explanation, the break did not last long. By mid-1995, Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin was engaged in intensive negotiations with the Syrians, under American mediation, and had guaranteed Secretary of State Warren Christopher that Israel would be prepared to withdraw from the Golan in exchange for a full peace accord with Syria. In the midst of these negotiations, Israel was desperate to ascertain whether the Syrians were sincere in their commitment to sign such a historic agreement. Amidror, the chief of the AMAN Research Division, exerted tremendous pressure on the Mossad to keep the Red Falcon operation alive. He took this demand to Rabin, who ordered Shavit to reactivate Red Falcon. “They told me to go back to him on all fours,” Gil said. “Just get him to agree.”

Gil once again met Red Falcon in Europe, where he was joined by the AMAN officer in charge of Syria at the time, who due to secrecy concerns I will refer to as Noam. Gil would meet Red Falcon in cafés or in a suite rented by the Mossad, then Noam would debrief him immediately afterward.

Lieutenant Colonel Udi Dekel of AMAN’s Research Division was also present at some of these meetings. He was amazed, Dekel told me, when he received from Gil information that was identical to intelligence assessments he had written himself several months before. “Verification like this, when a high-ranking human source confirms what you’ve deduced from other sources, ” he said, “is nothing short of orgasmic for an intelligence officer. Only later, when it all blew up, did I learn that Yehuda used to read our memoranda and files before he went for a round of meetings with Red Falcon. It never occurred to me to suspect him. They told us he was the greatest of all.”

In a précis sent back to the Research Division, Noam wrote, “The Syrian military has gone back to busying itself with the idea of a limited offensive. The aim of the offensive is to extricate the political process from deadlock, if and when it reaches a dead end. ‘Limited’ means limited in time to no more than 48 hours, to occupy as much territory as possible within this time frame.… This will be a surprise offensive.… The attacking forces will leave their training grounds and permanent bases while an inspection is under way to serve as cover for the plan.

 “There is no date for implementation.… The Syrian army needs two months to complete preparations for the war.”

In other words, as long as there was a political process and hope that Israel would retreat peacefully from the Golan Heights, there would be no Syrian action. If the peace process broke down, the Syrians would consider launching the limited offensive.

A dispute broke out within AMAN in reaction to this information. Northern Command intelligence argued that they saw no signs that supported Red Falcon’s claim that the Syrians were engaged in military preparations. Syria experts in AMAN’s Tel Aviv headquarters insisted that Red Falcon’s intelligence supported their sense of “hubs of activity in the Syrian army” and suggested that Assad was indeed preparing for war.

On November 4, 1995, Rabin was assassinated by an Israeli ultranationalist named Yigal Amir, who was virulently opposed, as many on the Israeli right were, to the ongoing peace process and any discussion of ceding territory. Rabin’s successor, Shimon Peres, continued negotiations with Syria.

“Someone would have fired the first shot, thousands would have died, Yehuda Gil would have come out of it a national hero.”

Ten

Amid this intense tumult, Gil traveled again to Paris to meet with Red Falcon. It was at this meeting that Gil claimed to have received a detailed report on the preparations for war: “The limited-offensive plan is the only plan that the Syrian military has today,” Noam reported. “The breakthrough will be at dawn, carried out by two armored brigades, one from each division, while special forces, some landed by helicopters in the rear and the others on foot, will attack Mt. Hermon. All the preparations … will be implemented on the eve of the attack—ammunition, engineering equipment, and spare parts will be brought up to the front the day before the attack.”

This information was conveyed directly to the new prime minister. But Peres, who was determined to reach an agreement with Syria before the approaching election, minimized the information. According to other intelligence, the Syrians were convinced that they would soon get the Golan back and there would be no need for a military assault.

With a comfortable lead in the polls over his right-wing opponent, Benjamin Netanyahu, Peres called for an election in May 1996. In the intervening months, however, a wave of suicide attacks in Israel by Hamas extremists caused a spike in support for a more hardline government. On May 29, Netanyahu stunned the world when he was elected prime minister. He quickly appointed a number of former generals and outspoken hawks, all veterans of the 1973 war, to his government and made it clear that he was not bound by any of the guarantees Rabin had given to Secretary of State Christopher.

The Syrians sensed that their hope for the return of the Golan was disappearing, and it is within this context that Gil’s reports from his most recent meetings with Red Falcon were considered. “Syria will soon have the technical ability to carry out a surprise attack against Israel,” an AMAN report based on Gil’s intelligence stated. The Syrians are likely to launch an offensive, it suggested, “if [they are] disappointed with the political process.” And a Syrian attack would receive “Arab political backing and … meet with less international opposition … if Israel is blamed for the collapse in the talks.”

On August 14, 1996, AMAN received a dramatic report from one of its sources that Syria’s 14th Commando Division, based inside Lebanon for many years, was preparing to move from the Beirut-Damascus highway to the area of Katana in Syria, at the foot of Mount Hermon. It appeared to many that Red Falcon’s warnings were beginning to materialize, and a fierce argument erupted over how Israel should respond.

According to one of the experts who briefed Netanyahu on the movements, the prevailing feeling was, “It cannot be that all of the events and steps, mainly the recent significant move of the 14th Division, are coincidental. There must be a guiding hand behind it all.”

Under intense pressure, Gil reached out to Red Falcon, using a previously agreed-upon code that meant “come to Paris immediately.” He returned in a matter of days with information that the Syrian military’s movements were indeed a cover for Assad’s plan to retake part of the Golan Heights. A senior source in Military Intelligence recalled the morning that Gil’s intelligence was circulated: “Panic took hold. It seemed as though the nightmare scenario of October 1973 was about to recur. The nation was on high alert, and military forces were moved to the forward lines on the border, which caused an immediate increase in the Syrians’ state of alert.”

At the same time, other intelligence was coming in that appeared to support the sense that Syria was preparing for battle. Another division deployed along the border with Israel began to conduct war-games exercises, and Syrian reserves were mobilized in response to tension with Turkey in the north. The Israelis even learned that the Syrian military had refreshed the atropine syringes its troops carried as protection against chemical weapons.

Shortly after Gil’s information was received, someone leaked to the Israeli media that Syrian forces were massing and there were fears of an attack on the Golan. Panic swept through the populace.

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Poster in the Golan Heights of Syrian president Hafez al-Assad, 1996. Photo: Scott Peterson/Getty Images

As these events were unfolding, Amos Gilad was preparing to assume his new role as head of AMAN’s Research Division. Gilad, who currently serves as head of the Ministry of Defense’s security cabinet, has been at the center of some of the most tumultuous events in the Middle East for the past three decades. His reputation for focusing purely on the work and for bluntly standing his ground in times of intense disagreement is known throughout the Israeli intelligence community.

“I had never taken leave,” Gilad told me as we sat in his office in the Defense Ministry. “I was due to get my first month’s leave, before taking up my post as head of the Research Division. But then Yehuda Gil’s reports began coming in, and I realized, there goes my leave.”

Gil filed “beautiful reports in superb Hebrew,” Gilad said, “which included not only a warning of war, but also the diplomatic rationale behind it: Syria would attack on the Golan Heights just before the American elections. The attack would cause a shock, following which Israel would have to launch a diplomatic move [to avoid all-out war], all this before the American president could seriously settle into his next term.”

Something about the logic in Gil’s report struck Gilad as wrong. “This was Western reasoning,” he said, “which is the exact opposite of Assad’s. Anyone familiar with Assad knew that it could not be so. He would never launch a military operation to get a diplomatic process moving, especially when it depended upon political developments in the United States.”

Gilad’s interpretation met with scorn. “I was in a pretty miserable position here,” he said. “The officers under me thought that Gil was right and I was wrong. There were officers who told me, ‘Amos, you’re nuts. There’s going to be a war. We have to deploy forces, we have to mobilize reserves.’ Those were very difficult days for me.”

Even now, nearly 20 years later, Gilad’s temper flared as he discussed the way events unfolded over those few days. “Our supreme test as intelligence officers is to save blood,” he said. “And that works in two directions. After all, the easiest thing for me would have been to say Gil’s right and issue a war alert. And then we would have mobilized reserves, and the Syrians, whose intelligence is very weak and who have no sources inside Israel, would have seen that we were mobilizing, interpreted it as preparation for a surprise attack, and issued their own war alert. Someone would have fired the first shot, thousands would have died, Yehuda Gil would have come out of it a national hero, and I would have been seen as a saboteur and traitor.”

Gilad’s opinion was in direct conflict with that of his superior, AMAN chief Moshe Ya’alon (who today is Israel’s minister of defense). On the morning of August 30, Ya’alon did what none of his predecessors had ever done: sent an urgent, top-secret message to the prime minister, the defense minister, the chief of staff, and the head of the Mossad, under the heading “Warning of war with Syria.” The warning read:

As I and my personnel stated in evaluations that we voiced this week, I find it necessary to emphasize that the likelihood of an offensive Syrian move is increasing as it becomes clear to the Syrian president that his prospects for regaining the Golan by agreement are decreasing. As of mid-September 1996, the likelihood of such a move will increase, in the light of the steps the Syrians intend to take in the course of the next two weeks to improve their readiness. Even though I cannot yet point at a concrete time for an offensive Syrian move, it is clear to me that the likelihood of such a move is increasing and I shall recommend drawing all conclusions and preparing for a new situation.

Upon reading this message, Netanyahu summoned Chief of Staff Amnon Lipkin Shahak and ordered him to prepare for war. Shahak, who agreed with Gilad that Syria was not on the verge of attacking, tried but failed to persuade Netanyahu to reconsider. Acting on firm orders from the prime minister, he began preparing the army for combat.

At an urgent cabinet meeting on the morning of September 1, many of the ministers demanded that elite army forces be deployed in the north, that a division of reserves be mobilized, and that the IDF prepare for a preemptive strike against Syria.

Yitzhak Mordechai, then the newly appointed Israeli defense minister, found himself in a predicament: “When I was head of Northern Command,” Mordechai told me recently, “the whole limited-warfare theory that came from Red Falcon seemed strange to me, because I didn’t see any actual preparations on the ground. And now he was reporting on an imminent war, and the head of AMAN takes his information as the living word of God. I said in the cabinet that, in my opinion, the information is groundless. The Syrians are far from being ready to open fire. Moreover, I have studied President Assad well. He is not an adventurer. A move like this is simply not his style. True, he did it in the Yom Kippur War, but then the situation was completely different. Then they were ready to go to war.”

Mordechai met with stiff opposition in the cabinet, especially from his former army colleagues Ariel Sharon and Raful Eitan. “They had been my superior officers,” Mordechai said. “They were saying that I don’t get it. Sharon was saying, ‘War will break out soon and we have to get ready.’ Raful, who saw with his own eyes how Mount Hermon fell in the Yom Kippur War, thundered at me that I didn’t realize the price we would pay in blood to drive the Syrians out if we allowed them to invade now. The two of them pointed their fingers at me and said, ‘Know that you’re responsible! The blame will all be yours!’”

We were sitting in his apartment in north Tel Aviv, overlooking the sea, as Mordechai recalled the meeting. “I’m not bragging,” he said, “but in emergency situations like these, I turn into a block of ice. One should not let pressure decide for him.”

Mordechai is a tough, unemotional man, but when I said that it was difficult to imagine anyone not being affected by the strain of that situation, he softened. “Don’t think it was easy,” he said. “I went through ten days without sleeping. I realized I was taking enormous responsibility on myself.”

Ilan Mizrahi, who was the head of the Mossad’s Tsomet division at the time, told me: “If it had not been for Yitzhak Mordechai, who stood his ground in the cabinet, there would have been an outbreak of war. He saved Israel.”

With Mordechai refusing to budge, a compromise was reached: Steps would be taken to reinforce the border and quietly prepare for the mobilization of reserves. All female personnel would be evacuated from the border area, to prevent them from being taken captive during an invasion. At the same time, Netanyahu, who remained of the opinion that war was imminent, would convey the gravity of the situation to President Clinton and ask him to intervene immediately with Assad.

On September 7, Netanyahu flew to Washington, accompanied by his diplomatic adviser, Dore Gold, and the head of Mossad’s research division, Uzzi Arad. Dennis Ross, who was Clinton’s special coordinator in the Middle East, traveled with the Israelis, who briefed him en route about the gravity of the situation with Syria.

Immediately upon landing, the party headed for a meeting at a CIA facility near the Pentagon. John Deutsch, then director of the CIA, arrived with members of his staff, and Arad briefed them on the latest intelligence. “Deutsch and his experts listened to us attentively but said the CIA had no information to support the idea that Syria intended to go to war,” Arad told me.

In meetings with Deutsch, as well as at the Pentagon and the White House, Netanyahu made his plea that the Americans intervene urgently with the Syrians.

Clinton issued an order that a letter from him to Assad be drawn up, and it was formulated in a lengthy meeting at the State Department attended by Gold and Arad. The letter read in part:

The United States is committed to the achievement of peace.… In order to do this, the two sides are obliged to refrain from actions that place a question mark over their commitment to peace, or worse, that attest to their readiness to resort to the use of force. On this occasion we wish to raise with Syria the matter of its military force movements.… Some of these movements are unprecedented and cause instability in the region.… It is incumbent upon us to clarify that neither side will derive benefit from any military measure or from the negotiations that will begin in its wake.… Such an act will have the gravest repercussions on relations with the United States.… I implore you to take steps to reduce the tension.…

[Signed] William Jefferson Clinton, President of the United States of America

Clinton’s letter was delivered to Assad by Christopher Ross, the American ambassador in Damascus. After his meeting with Assad, Ross immediately sent a memo to Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk, the U.S. ambassador to Israel, who conveyed the message to Dore Gold. According to the minutes of the Assad meeting sent by Ross (which have been translated here back to English from the Hebrew translation received by the Israelis), the following exchange occurred.

Assad read the message in Arabic.… He replied thus: Will you have a problem if Israel is the party that initiates military action?

Ross: The message is addressed to you. We do not want any action or any initiative from either side.

Assad: Our movements are not meant to start a war. They are technical and similar to movements that every army executes.… What the forces are doing is routine.… This state of alert and readiness at which they are at now are different from those required in war. We have moved them to the places where they were in the past. Israel is used to this, just as we are used to the IDF’s exercises on the Golan Heights. We also keep on training, like the American army. This is our reply to President Clinton’s message: We have no plans for war. The Israelis should know this. Netanyahu certainly gets intelligence reports from his intelligence services. He should know that our movements are not hostile.… But we do not see Israel making progress in this direction. I wonder if Netanyahu is really honest when he expresses his fears or, what seems more reasonable, that he is preparing justification for carrying out a military action himself.

“At that moment, two guys from the Shin Bet burst in. ‘Here’s the proof that you lied,’ they said. ‘Here’s the proof that you stole.’”

Eleven

Beyond the stark warnings about the Syrian military’s movements, the notes from Yehuda Gil’s meetings with Red Falcon in September 1996 contained another bombshell. According to Gil, Red Falcon had told him that Syria had placed a mole at the highest levels of the Israeli military. The general had access to the intelligence the mole was providing, and although he could not name who it was, Gil said he had supplied him with a number of clues that could help Israel identify the spy.

This news, too, was immediately conveyed all the way up to Netanyahu, who ordered Israel’s internal security service, the Shin Bet, to set up a special squad whose mission was to root out the traitor. After intense investigation, a number of senior officers, including two generals, were found to fit the profile Gil had provided. For weeks their every move was carefully observed and documented, and highly invasive probes of their private lives were carried out, but nothing conclusive was discovered.

In the aftermath of the tense scare with Syria—and as the Shin Bet investigation came to its inconclusive end—suspicions that Gil was fabricating intelligence were now impossible to explain away. Danny Yatom, who by that point was serving as director of the Mossad, told me that the newly appointed head of Tsomet, Ilan Mizrahi, came to him with his concerns. “‘Vigorous steps must be taken to find out if the suspicions against Yehuda are correct,’” Yatom recalled Mizrahi telling him. Mizrahi said that the agency needed to begin a secret surveillance of one of its own. “If it turns out that I’m wrong,” Mizrahi told him, “I’ll immediately hand you my resignation. I won’t be able to continue after breaking the Mossad’s code of trust like this. Will you go all the way with me on this? If no, then better not to begin.”

When Gil next left for Europe, in March 1997, Yatom went to the head of the Shin Bet and asked that a team be sent to follow him. He could not use Mossad personnel, Yatom reasoned, because of the possibility that someone would leak the plan to Gil. A Shin Bet team followed Gil to Paris and was able to confirm that he did indeed meet with his source, but because the meeting took place in a crowded Parisian café, it was impossible to record the conversation. Gil would report that this meeting with Red Falcon lasted seven hours; in my interviews with Yatom, he said that the Shin Bet team observed that Gil met him for only 40 minutes.

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu with Mossad director Danny Yatom, October 1997. Photo: AP

In October 1997, Mizrahi told Gil that he would not be going to the next round of meetings with Red Falcon and that another case officer would be replacing him. Gil protested but could no longer convince his bosses that he alone must handle the source. The replacement operative went to Paris and, after meeting with Red Falcon, reported back news that was stunning even in light of Mizrahi’s and Yatom’s already grave suspicions. According to Gil’s replacement, the Syrian general had never been recruited by Gil to be an informant; he had never provided intelligence regarding the workings of the Syrian military or government. All of it, all 23 years, was a lie. Red Falcon was invested in the relationship, the case officer said, because he enjoyed his Italian friend’s generosity.

Yatom immediately took the case to Israel’s state prosecutor. Mizrahi asked for a chance to persuade Gil to confess and to handle the problem internally, in part because of his undeniable contributions to the Mossad, and in part to avoid the tremendous damage he knew would be done to the agency’s image. Mizrahi summoned Gil to a meeting at Mossad headquarters, which took place in a room in which the Shin Bet and the Israeli police had installed hidden cameras and microphones.

According to Gil and to others who’d observed the meeting on a monitor in an adjacent room, Mizrahi greeted Gil with a stern face as he entered and asked him to sit down. He talked to Gil about all that they’d done together, the good that they’d accomplished for the state of Israel, and then Mizrahi said, “But I have grounds to believe that your handling of Red Falcon was not in accordance with accepted norms.”

Gill said he had no idea what Mizrahi was talking about.

“We know everything,” Mizrahi said. “Yehuda, do me a favor, do all of us a favor—the Mossad and yourself—tell us everything.”

“I really don’t know what’s going on here,” Gil said again.

“If you do not cooperate with me,” Mizrahi said, “I will have no other choice but to have the matter investigated.”

Gil remained implacable. Mizrahi clapped his hands together in sorrow and left the room. Moments later two men entered, one a police officer and the other the head of the Shin Bet’s interrogation unit, a man nicknamed Sheriff.

The men carried three cardboard boxes each. “Here’s the proof that you lied,” they said. “Here’s the proof that you stole.” (In the course of investigating whether Gil had fabricated intelligence, suspicions were also raised that he was stealing money that had been earmarked for Red Falcon.)

“Gil kept a poker face,” Danny Yatom told me. “With a stoical tranquility he replied, ‘I have no idea what you’re talking about.’”

At one point in the interrogation, Sheriff compared Gil to an Arab terrorist. Gil’s voice trembled as he described that moment. “I wondered if I should get up, knock him down, and kill him,” he said. “We were alone in the room, and I am, after all, an expert at hand-to-hand combat. I know what I am capable of. Later on I said to myself, I can’t sink any lower. If a schmuck like this talks to me like that and I don’t respond, what have I come to? But cold calculation told me not to get up.”

Devorah Chen was the director of the Department of Security Matters and Special Affairs at the time. She was assigned to the case and was also present in the adjacent room full of Mossad chiefs watching the interrogation. “One must realize that the strength of the evidence they had before the interrogation was very weak indeed,” Chen told me. “I told them that if this was all they had, we couldn’t indict him.”

 As the interrogation continued, though, “Sheriff broke him,” Chen recalled. “He repeated the same question over and over again. He mentioned details that Gil had faked in his bio. That’s how he undermined his stability. Gil knows that it was there that he lost his cool, and that’s why he hates Sheriff so much.”

Gil maintains to this day that he did not, in fact, confess to anything, and that he never believed there would be a trial because he didn’t commit any crimes. “I was sure it would be over in a day or two,” he said. “I never imagined that a story like this, this hell, would explode in my face.”

When I pressed him to talk more about the interrogation, he said dismissively that it was he who was controlling the outcome, not Sheriff. “They did not break me or anything like that,” he insisted. “I said, ‘Ask me whatever you like, and I’ll answer you.’”

Gil allowed during the interrogation that “at certain stages there were things that I didn’t handle exactly as I should. But by no means, in no event, did I invent things that [Red Falcon] did not say.” Then, and in my conversations with him all these years later, he placed the blame instead at the feet of the AMAN researchers with whom he worked for so many years. On every trip, he said, he was accompanied by a number of experts, and each night they would intensely debrief him on what he’d learned. He blames any inaccuracies in his reports on the way these debriefings were handled.

“Their mania for getting real-time reporting did not allow me to sit down and write up my notes,” he said. “I said, ‘Guys, I can’t do it. I sit with you from five or six in the evening until nine or eleven at night, going over and translating from Italian the notes I took during the meeting. If after that I have to write them up, I won’t be able to get up in the morning.’ So they said, ‘You know what? You tell us, we’ll write the articles in your name.’” (“Articles” is Mossad jargon for the written reports submitted after meetings with agents.) Would it really have been possible to fool so many experts for so many years, Gil said, under such intense pressure?

When the interrogation was over, investigators from the Shin Bet and the Israeli police escorted him from Mossad headquarters to his home in Gedera. They searched his home and discovered a large amount of cash—$39,000, which Gil had reported he’d handed over to Red Falcon, kept in an envelope labeled “Office Money.” (“Office” is the term Mossad employees use when talking about the organization.)

A Mossad official who was involved in the affair told me, “It’s clear to us that Gil was prepared for the possibility of an investigation and had therefore written ‘Office Money’ on the envelope. Why else would he write this on an envelope that only he and his wife had access to, and that in any case he should have handed over to the agent? On the other hand,” he conceded, “Gil could have stolen a lot more money from us. He was very modest in this.”

Gil contended that keeping money at home was standard procedure in the Mossad and that he wasn’t using it for anything other than the mission. Danny Yatom disputes this. “Gil was a man of the world who knew a thing or two about the good life,” Yatom said. “That’s why he arranged all his meetings in Paris.”

To this Gil responded, “That’s absolute nonsense. The meetings were arranged where they could be held without arousing the suspicions of Syrian internal security.” As soon as the search was completed, Gil was taken to a secret Shin Bet holding facility south of Tel Aviv. He spent a week there before being allowed to go home and explain what he was being accused of to his wife and children. When he arrived home, he gathered his family around him. “If you think what they are saying about me is true,” he said to them, “you can leave me alone without any qualms. You do not have to back me up if you don’t believe that I’m innocent.”

His wife, Noa, told me that the repercussions have been hardest on her children, one of whom is a senior officer in the IDF. “They have suffered a great deal,” she said. “I don’t want to tell you what happened after that night, how each one of them fell to pieces.” I asked her how the accusations have affected her, and she said only, “I was born under the sign of Leo. I protect him like a lioness.”

“I heard the word ‘espionage,’ and it was the most humiliating moment of my life. To be accused of spying against the State of Israel.”

Twelve

The trial, which was held in secret, ended with Gil being convicted of espionage and theft by a panel of three judges and sentenced to five years in prison.

When the charges were read out, Gil recalled, “I heard the word ‘espionage,’ and it was the most humiliating moment of my life. To be accused of spying against the State of Israel.” 

Over the dozens of hours we spent talking about his career, Gil rarely appeared fragile or vulnerable. He is an intensely proud man, and occasionally bombastic, and secure, it seems, in the rightness of his actions. But now it was possible to glimpse something else beneath the guise of righteous indignation. “I erred,” he said. “Perhaps I embellished a little. Perhaps I rounded off corners. But I never willfully fabricated anything. I acted only on behalf of the security of the state.” After the ruling, Gil appealed to the Israeli Supreme Court, but to no avail. In their rejection of the appeal, the court’s justices wrote: 

By virtue of his training and his occupation and because of the special information that he possessed, the appellant knew that conveying false information was liable to harm the State’s security. The Syrian source to whom the appellant attributed the information was of high rank.… The information that [Gil] delivered was distributed even in raw form to the Chief of Staff, the Prime Minister and the Defense Minister. It was written up in a convincing manner. Some of it arrived at a time when there was tension in relations between Israel and Syria and as such it was liable to have grave consequences. The appellant was aware of this danger.

The court also refused to reduce Gil’s sentence, although it acknowledged that “for long years he served in a responsible and important position; sometimes he found himself in grave situations and risked his life. He controlled dozens of agents in different countries and in so doing brought great benefit to the security of Israel. Even after retiring he took upon himself the execution of important missions, before he stumbled and committed the crimes he is accused of.” 

I asked several of the roughly 60 sources I spoke to for this story why, in their estimation, someone as skilled and revered as Gil would do the things that he was found guilty of doing. What could his motive possibly be? 

 “That is a question for psychologists,” Devorah Chen, the state prosecutor, told me. “I think that his motive had to do more with his ego than with financial gain. This was the pinnacle of his work with the Mossad, and I think he was obsessed with feeling that he was still a key factor in the organization.” 

Many people, including Danny Yatom, agreed. “Part of the makeup of his personality is expressed in the bottomless need to be the center of attention,” Yatom told me. “Always to feel that he is needed.”

Others spoke of him as a man who, through relentless devotion to his work, had sacrificed his own identity. I met one day with Gad Shomron, a former Mossad operative who testified on Gil’s behalf at his trial. Shomron seemed pained, even now, talking about the affair. “This is a very sad story,” Shomron said. “Gil did great things for the sake of Israel’s security, but it may be that he never quite came back from there, from the land of illusions and lies in which he lived on behalf of us all.” He contemplated for a moment the pressure that Gil must have been under during all those years when Israel’s security seemed to hinge on his handling of an informant. “For a while he soared along with Red Falcon,” he said. “But for reasons many of us can understand, he simply forgot to come back to earth.”

Another Mossad operative, a man who was among those tasked with gathering evidence against Gil when suspicions inside the agency became too great to deny, was far less sympathetic. He suggested that there was a kind of intense sociopathology at work in Gil, one that found perfect expression in a job that required deceit and manipulation. When I first spoke with him, early in my relationship with Gil, the officer warned me, “Beware of him. He’ll recruit you and run you, and you won’t be aware of it.” I responded somewhat arrogantly that in this case I thought the opposite had happened, that I had been able to get him to open up. “Really?” he asked. “Tell me what he told you.” I briefly recounted some of what Gil had said in those initial interviews, including his description of his childhood in Libya, his Italian father, his military service.

The man chuckled. “That’s what he told the organization when he was recruited,” he said. “The details were seriously checked only when suspicions against him arose in 1996.” As far as he was concerned, nothing about Gil’s story could be trusted—where he was from, the prominence of his family, that his grandfather was a rabbi and his father was Italian. He questioned all of it, even details of Gil’s military career. “Because of his feelings of inferiority,” this man suggested, “Gil built a whole dream life and simply turned it into his cover story. It happens sometimes, that we introduce our fantasies or things that we lack into our cover stories. My wife, for example, will never forgive me for the time my cover story called for me to pass as a widower.”

I doubted his theory, but he waved me off. “These are the less important details,” he said. “Gil played you for a fool, just as he did all of us. The Mossad has clearcut, indubitable evidence that he fabricated the information almost right from the start.”

I’ve since heard the same from others, that the lies go all the way back, that nothing Gil reported from Red Falcon was true. And I’ve heard the opposite, and not just from Gil, that he reported information that was accurate. It’s impossible to know, of course. This is the hazard of reporting on an agency that in its obsessive search for secrets is so protective of its own. This man, after all, is a longtime recruiter and handler of agents, whose name is also connected to legendary intelligence feats. You can never fully know what personal or institutional arrogance, what image management, is at work. 

Shortly before this story was to be published, I met one more time with Gil at his home. Netanyahu had recently been elected again. There was a feeling that for all the drama and turbulence, little in Israel ever changes. All the old narratives and enmities insist on themselves. I had often wondered to myself if Gil could ever see that he and Red Falcon were driven, in some way, by the same raw, tribal grievances. He had spoken often of Red Falcon’s primitive anti-Semitism, and yet he had all but acknowledged his own searing hatred, even if he was unequivocal that it was necessary for survival. 

At one point in our conversations he offered that he had, over time, developed a kind of fondness for Red Falcon, or kinship maybe. “I feel sorry for the guy, for Red Falcon.” He was a decent man, Gil said, “in his own conception. He was not deceptive.” The investigation had certainly exposed him, Gil said. “They did him a terrible injustice, because the consequences could not have been pleasant. I sat in prison for three years, but I’m sure he lost much more, he and his family. The quarrels between the Jews shouldn’t have caused him damage. It doesn’t matter that I’d been prepared, if need be, to shoot a bullet between his eyes. It wouldn’t bother me. But the one thing has nothing to do with the other. The respect that he deserves, he should receive.”

On the last day I visited him, Gil looked older to me than when I’d seen him last. He and Noa were about to leave the country, he said. They were on their way to southern Italy, to the town he and his family had gone to when they left Libya, before coming to Israel in 1948. He seemed eager to go there, to this formative place of his youth, where his father had come from.

The Life and Times of the Stopwatch Gang

How a trio of Canadian bank robbers executed meticulous heists in the ’70s and ’80s.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 46


Josh Dean is a correspondent for Outside and a regular contributor toBloomberg BusinessWeek, Fast Company, GQ, and Popular Science. He’s a former deputy editor of Men’s Journal and was a founding editor of Play, the sports magazine of The New York Times. His first book, Show Dog, for which he embedded himself on the competitive dog-show circuit for a year, was published by HarperCollins in 2012. He lives in Brooklyn with his wife, Gillian Telling, a writer for People magazine, and their two sons.


Editors: Katia Bachko and Joel Lovell
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Animation: Dave Mayerse
Audio Recording: Rebecca Hasse
Other Images: Alexander Waterhouse-Hayward, Farah Nosh, Guy Kimola, the William Ready Division of Archives and Research Collections at McMaster University, Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell, Ottawa Citizen



Published in March 2015. Design updated in 2021.

One

Stephen Reid shifted in his seat to avoid the sunlight slanting through the windows of the bar at Vancouver’s Sylvia Hotel. He sipped espresso and laid out the methodology behind a successful bank heist. “It’s not rocket science,” he said. “You don’t have to be Stephen Hawking.”

Reid’s face is softer now than it was some 40 years ago, when his mug shot appeared on front pages across Canada. He has the same mustache, the same thick hair, both now gray, but the scars across his right cheek have faded. He ordered a Cobb salad, no avocado; Canada’s most notorious living bank robber is 64 and watching his weight.

Throughout the late ’70s and into the very early ’80s, Reid and his partners, Paddy Mitchell and Lionel Wright, robbed dozens of banks, stole millions of dollars, and broke out of numerous prisons, fascinating the media while frustrating authorities in Canada and the United States. They lived in the public imagination as modern-day folk heroes: the Stopwatch Gang, a name given to them by the FBI because Reid sometimes wore an oversize stopwatch around his neck to time their ruthlessly efficient heists, often committed while wearing Halloween masks. “I can’t say I admire what they did, because it’s illegal,” one FBI agent who pursued the gang for years told me. “But I understood it. You have respect for the good ones, and the good ones treat you with respect.”

The reason so many robbers fail, Reid told me when I met him in Canada last December, is that they’re desperate people who’ve done little if any planning. On the other hand, if you’re careful and you do your homework, he said, a system’s flaws will reveal themselves. “Something always breaks loose.”

It seemed to pain him a little to say this. When we met, Reid was living at a halfway house, the final stage of an 18-year sentence that started in a maximum-security prison—the longest by far of his many stints behind bars. Reid was always the brash one in the gang, the fearless street tough, but he’s quiet now, contemplative. The halfway house is in Victoria, the provincial capital, a two-hour ferry ride away. He had signed out on a day pass to travel to Vancouver to work on a play he wrote, called Heroin Elvis, that a young director he’d met hoped to stage in the near future. Reid wasn’t sure if he told his parole office that he was also meeting a journalist. “They don’t like me to do media,” he said, “but I guess it’s the antiestablishment streak in me.”

He pushed his salad aside and popped a piece of Nicorette. “I haven’t had a cigarette in two years,” he said, his final vice cast aside. His voice was soft, barely audible at times, especially when discussing his gang’s heyday. “Honestly, these stories bore me,” he said. What he wanted to talk about instead was how it all went to hell.

Stephen Reid, left, and Paddy Mitchell at the Millhaven Institution, in Ontario, in the mid-1970s. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell
Stephen Reid, left, and Paddy Mitchell at the Millhaven Institution, in Ontario, in the mid-1970s. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell

Two

Stephen Reid grew up with nine siblings in Massey, Ontario, a rural town of 1,200 at the junction of the Spanish and Aux Sables Rivers. According to Reid, his father was a “hard-working, hard-drinking northern Ontario man” who did the best he could to provide for his family. Money was tight, but Reid has warm memories of snaring rabbits, swimming in the rivers, and playing in the forests around town. “I was well loved, well scrubbed, and well fed,” he said. He was a good student and a promising hockey player.

Then he fell into drugs, and his life took a dark turn. At 13, Reid ran away for the first time, to Vancouver, some 2,000 miles west. He vanished into the city’s gritty East End, homeless and broke. Whatever money he had, he spent on heroin.

Reid eventually returned home and reenrolled in high school, only to flee again. At 15, he wound up in jail for the first time, after selling a dime bag of hash to a female cop. A year later, he was arrested again for drug possession and spent Christmas Eve in solitary confinement, “the hole,” at Oakalla Prison, in Burnaby. “I began crying and promised God if he let me out I would never, never, ever again go near drugs or do anything illegal,” Reid said. “He didn’t release me.”

On the streets of London, Ontario, Reid discovered methamphetamine, and at 17, “wired to the yin-yang on a $500-a-day habit,” he bought a gun and robbed his first bank. It was the very definition of a desperate job, but he got away, and over the next three years he robbed several more banks to pay for his drug habit. Eventually he was arrested after someone tipped off the cops. “I was loose with my tongue and always had big rolls of money,” he said. 

This time, Reid was sentenced to ten years at Kingston Penitentiary, a prison even scarier than Oakalla. When the sheriffs delivered him into the yard and unlocked his chains, a steel I-beam that secured the pen’s towering gate fell into place with a deafening clang. “The echoes in that chamber have stayed with me my entire life,” he said.

Two years into his term, the 23-year-old Reid slipped away from a counselor while eating lunch on a day pass. “It wasn’t hard,” he said. “I just went to the bathroom and climbed out the window.”

He fled to Ottawa and was hiding out in a basement apartment when a prison buddy suggested he meet Paddy Mitchell, whom Reid later described as “the unofficial mayor of the local underworld.”

Mitchell, a swaggering figure with “Pat Boone hair” and wide-collar shirts, ran a thriving robbery operation while maintaining a front as an aluminum-siding salesman. Reid liked him immediately. “I wasn’t in awe, but I was taken with him,” Reid said. When they met, Reid complimented Mitchell on his “beautiful suede jacket,” and a day later his new friend showed up at the Ottawa apartment with the same jacket in Reid’s size.


Mitchell was one of seven children in a working-class Catholic family and grew up on Preston Street, in a rough section of Ottawa’s Little Italy. As his older brother Pinky, a champion Golden Gloves boxer, liked to say, “The further you went down Preston Street, the tougher it got. We lived in the last house in the basement.” Paddy was attracted to petty crime as a kid and developed a reputation as a fighter. At 14, he was convicted of assault for his role in a brawl that led to the accidental death of another kid. He was confined to a juvenile-detention facility until he turned 18, and when he got out, Mitchell picked up where he’d left off, working with his older brother Bobby and “a loosely knit band of thieves.” 

Paddy Mitchell as a boy. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell
Paddy Mitchell as a boy. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell

In 1961, Mitchell fell in love with a woman who worked for the Canadian government. They got married two months before his 20th birthday and, less than a year later, had a son, whom they named Kevin. Mitchell spent the better part of ten years driving a delivery truck for the Pure Spring soda company, which is how he met Lionel Wright, a short, skinny introvert, just shy of 30, with fake teeth, jug ears, and a receding hairline. 

In his self-published autobiography, handwritten years later while he sat in a prison cell, Mitchell wrote that meeting Lionel Wright was “where I made that left turn instead of a right and my life has never been the same.” 

Wright lived at home with his mother. He didn’t drink or smoke and spent most nights watching television or reading about ancient history. He was a man of routines who excelled at clerical work and wore the same outfit every day: dark pants, white shirt, black shoes, blue vinyl jacket.

He liked pornography and bought his magazines from a smoke shop on Mitchell’s delivery route. The two got to talking and over time struck up a friendship. Mitchell saw Wright regularly until the fall of 1971, when he was fired from the trucking job for joining (and eventually leading) a drivers’ strike. 

A few months after Mitchell lost his job, Wright called him at home, out of the blue. He wanted to know if Mitchell still enjoyed Seagram’s VO rye whiskey. It was an odd reason to call, but Wright was an odd character who paid close attention to details, and he’d remembered Mitchell mentioning his love of Seagram’s. Wright worked as a night clerk at a trucking company, and he said he had two cases of the stuff that wouldn’t be missed. 

When Mitchell went to the warehouse to pick up the whiskey, he saw a vast, unsecured space, connected to a yard that contained hundreds of trailers filled with cigarettes and candy and clothing and paper products, everything you could imagine being sold. Mitchell could take whatever he wanted, Wright explained; he would simply alter the paperwork to make it look like someone else’s mistake. 

Over the next few years, Wright stole anything and everything from the warehouse, and Mitchell sold the goods on the black market. To cover his tracks and deceive his wife, Mitchell got the aluminum-siding gig, but he never sold any siding. He’d get up, put on a suit and tie, and drive into the city to find a buyer for whatever it was that Wright had stolen. 

The thefts escalated from boxes to entire trailer loads. Ultimately, the company came to suspect that Wright was part of the ongoing robberies and fired him. “We went in search of other enterprises,” Mitchell wrote. “I could never go back to a regular 9 to 5 job. I had expensive habits now.”

It was around this time that Mitchell was invited to the basement apartment where Reid was hiding out. He quickly liked the intelligent, muscular 23-year-old with “nerves of steel” and a set of scars that had been slashed into his right cheek with a straight razor in a Toronto street fight.  

For the next year, Reid, Mitchell, and Wright preyed on Ottawa’s delivery networks, making more and more money to feed their respective appetites for racehorses (Mitchell), drugs (Reid), and prostitutes (Wright). It was not unusual for the gang to split $20,000 to $30,000 for a single day’s work. “Nothing in town was safe from us,” Mitchell later wrote.

Three

A few minutes before midnight on April 14, 1974, the phone rang in a warehouse used for special cargo at the Ottawa International Airport. It had been an uneventful shift for the guard on duty, 24-year-old David Braham, who had been called in to watch over five boxes stacked inside a locked cage within the warehouse.

The boxes, sealed with red wax, were on their way from the Red Lake Gold Mines in western Ontario to the Royal Canadian Mint. Four of them contained single bars of solid gold about the size of loaves of bread; the fifth held two smaller bars made up from remnants scraped out of the smelters. The total weight was more than 5,100 ounces.

When Braham answered the phone, an angry voice on the other end demanded, “Has my man arrived there yet?” The caller told Braham that he’d sent a worker over to the freight shed to pick up some urgently needed deicing fluid. Without it, flights would be delayed.

Braham said that he hadn’t seen anyone, eliciting a stream of profanity from the man on the other end, who made it clear that his delinquent employee was about to cause serious problems.

Just then there was a knock at the door, and Braham opened it for a guy in a blue Air Canada parka, with thick blond hair and a set of scars on his cheek. Your boss is looking for you, he told the man, and he’s really pissed.

Stephen Reid walked to the phone and picked it up, pretending to be nervous. “I’m sorry, I got held up,” he said. He hung up and turned to Braham, pulling a revolver from his waistband. “This is a robbery. If you don’t do everything I tell you, I’ll have to kill you,” he said.

Reid handcuffed Braham to the outside of the cage with the guard’s own cuffs and asked him which key opened the lock on the cage. On a wall behind him, a sign read: AIR CARGO IS YOUR JOB. PROTECT IT. CARGO SECURITY DEPENDS ON YOU.

Braham answered that he didn’t have the key; it was stored in the main terminal. Reid cursed, grabbed an empty cardboard box, and placed it over Braham’s head. He walked across the room into an adjacent workshop and returned with some tools.

Alternating between a hacksaw and a heavy wrench, Reid banged and sawed at the lock until it fell off. He stacked the boxes onto a cart and wheeled them out to the loading dock, where Lionel Wright was waiting to help load them into a car. The whole thing took nearly 20 minutes, and Braham sat there, locked to the cage with a box on his head, for another half-hour until a cleaning crew arrived. Police immediately scrambled to set up a roadblock, but by then the men were long gone.

By morning the theft was national news. The Ottawa Citizen reported: “Airport bandits escape with $165,000 in gold,” using the insured value of the shipment and not its actual worth, which turned out to be more than $750,000 in 1974 dollars. It was the largest gold theft in Canadian history.

Courtesy of the Ottawa Citizen
Courtesy of the Ottawa Citizen

The score had begun with an encounter at a pool hall where Mitchell and Reid liked to spend their afternoons, an alternative to getting drunk in bars. There they met an Air Canada baggage handler named Gary Coutanche, who was selling expensive calculators that he’d stolen from his day job. Mitchell saw an opportunity and befriended the petty thief, and his instincts paid off when Coutanche told him that every month a shipment of gold came through the airport en route to the national mint. Mitchell offered him $100,000 in exchange for a tip the next time a load came through.

Coutanche spent conspicuously after the robbery, buying a Harley-Davidson motorcycle and a giant diamond ring that he wore on his pinky. Ottawa police had suspected an inside job, and when they went looking for the culprit, he wasn’t hard to find.

In exchange for his freedom, Coutanche agreed to roll over. It helped that Paddy Mitchell had only paid him a portion of the $100,000. Mitchell had promised to pay Coutanche after the gold was fenced, but Coutanche kept calling to ask about the money, and that made Mitchell mad. According to Mitchell’s book, he handed over $10,000 of his own money, in exchange for a promise that Coutanche “wouldn’t do anything with it to attract attention.”

Detectives had long considered Mitchell to be a person of interest—though he’d never been convicted of anything, his involvement in crime was an open secret in Ottawa—but they needed more than Coutanche’s word to arrest him. They bided their time for nearly a year, until February 1975, when Coutanche told authorities that Mitchell had asked him to let a suitcase slip through customs. When the police intercepted the bag, it was stuffed with cocaine.

On March 3, Ottawa police arrested Mitchell and Wright for drug smuggling. Each got 17 years, with Mitchell receiving an extra three for possession of the stolen gold, after he’d been caught on a wiretap arranging to sell five of the six bars.  

Reid wasn’t involved in the cocaine smuggling. He had left Ottawa shortly after the gold robbery, heading first to Miami with a girlfriend, then to Arizona. When he ran out of money, he returned to Canada and ended up in Kingston, Ontario, where he started using heroin and meth again and talked too loosely about his role in the gold heist. After someone tipped off the police, Reid was arrested; he would receive ten years for armed robbery on top of the time he still owed from his original term. 

Pending assignment to a prison, the three men were sent to Ottawa’s regional detention center. “Escapes out of that place were imminent,” Reid said. “It was just a box,” surrounded by a fence and ringed with woods. “It could be had.”

In October 1976, Wright happened to be walking in the prison yard when a man emerged from the woods and approached the fence carrying a large bag. He pulled out a gun, ordered the lone guard on watch to drop his weapon, and threw the bag over the fence. A group of inmates descended upon it, grabbed the wire cutters inside, and cut an opening in the fence.

Seeing an opportunity he couldn’t let pass, Wright followed the escapees through the hole, across some fields, into the woods, and out to a road, where all the felons, including Wright, jumped into a getaway car.

It wasn’t until the car was on the move that one of the other convicts noticed the strange face in the backseat. He promptly kicked the tagalong out of the car. A day later, the other escapees were all arrested. Wright, meanwhile, made his way to Dundee, Florida, where an Ottawan rounder who ran a place called the Shamrock Motel offered him a job and a place to stay. Newspaper stories about Wright’s escape picked up on his longtime nickname, the Ghost. “Lionel could be somewhere all night and people wouldn’t notice,” Reid says. “He was always just part of the wallpaper.”

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Millhaven Institution, 1975. Photo: Getty Images

Four

Mitchell and Reid were sent to Millhaven Institution, Canada’s most secure prison. Millhaven was an especially violent place—on their first day inside, an inmate was bludgeoned to death in the yard with a metal pipe—and the two men immediately began plotting their escape. They jogged five miles a day and did dozens of pull-ups to build strength for climbing fences, preparing themselves for whatever plan they would ultimately put in place. 

Inmates routinely attempted escape from Millhaven, and Reid and Mitchell joined several unsuccessful plots. They were part of a group that planned to scale the fence after dark, thinking that the area was unguarded at night. But that guard tower was manned after all, and a stick-up guy from Quebec was shot dead on the fence when he decided to go for it anyway. Their most ambitious attempt took months to prepare. Reid and Mitchell and a group of other prisoners broke into an old shack in the yard, where they began to dig a tunnel using pilfered garden spades and their bare hands. It was slow going, made slower because they had to bring the soil out in bags hidden under their jackets and disperse it around the yard.

The tunnel got within a dozen yards of the fence when a brutal heat wave descended upon Ontario. One afternoon the blacktop on the yard’s tennis court began to buckle, as if a giant gopher were burrowing underneath, and then a long line of ground collapsed, revealing the entire tunnel they’d been digging for months.

Reid decided that their only way out was through good behavior. If he and Mitchell became model prisoners, they would be transferred to a less secure facility, where an escape would be easier. Reid decided to take up hairstyling, figuring that if he showed interest in a potential post-prison career, the warden might eventually send him elsewhere to get further training. The plan actually worked, and in the fall of 1978, Reid was sent to Joyceville, a medium-security prison in Kingston, for additional instruction in hairstyling.

Due to his “exemplary behavior and participation in social programs,” as one warden wrote, Mitchell arrived six months later. He found Reid thriving, the star of the prison hockey team and one of the favored inmates of the warden. Reid knew he’d get the chance to run first, and he promised Mitchell he’d come back for him. On August 15, 1979, Reid got his opening when the warden allowed him to take a day trip in the company of a single guard to a hair salon in downtown Kingston. 

After spending the morning at the salon, the two stopped for Chinese. Reid ordered, excused himself to use the bathroom and—for the second time in his life—climbed out a restaurant window to freedom. He ran five blocks across town to a Holiday Inn, where he had arranged to meet his getaway driver. 

Reid reached the parking lot, then stopped to gather himself so that he wouldn’t walk into the hotel panting and sweaty. He’d been gone nearly ten minutes, and he knew the guard would have alerted others that he’d escaped.

As he approached the hotel entrance, Reid noticed a large white banner that read: Welcome Ontario detectives! The Holiday Inn where he had arranged to meet his getaway driver was hosting a police convention. “This is the stuff you can’t make up,” he told me. 

He entered a lobby filled with men in ill-fitting khakis and off-the-rack suits, any one of whom could have worked his cases or at least seen his face in a police report or newspaper story. Reid headed for the table where his driver was having coffee. They sat for a minute, then rose calmly and walked out to the car, certain with every step that someone would stop them before they could pull out of the lot. 

Reid made his way back to Ottawa, found a cheap gun—“a beat-up .32 with a missing handle”—and “went to work” robbing banks to raise money so he could spring Mitchell. 

Five

Back at Joyceville, Mitchell began to worry that Reid was never coming for him. Maybe he’d decided it was too risky, or he’d been arrested again, or maybe he’d fallen back down the hole of his heroin addiction. But on November 15, 1979, three months after Reid’s escape through the window of the Chinese restaurant, Mitchell’s brother Bobby came to visit with a message. “Today’s the day,” he whispered.

After dinner that night, Mitchell went for a five-mile run around the yard, as he often did, returned to his cell, and chugged a glass of water in which he’d been steeping a thick wad of tobacco. He knew that the acrid-tasting tea was likely to induce a kind of false cardiac arrest, but he had no idea how much to drink or how sick it would make him. In his final moments of lucidity, Mitchell had one last thought: You stupid bastard! You’ve killed yourself!

A few months before Reid’s escape, he and Mitchell had observed a sick inmate being transported out of the prison to a local hospital in the company of a single guard. This, they realized, was the weak link in the system, and Reid told Mitchell that if and when he successfully escaped, Mitchell needed to come up with a plan to get himself into an ambulance bound for the hospital.

“But you have to realize what this means,” Reid remembered saying. “You’re the one with the wife and kids. I’ll come for you, but that’s it—our life from that point on will be on the run.” 

The two discussed and rejected various ideas for self-induced hospitalization. Mitchell needed to injure himself seriously enough to require care that couldn’t be provided at the prison, but not so seriously that Reid wouldn’t be able to fix him up later. That ruled out broken legs and arms, as well as accidents with the woodshop table saw, which would be too serious to treat. Eventually, they heard a story about an inmate whose nicotine overdose convinced prison staff that he was having a heart attack. Cigarettes were easy to come by, and they figured the condition would resolve itself over time.

Prior to his brother’s visit, Mitchell had been setting up the play for weeks, complaining about chest pains and visiting the prison nurse several times. Now, having finished the entire glass of nicotine water, he walked into the prison’s common area and collapsed into a trash can. He’d later recall that he began “flopping around in the swill like a fish out of water,” heart pounding and sweat dripping from his pores.

When a nurse determined that Mitchell was in distress, he was handcuffed to a gurney, put in leg irons, and loaded into an ambulance accompanied by two paramedics and two unarmed security guards. He was sick and hallucinating; later he described howling wolves and a man on a white horse, and imagined himself “drifting through snow white clouds.”

As the ambulance approached the hospital, the driver noticed a sign outside the ER stating that the main entrance was under repair and directing arrivals to a side door. Instead, he backed into a dimly lit drive and stopped next to a black van, where two men in green scrubs and surgical masks were waiting. One of the EMTs had begun relaying the patient’s vitals when he saw something that made him stop. The taller of the two men in scrubs was pointing a silver revolver directly at the prison guards.

“Just do as you’re told, or I’ll blow your fucking head off!” Stephen Reid barked. He ordered one guard to remove Mitchell’s handcuffs, and then used them to cuff both guards to the inside of the ambulance. Reid slung his delirious friend over his shoulder and carried him to the idling van. 

Reid had been avoiding Kingston since his escape, but he had hired someone to rent a basement apartment where he could take Mitchell, thinking it was wiser to stay close than to risk making a run out of town. He had given specific instructions about what he needed in this apartment: filet mignon, lobster tails, Seagram’s VO, and a case of Mouton Cadet wine, in addition to basic groceries and medical supplies.

The van’s driver, an old accomplice from Ottawa—Wright had offered to help, but Reid told him to stay put in Florida—followed a predetermined route from the hospital to the apartment building. By the time they arrived, Mitchell was nearly unconscious, unable to speak and drooling as Reid yelled into his face, asking how much poison he’d taken. 

He’s going to die, Reid remembered thinking. And if that happened, he would be stuck in the small apartment with his friend’s corpse. He glanced at the hacksaw he’d brought to remove Mitchell’s leg irons and thought that, if it came to that, he could cut up the body and smuggle it out in trash bags. 

Reid didn’t know what to do, but he felt like he needed to get something, anything, into Mitchell’s stomach. He laid Mitchell on the floor, grabbed a bottle of wine, forced the cork down into the bottle, and poured wine into his friend’s mouth. 

Reid sat back and stared at Mitchell’s body, his heart pounding so hard that he worried he might have a heart attack of his own. Then he heard a gurgle and a kind of choke, and Paddy Mitchell went from dead prone to bolt upright and vomited a ball of viscous black material onto the floor.

Within a few minutes, Mitchell was nearly himself. Reid used bolt cutters to remove the leg irons, and the two friends spent the night eating and drinking and listening to the police scanner as cops across the province set up roadblocks and chased leads in search of the famous Paddy Mitchell, widely assumed to be in the company of a former accomplice who had also recently escaped from custody.

Paddy Mitchell’s mug shot, distributed after his escape. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell
Paddy Mitchell’s mug shot, distributed after his escape. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell

When a reporter asked the spokesperson for Canadian Penitentiary Services why two famous criminal collaborators, one of whom had a history of escape, had been housed together at Joyceville, the spokesman explained that prison officials believed they could be watched more closely that way.

After a week, it seemed safe to venture outside the apartment. Reid put his new skills to work. He dyed Mitchell’s hair and gave him a perm, and then the two made their way to Montreal and, using fake IDs, boarded a train for Burlington, Vermont.

From Burlington, they flew to New York City and then on to Florida, where they reunited with Wright at the Shamrock Motel in Dundee. For three years, Wright had been working there and living in a small room behind the front desk. “He would have been a clerk forever, I think, if we hadn’t shown up,” Reid said.

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St. Petersburg, Florida, 1978. Photo: State Archives of Florida, Florida Memory

Six

Florida was paradise after the penitentiary, especially for Mitchell. The gang established their base in a nice home with a yard and a garage in St. Petersburg near the beach. 

At first, Reid gave Mitchell space. He was excused from the early jobs—mostly quick smash-and-grab bank robberies, in which Reid would hold the room at bay while Wright and any one of several rotating accomplices leaped the counter to empty out drawers—so that Mitchell could readjust to life on the outside. He often spent his afternoons fishing under a bridge. But after a month, it was time for the entire gang to go to work.

They settled on a department store in downtown Tampa called Robinson’s, and called a meeting at the kitchen table of the rental house to discuss the particulars. Mitchell, a natural planner, started sketching out the job. He had been inside the store several times, and now he drew it from memory, putting Reid and Wright into position.

Reid looked over the sketch and asked, “Where are you, Paddy?” Mitchell stammered. He’d never done one of these jobs before, he said. “I found him, broke him out, brought him to Florida, and let him have his party,” Reid recalled; this was a “come-to-Jesus moment.” They were going to be a gang of equals. 

When Mitchell pleaded that he’d never used a gun, Reid handed him one and said, “I’m going to show you how.” 

While scouting the store, Reid and Mitchell had noticed that the employees in the second-floor cashiers’ office prepared early for the weekly arrival of the Brink’s guard. They would gather the bags of money from the vault and place them in a nearby office. When a designated cashier saw the guard coming down the hall, she’d retrieve the bags and, once he’d presented a yellow verification slip, hand over the money.

Wright found a jacket and pants at a uniform-supply shop and altered them to look enough like a Brink’s uniform that Reid could move freely through the store and up to the counter without arousing suspicion. He was, however, missing the final piece—the yellow verification slip—which meant that at the moment of handoff, Reid would have to pull his gun.

Mitchell’s job was to loiter among the shoppers until Reid’s bluff switched to “a strong-arm play,” at which point Mitchell would reveal himself. “I want to make sure that as soon as I get the bag, you have all those people on the floor so I can get out,” Reid told Mitchell. “That way I don’t have to watch for somebody coming behind me.”

They went over the plan in the car and again in the elevator, then parted ways on the second floor. Reid approached the cashier and pulled his gun, and she handed over the bags in shock. Seconds later, though, her fear changed to anger. She began to scream at him and tried to snatch back one of the bags. It was time to move. Reid whirled, expecting to see a room full of terrified people on the floor, but instead he saw a crowd of confused shoppers and Mitchell behind them, wide-eyed and fumbling at his waist. He’d tucked the gun—the first one he’d ever carried on a robbery—into his waistband, and when he’d tried to pull it out the trigger caught on the band of his underwear. “It was like a comedy sketch,” Reid recalled. “He gave himself a wedgie.”

In the elevator, Mitchell began pushing buttons, frantic to get out. Reid smacked his hand out of the way. “Get behind me,” he remembers telling Mitchell. “I have a gun and a Brink’s uniform. No one is going to think anything about it.” Reid walked fast, through the women’s department and out the back door to the car, where Wright saw Mitchell’s panic and took it to mean that his friends had just shot their way out of the place.

“I never took Paddy in again,” Reid said. From that point on, Mitchell would be the driver.

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Paddy Mitchell in the late ’70s. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell

In the coming months, the gang shifted their focus to banks, and after several robberies they developed a routine. They would drive to a town at least a half-hour away, check into a motel, and research potential targets. Once they picked a bank, Wright would handle logistics, mapping escape routes, timing stoplights, studying intersections and traffic bottlenecks. If a garbage truck often caused delays on a particular road, Wright would know about it.

Meanwhile, Reid and Mitchell would open accounts and stop in frequently to make deposits and withdrawals. They would chat with tellers and note where the guards stood, when the manager took his break, whether there were times when the vault door was left open. They would rent safe-deposit boxes to gain entry to the vault. By asking a teller to change $1,000 worth of twenties into hundreds, they would learn if large bills were kept in individual drawers or if the tellers had to go elsewhere to retrieve them. Once they’d gathered their intelligence, the gang would leave town and go home for a while so that their faces wouldn’t be on recent surveillance footage, since one of the first things the FBI does after a bank robbery is pull the tape.

A few days before a robbery, Reid or Mitchell would steal a car, then swap out the plates with a set stolen from a similar model. They’d rent a hideout apartment, ideally with underground parking. Wright would pick up supplies—fake identification, guns, and disguises, which always included masks to cover their entire heads—and drive the escape routes in search of additional advantages, such as alleys, side exits from parking lots, or entries behind shopping centers that might be overlooked.

Once the robbery was over and the men were safe in the car, Mitchell would follow a predetermined route to the nearest freeway, then exit quickly and head to a remote parking lot—or, ideally, an underground garage—where a second car would be waiting. There they would unscrew the getaway car’s stolen plates, strip off their clothes, and split up: Mitchell, who liked to wear jogging gear under his disguise, would go for a run. Reid would drive the second car, the money, and the disguises back to the hideout. As for Wright—“Lionel usually took the bus,” Reid said.

Seven

Eventually, Florida got too hot, and the gang decided to head west. They chose a beachfront apartment complex in San Diego and rented two apartments there, as well as a third place across town to be used as a stash house for guns and radios and Kevlar vests, which they’d begun to wear as a hedge against the more serious firepower now being carried by armored-car guards.

California was a land of sprawl, which meant a land rich in bank branches. It was easy to venture north from San Diego. They hit a series of banks on a road trip through L.A., and later traveled up to the Bay Area.

But San Diego alone was a gold mine. Despite a general rule that it was bad to steal in their own backyard, the gang found the city’s environs just too fertile. In one seven-week spree, they took $21,270 from a Wells Fargo, $24,661.50 from a Solar Credit Union, $19,225 from a First Bank, and $8,210 from a Bank of America. When a witness reported that one of the men wore a large stopwatch around his neck, and appeared to be checking it over the course the robbery, the FBI began referring to them as the Stopwatch Gang. 

The bureau names serial robbers as part of a larger strategy: to get media attention and bring out tips from a public now on the lookout for identifying characteristics. “It generates more interest, and of course the agents love it,” said Norman Zigrossi, who ran the FBI’s San Diego bureau at the time. The Stopwatch Gang became a priority for Zigrossi, and he began to address the robberies publicly. A reward was offered for the gang’s capture—a rarity in those days, he said. 

Soon, the stress of so many heists in such a short time, combined with the intensity of the FBI’s investigation, began to take its toll, especially on Mitchell, who finally told his partners that he needed a break. 

The gang parted ways after the Bay Area heists. Mitchell went north, through California into Oregon and Washington, where he met a waitress and holed up in a cabin near Mount St. Helens. Once he was gone, Reid and Wright hopped on Interstate 80 and headed east. They drove over the Sierra Nevada range into Nevada and made their way down through the deserts of the Southwest until they landed in Sedona, Arizona, an eccentric little mountain town carved out of red rock canyons. 

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Oak Creek Canyon, Arizona, late ’70s. Photo: Courtesy of McMaster University

Eight

Reid and Wright loved Sedona. They rented a cedar and glass cabin along a stream in an area called Oak Creek Canyon and mixed well with the locals, telling everyone they were California transplants who owned a company that supplied lighting and equipment for rock concerts. Reid, aka Timothy Pfeiffer, was the company’s president. Wright, who’d made the business cards, was Stephen Kirkland, director of logistics.

Work didn’t stop in Mitchell’s absence. Reid merely called in an old friend and, along with Wright, hit two banks in Phoenix and another in Little Rock, Arkansas. He also continued to scout potential sites and had ten or so easy jobs ready to go by the time Mitchell returned in the fall of 1980.

For all the success they were having knocking off bank after bank, the three men had begun to worry that their luck might run out. They needed to do a big job, the kind of thing that would set them up for a while until they could figure out a more stable (if still illegal) line of work. What they needed was a branch where the weekend take was a substantial sum. Reid knew exactly the one he wanted to hit—a Bank of America branch at 912 Garnet Avenue, back in San Diego. They’d actually hit this bank once already, in a former location a few blocks away, but Reid liked it even better where it sat now.

It was a large and busy branch, and almost perfectly situated to meet their needs. Every Tuesday, Loomis guards arrived to carry out the bank’s excess cash—and by the size of the pickups Reid had observed, it was a lot of money.

While Reid studied the comings and goings of the Loomis guards, Wright focused on logistics. Using a fake Arizona license, he rented a dark blue Ford LTD at the San Diego airport. They outfitted the car with stolen tags, and then Mitchell slapped a huge red racing stripe down the side of it. The gang always read their own press coverage, and they’d picked up on something important: Witnesses tended to remember the most obvious details. So, to distract them from retaining anything that could be useful to police, the gang began to add outlandish flourishes to their cars and disguises. During several robberies, Reid had a banana sticking out of his pocket, and without fail witnesses recalled that detail. (“We could just as well have been the Banana Gang,” he said.) 


On the morning of September 23, Mitchell waited in the Ford outside a side entrance while Reid and Wright prepared to go inside. This robbery required them to blend in with the customers. Reid chose a royal blue three-piece suit, a fake beard, and large eyeglasses, plus a poufy black wig, while Wright wore a light gray suit with matching tie and a thick blond wig and goatee, giving him the appearance, Reid recalled, “of an anorexic Colonel Sanders.” Both applied heavy foundation to darken their faces and attached clear bandages to their thumbs and first two fingers to avoid leaving fingerprints.

From surveillance footage captured at a Bank of America in San Diego, California, on September 23, 1980 and later used on a police handout. 
From surveillance footage captured at a Bank of America in San Diego, California, on September 23, 1980 and later used on a police handout. 

The two men arrived separately, within about a minute of one another, and assumed their positions to wait for the truck’s arrival. Wright went to the counter used to fill out deposit slips; Reid, Uzi in his briefcase, sat at a couch where customers awaited appointments with financial planners. 

Five minutes went by and Reid squirmed in his seat, wondering what had happened to the armored truck. He’d watched the Loomis guards arrive at the branch at almost exactly the same time four weeks in a row, but today the truck was late. Five minutes became ten, and Wright began to sweat as he filled out and then crumpled slip after slip. He wiped his forehead and saw a smear of make-up on his hand.

Reid was also sweating, and the moisture caused the bandages on his fingers to come loose. At the 15-minute mark, Wright anxiously looked to Reid for the signal to abort, but Reid stayed put.

Finally, 28 minutes behind schedule, a red Loomis truck pulled up at the front entrance. The driver stayed in the cab while Harlen Lee Hudson, a six-foot, 220-pound guard with nine years on the job, walked into the bank wearing aviator sunglasses that he never removed. He flirted with tellers as he commenced his rounds, making two trips from the vault to the truck with bags of cash that sagged from their weight.

Reid figured these were full of coins, so he gave Wright the signal to stay put. They hadn’t waited a half-hour to steal a thousand dollars in quarters. On Hudson’s third trip, he emerged with a different-looking load on his cart. This was the cash.

Hudson was halfway to the door, just past the lobby couch, when Reid rose and poked the barrel of a .357 Magnum into the guard’s gut.

He gave him his standard line: “This is a robbery. Don’t be a hero or I’ll kill you.” The bandit’s voice, Hudson would later tell agents, was calm and professional. He was “almost polite.” Wright came up from behind and reached into Hudson’s holster, pulling out the guard’s pistol and tucking it into his belt. Reid told Hudson and everyone in the room to lie down as he and Wright each picked up two bags so stuffed with bricks of cash that they had become rectangular. Then they walked calmly out of the bank, unaware that a surveillance camera, activated when a clerk triggered the silent alarm, was snapping photos at five-second intervals.

By day’s end, those surveillance photos accompanied news stories about three men who committed the largest bank robbery in the history of San Diego, walking out in broad daylight with $283,000 in cash.


The next day, Mitchell and Reid left for Sedona, while Wright stayed behind to dispose of the disguises and other possible evidence. He was supposed to burn everything but instead decided to drop it in a dumpster that the crew had used before. Usually, Wright would wait nearby to make sure a garbage truck emptied the dumpster, but this time he got spooked by a cop eating lunch in the lot and took off.

Later that afternoon, an elderly couple on the hunt for aluminum cans looked in the dumpster and noticed a green bag with a wig sticking out, then opened the bag to find several wigs and beards, a bottle of CoverGirl makeup, two license plates, an empty pack of Winston Lights, and several Bank of America bags.

Nothing in the bag led police directly to a suspect, but they were able to lift a partial thumbprint from one of the cash bags. Also potentially useful: paperwork for a car rental, along with a copy of the fake license used to rent it, which had a very clear photo of a skinny man with jug ears and receding hair. 

An FBI evidence report of the Bank of America robbery at 912 Garnet Ave. in San Diego. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell
An FBI evidence report of the Bank of America robbery at 912 Garnet Ave. in San Diego. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell

With the money from the Bank of America job, the gang began to imagine a new way of life. Mitchell and Reid made plans to have any distinguishing marks removed and looked into the possibility of plastic surgery to further disguise their appearances. They were ready to retire from bank robbing, but they also knew that the money they had wouldn’t last forever.

One possible future that seemed promising was marijuana smuggling. Reid had earned a pilot’s license in Sedona, and he’d recently bought a plane, a silver Mooney 201, in cash. They began to research locations in Central America, looking in particular at Belize, with the idea that they could use the plane to slip in low across the border.

A few weeks after the robbery, Reid got word through some intermediaries that a friend was looking for him. Donny Hollingsworth—aka Big John—had had a successful career as a halfback for the Ottawa Rough Riders in the Canadian Football League before retiring into an even more successful life of crime. In Ottawa, he drove a Rolls Royce and was the envy of many young criminals, Stephen Reid included. Mitchell never entirely trusted the man, but he wasn’t so suspicious that he refused to work with him. In fact, Hollingsworth had helped them fence the stolen gold from the airport job. He and Reid remained friendly, and when they all met up again in California, Hollingsworth proved useful, helping Reid acquire guns and other supplies for the gang’s various robberies. 

Now Hollingsworth was in trouble. He’d gotten involved in a large crystal meth operation run out of a cabin 90 miles northeast of San Diego, which was raided after a man died while sampling their latest batch. A concerned citizen saw Hollingsworth dump the body from his car on the side of a road. Police located the car and the cabin, and Hollingsworth attempted to escape by leaping through a plate-glass window. He was apprehended and needed $80,000 to help cover his bail.

Hollingsworth promised to pay the loan back in 60 days with interest, and Reid decided to help out an old friend in trouble. It felt like the right thing to do, and also good karma, since he might need to call in a favor of his own someday. 

Nine

Reid liked to spend his days flying his new plane out over the mesas and canyons around Sedona. Afterward, he’d often stop for chips and margaritas at Maria’s, a Mexican restaurant near the airport, and that’s where he was one afternoon in October of 1980 when three men in trench coats walked in. Those look like cops, he thought. What are they doing here? When nothing happened, Reid decided he was just paranoid. He went home and forgot about them.

His initial instinct was right, though. The three men were FBI agents, sent to Sedona to track the Stopwatch Gang while waiting for arrest warrants to be issued. The agent in charge of intercepting America’s most-wanted bank robbers was Steve Chenoweth, head of the small Flagstaff field office. During his time in Arizona, Chenoweth had worked mostly on violent crimes, with a focus on bank-robbery investigations. That was a busy beat in Arizona; Chenoweth recalled that the state averaged more than 250 bank robberies a year. 

Chenoweth was cautious while he waited for the order to move on the Stopwatch Gang. Every cable he’d seen ended with two ominous stamps: armed and dangerous and escape risk. He knew where Reid and Wright were staying in Oak Creek Canyon, but the terrain was steep and rugged, and there was only a single point of entry. It was nearly impossible to go in undetected.

Chenoweth knew that the subjects, especially Reid, were popular in their community, so to prevent them from being tipped off, he told only a single sheriff’s deputy what was going on. That decision turned out to be wise when he later learned that one of Reid’s closest friends was another deputy he’d met at a local bar.

The bureau had been tracking the men but couldn’t confirm their identities, until a confidential informant revealed their names. This allowed the FBI to request their prints from the Canadian authorities, which matched the evidence agents had collected, including the partial print from the trash bag. On October 30, a judge issued arrest warrants for Stephen Reid, Patrick Mitchell, and Lionel Wright on charges of bank robbery and conspiracy.

Reid was pulled over on the morning of October 31 while driving his Camaro to the airport to go flying, and Wright was arrested at the house “without incident”—except for the fact that he was naked in bed when agents kicked in his door. Reid, an FBI report noted, “admitted his identity,” while Wright, in keeping with character, “would not admit his identity.” (Wright “is the only one of the three who never said a word to anyone about his activities,” Chenoweth told me.)

Both men were taken to San Diego and placed in the Metropolitan Correctional Center, a federal facility downtown. In light of the subjects’ history of escape, the judge set bail at $1.5 million. “The subjects are escapees from Canada with extraditable warrants against them … allegedly good for 30 bank robberies on the west coast,” the charging document said. 

On November 1, newspapers across Canada announced the arrest of Stephen Douglas Reid and Lionel Wright, as well as the unknown whereabouts of their famous partner. “Patrick ‘Paddy’ Mitchell . . . the duo’s partner in crimes and prison breaks which span more than a decade, managed to elude the manhunt,” reported the Ottawa Citizen.

The following April, Reid and Wright—who both pleaded guilty—were sentenced in Federal Court to 20 years in prison for the armed robbery of the Bank of America. The U.S. Attorney applauded the sentence, describing the pair as “extremely competent, dangerous bank robbers, who will continue to be so.”

The identity of the government’s informant was never revealed during the trial. After sentencing, Reid and Wright’s attorneys worked out a plea deal that involved returning some of the stolen money. When the arrangement collapsed, the men learned that the entire case hinged on Big John Hollingsworth. 

Following his arrest at the meth-lab, Hollingsworth told his attorney to offer the DEA a deal. If prosecutors would reduce his bond and consider a reduction in charges, his attorney said, Hollingsworth “would be able to identify and cause the apprehension of the individuals involved” in the Bank of America robbery. According to Mitchell’s FBI case file, Hollingsworth added some bluster. “They are described as real professionals with the ability of being killers,” his attorney told the FBI. “They usually wear flak jackets and carry automatic weapons.” 

Hollingsworth provided numerous details to prove the legitimacy of his claims. He knew, for instance, that the perpetrators had purchased wigs and beards at a movie-supply store in the San Fernando Valley and that the two main players were an “older more paternal type” and one who was “large of stature and a Wyatt Earp type personality.” Furthermore, Hollingsworth offered, these same men had recently robbed a large jewelry store—a job, he neglected to say, that he himself had set up—and were behind “other bank robberies” in San Diego.

“I know exactly who they are,” Hollingsworth told the agents. “And I know where they are.” 

Reid was furious about Hollingsworth’s deception, and he pointed something out to the court that put his entire case in a new light. The first person he called after his arrest was Hollingsworth, seeking a quick return on his recent favor. It was Hollingsworth, the man whose sealed testimony helped build the prosecution’s case, who hired Reid’s lawyer for him. And it was Hollingsworth, known in court only as Mr. X, who acted as Reid’s secret intermediary in the attempted return of the stolen money—money that went missing during the transfer.

The judge appointed Reid and Wright a new lawyer, who reached an agreement with prosecutors to reduce their sentences by half.

The Hollingsworth affair was something of an embarrassment for the FBI and the court. According to Reid, Hollingsworth’s immunity pertained only to his meth arrest, so when the money from the transfer disappeared, the prosecution ordered Reid and Wright to testify in a grand-jury hearing on some of Hollingsworth’s other criminal activities. They refused, even though they likely could have traded information for leniency; Hollingsworth was a free man. Instead, they were held in contempt and ordered to serve an additional 11 months on top of their sentences. “Two wrongs don’t make a right,” Reid told me. “I know straight people see not testifying as dumb,” he said, but there was a code of honor, he suggested, and that went beyond his hatred of the man who’d turned them in. 

Reid and Wright could have appealed their sentences but chose not to. “We didn’t have the money,” Reid said. And so his strategy was simple: serve his time, stay clean, then “go home in a prisoner-exchange treaty and escape again.”

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Stephen Reid at the Kent Institution, in British Columbia. Photo: Alexander Waterhouse-Hayward

Ten

Not surprisingly, Reid and Wright were kept apart. Wright was sent to Leavenworth, a maximum-security prison in Kansas, while Reid, considered to be an extreme escape risk, got some unusual treatment. Shortly after his sentence, he was put on what he calls a “ghost chain.” For 11 months, Reid was bused around the country, from jail to jail, often every few days, with no notice of where he was going or how long his stay would be. One night he’d sleep in a county lockup in McAlester, Oklahoma; the next he’d be off to Lacuna, Texas.

The point was to make him disappear, to make his whereabouts impossible to track. After nearly a year, he landed at the federal penitentiary in Marion, Illinois, the highest-security facility in the system. Marion was built to house the 500 most dangerous criminals in the prison system, and the initial population was made up mostly of transfers from Alcatraz. It is not a place for reform. Prisoners there aren’t allowed to work and spend much of their time in solitary confinement.  

Reid knew there was no chance of escape from Marion, so he worked diligently on earning a transfer back to Canada. He wrote letters and lobbied the consulate, calling in every possible favor from his old connections in Ottawa. Finally, on May 6, 1983, after two years at Marion, Reid was sent back home, to Millhaven, where he joined Wright, who had also been granted a transfer.

Back at Millhaven, Reid once again developed a reputation as both an inmate and an administration favorite. He ran the sports commission, which organized the prison hockey and baseball teams, as well as the illegal sports-gambling ring. He was a major player in the smuggling and distribution of hash, and he mediated disputes between guards and prisoners. “I was kinda known as the mayor of Millhaven,” he said.

In 1984, Millhaven was an even more violent place than it had been in 1977, when the grim conditions caused Reid and Mitchell to begin plotting their escapes. One winter, after a rash of stabbings, including the murder of the goalie of his prison hockey team, Reid’s spirit broke. He became angry and depressed. He quit all his prison jobs and scams and began to write, tearing through pages of a yellow legal pad in longhand. “At first it was just words on paper, then disjointed sentences, expressions of anger, bitterness, loss of hope, page after page, the pencil pushing right through the paper with the force of those words coming out of me,” Reid later wrote. “Then a story began to emerge.”

In a few months, he finished a draft of a novel about a gang of bank robbers led by Bobby, a character very much like Stephen Reid, and his sidekick Denny, a thinly veiled version of Lionel Wright. In an adjacent cell, Wright typed the pages as Reid wrote them, never commenting on the story itself. Toward the end of the book, Bobby kills Denny. After he handed the pages to Wright, Reid said, he sat and listened as the tapping of the keys slowed and then stopped. Minutes later, Wright appeared at his cell door. He was crestfallen, Reid said.

First draft of Jackrabbit Parole, 1984. Photo: Courtesy of McMaster Archives
First draft of Jackrabbit Parole, 1984. Photo: Courtesy of McMaster Archives

Reid didn’t know what to do with the manuscript. Around this time, a criminology professor from the University of Waterloo named Fred Desroches asked Reid to be interviewed for a book on Canada’s most infamous bank robbers. Reid initially balked, then said yes—with a caveat. He wanted the professor to read his manuscript. Desroches agreed and was intrigued enough by what he read to pass it on to Waterloo’s writer in residence, a poet and novelist of increasing renown named Susan Musgrave.

Musgrave loved the book. She wrote Reid a flurry of letters—three the first day—telling him she was “excited by the voice.” She chose an excerpt to publish in a literary quarterly, and Reid, acknowledged for something other than crime for the first time since childhood, was ecstatic. He replied to Musgrave with a package containing 13 letters, as well as the first of many poems: “Roses are red/Violets are dead/As will be you/If you don’t visit soon/P.S. Bring lots of drugs.”

Musgrave was in the middle of some turmoil of her own; her marriage (to a marijuana smuggler) had just fallen apart, after her husband was arrested and became a born-again Christian in prison. She began visiting Reid at Millhaven and helped shape the manuscript into a novel that she then took to her publisher, who bought the book based on the first 90 pages alone and signed Reid up to write two more.

Reid and Musgrave very quickly fell in love. “We exchanged hot-dog letters, and it was this fiery kind of romance,” Reid said. “It was very frustrating, physically.” When Musgrave’s residency at Waterloo ended, she returned to her home on Vancouver Island and began lobbying the regional prison director to get Reid transferred west, to a facility closer to her. She told me she was chastised by the prison director, who asked her why such an accomplished woman would want to waste time on a “thug” like Reid. Ultimately, though, he granted the request and urged Reid to use the chance to start over.

Reid was moved to the Kent Institution in British Columbia, where Musgrave visited every week. “We worked on his book, which grew to more than 400 pages,” Musgrave would later write. “We worked on our love affair, which grew into an epic.”

When Reid’s appeal for parole was denied, Musgrave suggested they get married so they would qualify for three-day “family visits” in a trailer on the prison grounds. In 1986, when Reid’s novel Jackrabbit Parole, was published, the two of them became instantly famous; the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation filmed and aired scenes from their prison wedding. That year, Reid was again transferred, to the William Head Institution, a short drive from Musgrave’s home on Vancouver Island, and in May 1987, he was granted full parole. 

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Stephen Reid and Susan Musgrave’s wedding at the Kent Institution, 1986. Photo: Alexander Waterhouse-Hayward

Lionel Wright, meanwhile, would spend another seven years in prison. He owed more time from his original sentence on the drug charges, and he was less willing than Reid to work the system in his favor. He applied for parole just once, and after he was denied he never tried again. To Reid that made a strange kind of sense. “Lionel is quiet. He doesn’t know how—or care enough—to woo his case-management people to think he’s reformed.” 

The last time Reid saw Wright was in Kingston, shortly after Wright’s release in 1994. For a while after that, every so often a card from Wright would arrive, and then, Reid said, “One day I noticed Lionel was gone. The letters stopped coming, much in the way that he just vanishes. You don’t even know he’s gone until someone asks, ‘Where’s Lionel?’ Good question. Where is Lionel?”

Paddy Mitchell, meanwhile, was still on the lam. From the day Reid and Wright were apprehended in Sedona, Mitchell had been running. He was out of town, visiting his girlfriend’s parents in Iowa, when his friends were arrested. After he learned that they were in custody, Mitchell flew back to Arizona and, certain that he too would be arrested, snatched the gang’s remaining $300,000 in cash from the gang’s safe-deposit box. Then he began his solo career.

Without his former partners, Mitchell became the accomplished armed robber he’d never been before. He started in Florida and headed west, knocking off several department stores, as well as a bank in Hot Springs, Arkansas, before he was arrested in, of all places, Arizona, after a botched department-store robbery in Phoenix. Mitchell was charged with armed robbery and brought to night court, where a judge, who had no idea that one of the FBI’s Ten Most Wanted criminals was standing before him, set bail at $16,500. Mitchell called their old friend from Dundee, who flew to Phoenix with $20,000 and handed the cash to a bail bondsman, setting Mitchell free again to resume robbing banks.

A year later, the FBI caught up to him, this time in Florida. He was flown to California, convicted, and sentenced to ten years for the Bank of America robbery in San Diego, 20 years for stealing $200,000 from a bank in Arkansas, and 18 years for the armed robbery of the department store in Phoenix. He still owed Canada 20 years for the gold heist. The Arizona state attorney nixed a deal that would have allowed Mitchell to serve his entire sentence in federal custody, where he’d have his best shot at a transfer back to Canada, and he was sent to the maximum-security penitentiary in Florence, Arizona.

No one had ever escaped from Florence, but Mitchell wasn’t going to waste away in another violent prison. Four years into his sentence, he scrambled up into the air ducts above the prison’s visiting room and crawled to freedom along with two other convicts, passing directly over the warden’s office on his way out. 

Mitchell eventually fled to the Philippines, assumed the identity of Gary Weber, a prosperous insurance investigator, then married a woman he met there and had a second son, Richard. He lived happily, in a large house in the mountains on Luzon, for five years, making occasional trips back to the U.S. to rob banks and subsidize his life. Then, in 1993, America’s Most Wanted reran a segment about him. A couple Mitchell had been friendly with in the Philippines caught the broadcast when they were vacationing in Hawaii, recognized him, and called the FBI.  By the time the agents located Mitchell’s home, he was gone again.

Flushed out of his comfortable exile, Mitchell fled back to the States and, in his final act as a free man, committed the sloppiest robbery of his life, in Southaven, Mississippi. His plan was to create a diversion by calling in several bomb threats, but local police didn’t fall for it and instead kept a closer watch on the town’s banks. When Mitchell fled one of them wearing ridiculous neon-colored tassels on his eyeglasses and carrying $160,000 in cash, he was quickly apprehended, and his long life of crime finally came to an end. At his trial, he was sentenced to 65 years at Leavenworth. 

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Surveillance footage of Paddy Mitchell from a 1991 robbery. Photo: Courtesy of Kevin Mitchell and McMasters University

Eleven

In 1987, at the age of 36, Reid was released from prison and moved into Musgrave’s cottage—which the family calls the Treehouse, for the enormous Douglas fir that grows through the middle of the kitchen—in the coastal village of Sidney. He helped raise her young daughter, and in 1989, he and Musgrave had a daughter of their own. 

For ten years, they lived an idyllic life in this ivy-covered cottage behind a bamboo gate, looking out over Saanich Inlet, a small bay filled with butter clams and bufflehead ducks. The water there is clear, and on the night before a full moon, Reid would wade in and take a spirit bath, a cleansing ritual he picked up from some native friends while serving time at William Head.

Reid built furniture and tinkered around the house. He pulled weeds, planted flowers, and started building a home on a plot of land Musgrave bought in the Queen Charlotte Islands, installing a bank-vault door in a cheeky nod to his past. Jackrabbit Parole became a bestseller, and Reid and Musgrave were famous in Canadian literary circles as much for their unconventional marriage as for their literary successes. Reid wrote two plays, taught at a local college, and even played a Brink’s guard who foiled a robbery in the 1999 French-Canadian film Four Days. (When his ten-year-old daughter watched Reid’s character fire a gun at the robber, she said, “Dad shot the good guy!”) He was appointed to a Royal Commission, the Citizen’s Forum on National Unity, and Corrections Canada hired him to teach creative writing and advise prisoners on how to reclaim their lives. He was, quite literally, the national model of rehabilitation.

Reid and Musgrave socialized with the country’s top writers and academics, and Reid relished his role as the reformed bandit saved by literature. He wanted desperately to believe that he was a great writer and that he was sought after because of his work. As time went by, though, he began to question the attention, suspicious that people were more interested in his legend than in him. 

One evening, Reid recalled attending a party with Musgrave in a beautiful home owned by “old Toronto literary people.” There was elegant food and arranged seating, a cellist in the corner. As the night progressed, conversations turned from art to literature to politics, but Reid was included in none of them. He sat there like a cipher, until, at the end of the night, the wife of the host turned directly to him and said, “Now regale us with stories of prison life.” He felt like a clown, entertainment for a group of snobs, no more important than the cellist in the corner. Even worse, he didn’t object; he played, Reid said, and “titillated them with trash talk and stories of prison.”

The antidote to that feeling, of course, was to write more books. But 13 years went by and he didn’t publish a follow-up to Jackrabbit Parole. “I was chasing the idea of being famous but not producing stuff that makes you famous—the hard work of sitting alone in a room,” he told me. “I wanted to be a writer, but I didn’t want to write.”

Reid sank deeper into a depression, and on his 49th birthday, he was drinking coffee outside a café when he ran into an old acquaintance. Reid had just left an annual writers’ lunch, feeling like he didn’t belong, when the acquaintance came along and invited him back to his apartment, ostensibly to meet his girlfriend. Reid understood exactly what was happening. The man was obviously high on heroin, and Reid soon was, too. He vomited on the drive home, and when he stepped in the door, Musgrave immediately recognized his hollow eyes. “She retreated to our bedroom, closed the door, and wept,” Reid later wrote. “My birthday cake on the table, surrounded by presents, looked even lonelier.”

Within days he was back in that friend’s apartment, first smoking heroin, then snorting it, before finally settling into the familiar comfort of a needle prick in his arm. He soon began injecting cocaine and heroin together. The two drugs that make up a speedball complement each other, giving the user the ability to use vastly larger quantities, and Reid was soon completely consumed. Thanks to his old gangster connections back east, he had access to pure cocaine and high-grade heroin. He ordered drugs by the ounce and fronted all his junkie friends, always too high to care about collecting.

Huge debts rapidly accrued, and before long, Reid owed his dealers around $90,000. In the throes of addiction, he was too proud to ask for more time, instead resolving to clear his tab the only way he knew how: He would rob a bank.

Twelve

On June 9, 1999, just before 9 a.m., Reid was perched on the toilet seat in a Shell station bathroom cooking up a speedball, which he then plunged into his left forearm. The rush of the drugs was almost immediate. Reid stumbled outside and slumped into the passenger seat of a stolen beater Chevy driven by a fellow junkie named Allan McCallum, with a “lint-ball hairdo and the wild eyes of an amateur,” Reid would later recall. 

It was six blocks from the Shell station to Cook Street Village, a small elm-shaded strip of shops and restaurants in a residential area of Victoria. Reid’s target, the Royal Bank of Canada, sat at one end. In theory it was a good choice, mostly because of its location. With just a few quick turns on quiet residential streets, they would be in Victoria’s Beacon Hill Park, a 200-acre expanse of woods and rolling meadows, where they were unlikely to be spotted. From there they’d vanish into the city on the other side.

Reid pulled on a pair of saggy, ill-fitting gloves, pushing at the gaps between his fingers until they fit as well as they could. In the past, he would choose gloves based on whether or not he could pick up a dime while wearing them, but this time Reid hadn’t bothered with quality control. He yanked at the seams of a tear-away tracksuit to reveal his makeshift uniform—a blue varsity jacket, on which he’d formed the word POLICE in crooked letters made from yellow tape, and a fake SWAT baseball cap. In his duffel bag he carried a pistol-grip, pump-action 12-gauge shotgun, a long-barreled .22 pistol, and a .44 magnum that he tucked into a holster on his hip. Under a blanket in the back was the chase gun, the weapon of last resort—a Chinese-made AK-47 with a banana clip stuffed full of steel-jacketed rounds. 

McCallum parked in a small lot behind the bank while Reid pulled on a clear plastic mask with rouged cheeks and red painted lips. He hopped out, walked through the front door, and barked, “Everyone get on the floor. This is a robbery. I need someone to open the safe, bring out the night-deposit bags, and unlock the back door.”

A woman pushed herself up to her elbows and replied in a quiet, almost apologetic voice: “The safes can’t be opened for another hour, the night-deposit bags are already gone, and the key to the back door is in the middle office, first drawer on the right.”

The only cash in the bank was in the main teller drawer, she said, and Reid popped it open to reveal “a pitiful pile of fives and tens.” Reid stood deflated and desperate in the middle of the bank, and then he noticed a door, which he knew from casing so many banks would be the one leading to the room behind the ATM machine.

Reid ordered the bank manager to unlock the door and empty the machine’s cassettes into his duffel bag. Nearly five minutes had passed since he walked into the bank, but the drugs had warped his sense of time. As he walked out with $93,000 and tossed it into the trunk of McCallum’s car, Reid had no idea how slow he had been.

Before Reid got in on the passenger side, he noticed a female cop, in shorts, standing on the sidewalk. Her 9mm service pistol was pointed at his head.

“Go!” Reid yelled, jumping into the car, and McCallum floored the Chevy out of the lot and up a short street to an intersection, where he whipped a hard left and then, a few turns later, sped into the park. McCallum careened around a corner and then suddenly slammed on the brakes to avoid rear-ending a horse-drawn carriage full of tourists.

Reid’s head smacked the dashboard. The car bounced off the road, over a curb, and onto a bike path before stopping at a set of metal posts. Reid remembers McCallum sat behind the wheel, breathing heavily, looking like he’d given up. Reid, though, was desperate. A police cruiser was now close behind them, as well as a cop on a motorcycle.

Reid stretched his left leg toward the gas pedal and floored it. The Chevy clanged between the posts and took off again up the bike path. The maneuver was enough to ditch the cruiser, but the motorcycle cop was still in pursuit. 

Reid no longer cared about the money. He wanted only to get away. And so he did something he’d never done in his long criminal career—reached down onto the floor and grabbed a firearm with the full intention of using it. He pumped the shotgun, leaned out the open window, and fired, aiming high above the motorcycle’s flashing blue and red lights. The kickback knocked him back into the car, and the Chevy raced out of the park and into James Bay, a quiet neighborhood of small homes and apartment blocks.

The blast slowed the cop but didn’t stop him. Reid had been fortunate to rob so many banks without having to shoot at a cop in pursuit, but that didn’t mean the gang hadn’t planned for the eventuality. He knew how to stop a chase. He ordered McCallum to floor it onto a road with a long straightaway, then take a sharp right and stop the car.

McCallum did as directed, and Reid popped out and stood facing the corner, waiting for the bike to approach. Just as the cop began his turn, Reid fired—up high, he swears, not to hit the rider but to make him stop. The cop ditched his bike as it slid into the grass. A swarm of police cars closed in on them, and an officer returned fire. Reid jumped back into the car and told McCallum to drive. 


Reid realized they were trapped. He told McCallum to stop, then abandoned the car (and the money) and fled on foot. McCallum was apprehended within minutes, shivering behind a bush less than a hundred yards from the car. Reid ran across yards and through houses, and finally into an apartment building, where he burst into a third-floor apartment occupied by an elderly Serbian man and his wife.

Reid knew there was nowhere to run and that it was a matter of time. While the Victoria police chief assembled the largest and most heavily armed search operation in the city’s history, Reid settled in and listened to the Serb tell stories of his freedom-fighting days while he smoked his hand-rolled cigarettes. Eventually, Reid nodded off on a pull-out couch and the couple put on their coats and walked out the door. More than five hours later, the SWAT team moved in. They found Reid snoring.

Reid woke up on the floor of his cell, shaking violently from withdrawal. He could still feel the pepper spray in his nose, and his hands had been broken during the arrest. “That’s the first punishment,” he says. “If you bust a cap at a cop, you get your hands broken.” In the trial that followed, Reid was given an 18-year sentence; even with perfect behavior, he would have to serve at least 12 of them. His daughter was ten years old. 

Down in Flagstaff, Arizona, Steve Chenoweth got a call informing him that the Victoria police were looking for him. When he returned it, a Canadian detective told him they had Stephen Reid in custody for bank robbery. Chenoweth had seen Reid once since his release, and the agent had been impressed by what Reid had become. “He had some talent,” Chenoweth says. “He had good support. I thought, This guy has a good chance of making it.” When he was told that the man he’d arrested in Sedona nearly two decades prior had caused Victoria’s police department to discharge their weapons for the first time in 20 years, Chenoweth couldn’t believe it. “Boy, you could have knocked me over with a feather,” he told me. “I thought he was going to be OK.”


Susan Musgrave was well aware that her husband had fallen back into drug abuse, and in the weeks leading up to his arrest, she was preparing herself for something terrible—she just assumed it would be his death. “He overdosed three times in two weeks,” she told me. “He woke up on the bridge to Long Beach with a needle in his arm. I used to listen at the door to see if he was breathing.”

It never occurred to her that Reid would rob another bank. It also never occurred to her to walk out on him. “If I had any excuse to leave Stephen—if he’d been a jerk and abusive and ran around with other women—I would have,” she said. “But it felt like I would have been leaving someone who was sick. As soon as he wasn’t addicted anymore, he was the person I knew.” Musgrave hadn’t known any addicts before Reid, so she had never experienced the brutal truth that addiction is never over. “What I’ve learned,” she told me, “is that you never know anything about anyone you’re close to.”

Back in prison, Reid was as low as he’d ever been, but in his despair was a chance at salvation. One condition of his sentence as a violent offender was mandatory counseling, and in those sessions he began to confront his past in a way he never had before.

Those who knew about the Stopwatch Gang, who’d read the books and the press coverage and seen the television reports, knew only this version of the Stephen Reid story: Young addict runs away from home and robs banks to support his habit. He meets two fellow criminals straight out of central casting, Paddy Mitchell and Lionel Wright, and together the three gentlemen bandits perfect the art of bank robbery, stealing with panache and never harming a soul. For Reid, the story goes, robbery becomes his addiction—he’s compelled to commit more crimes. But this addiction makes him larger than life. There’s plenty of truth in there. “During a bank robbery, you’re totally alive, in a very ancient way,” Reid told me. 

In his sessions with the prison psychologist, though, a darker, more nuanced story of his past began to take shape. Once his parents passed away, Reid decided to share that story with the public. “That’s when I felt free enough to write,” he told me. “They would have taken that on as a failure on their part. I think they’d had enough hurt from me.” Reid published a collection of essays called A Crowbar in the Buddhist Garden, in which he described meeting a local doctor named Paul, who wooed Reid, then 11 years old, with rides in a convertible Thunderbird and visits to his comparatively luxurious home. “He had red shag carpets and a fridge full of things like wine and cheese,” Reid told me. “He went to Acapulco.” Paul began giving Reid alcohol, then morphine, first in pill form and later via injections. He also began to sexually abuse the young boy.  

Reid soon became addicted, and he relied on Paul to provide the drugs. “I still lived at home, shared a bed with my brother, and ate my porridge with brown sugar every morning at the crowded kitchen table,” Reid wrote. “Mine is more than the story of a boy interrupted. It is not what Paul took from me, it is what I kept: the lie that the key to the gates of paradise was a filled syringe. In all the thousands of syringes I’ve emptied into my arm since then, the only gates that ever opened led to the penitentiary.”

When Reid hit puberty, Paul rejected him in favor of younger boys. Reid was a full-blown addict by that point and spurned by the man who was his source. The rest of his life—leaving home, stealing to buy drugs, all that followed, can be traced to this moment.

“I blamed myself for years,” Reid told me during one of our several visits. “Thinking back as if I was an adult making the decision to have a relationship with this guy.” 

Musgrave knew almost nothing about the abuse until after Reid’s arrest, and even then he told her only haltingly, portioning out information in half-truths before he finally leveled with her. “I imagine every story has its own horror,” Musgrave told me. “Sometimes it’s bad choices, but not always. I suppose it’s a bad choice to get in the car with a guy”—but in this, the formative experience of Reid’s life, he was, like so many hardened criminals and addicts, a victim before becoming a perpetrator. 

Reid refuses to recast his life with himself as a victim. What Paul did to him, he said, was “monstrous,” but he can’t blame the man for everything that came after. “I’m sure it didn’t help me, but I’ve always believed we live in the arena of choices, and I made a lot of choices that led me to right now,” he said. He suspects chances are good that he would have taken to drugs anyway. “I got to loving drugs for the hedonistic side of it, and I made a lot of choices based on that. The most self-centered person in the world is a drug addict. I grew up in a narcissistic age and became all of those things.”

Thirteen

In early 2014, Reid was released from the William Head Institution and placed on day parole for the final stretch of his incarceration. He was free to come and go, so long as he made it back to the halfway house by 10 p.m. There, in a stately but downtrodden old doctor’s mansion overlooking the Strait of Juan de Fuca, Reid occupied a room with bare walls and bay windows facing the harbor. He slept in a single bed and staved off boredom on idle days by making drums, using a traditional method he learned from native inmates in prison.

When I met him, Reid was expecting to be fully released sometime in the spring, most likely by mid-March. He had actually been granted day parole once before, in 2008, and was transitioning back into his old life when he made a dumb mistake, ordering a beer to go along with his cheeseburger on a hot May afternoon. His waitress, who once worked in a prison laundry, knew that abstaining from alcohol was a standard condition of parole. She reported the violation to Reid’s parole officer, and Reid served an additional 47 months at William Head for violating his agreement. “Now I order a Diet Coke with my burger,” he said. 

These days, Reid rises early each day and heads to the Treehouse, where his stepdaughter, Charlotte Musgrave, lives with her twin girls. Reid babysits and helps keep the place up; he takes his elderly mother-in-law, who lives nearby, to the grocery store. Every few weeks, Reid’s parole officer grants him permission to travel to Vancouver to work on his play, and on holidays he gets longer passes to catch a ferry up to the islands, to stay with his wife. Most days, though, are spent here in Victoria, trying to put together a new life while surrounded by reminders of the old one. 

“I pull out every morning and go right by the corner where that guy was,” Reid said, referring to the motorcycle cop he shot at in his desperate attempt to get away. “It makes me think of it often.”

That botched robbery was the result of a series of mistakes, none of which Reid would have made in his right mind. I suggested that, to me, it mostly seemed like a product of bad luck—bad luck that a cop happened to walk past the branch on foot patrol right as he was robbing it, bad luck that another cruiser was right around the corner, and bad luck that his preferred escape route was blocked by a horse carriage. But Reid knew that each of those things could have been anticipated with more meticulous preparation. “You don’t just have bad luck in most things,” he said. “You make it.”

He still wishes he had hired a woman to sit in a large car around the corner from the bank, with instructions to pull into the middle of the road once the getaway car sped past. When the cops came running, she would shout “Oh, my God! They went that way!” and point in the opposite direction.

His mind often returns to the dozen or so bullets he fired at the police officer on the motorcycle, a 28-year veteran named Bill Trudeau who had been on traffic duty when he got the call about the robbery. He swears that he meant no harm, that he aimed up, a good ten feet over the cop’s helmet. “I just wanted them to stop chasing me,” Reid said. “I knew what I was doing, even that butchered. I just didn’t want to get caught.” 

In his prison cells, Reid would often wonder if he hadn’t planned to fail. “I destroyed both of my lives at the same time,” he said—both person and persona: Stephen Reid, the rehabilitated husband, as well as Stephen Reid, the legendary bank robber. 


On the first afternoon we met, Reid and I walked along a driftwood-strewn beach at the edge of Vancouver’s English Bay. The winter wind was strong, and Reid pulled a white silk scarf covered in small black skulls and crowns around his neck. Over lunch he’d been happy to relive the glory days with me, but now he seemed to want to set the record straight. In the many years since the Stopwatch Gang was actually out there robbing banks, he said, the story of the group’s exploits had become myth. 

Factually speaking, there are portions of the Stopwatch Gang’s story that will always be fuzzy. Triangulating versions from interviews with Reid, descriptions in Mitchell’s book, and various reported accounts sometimes resulted in more questions than answers. And the one man who could help clear up the inconsistencies, Lionel Wright, was nowhere to be found. Since his release in 1994, Wright has not spoken to reporters. His friends have lost track of him, and I wasn’t even able to determine what country he’s living in.

But the thing that was bothering Reid had less to do with the details of the past and more to do with the way it had all been framed. “What I find is that there’s facts and there’s truths, and they’re often two very different animals,” Reid said. “We did quite a number of banks—not as many as the FBI holds us accountable for. In my more bravado moments, I’ll admit to more than we probably did. It’s not as wide as anyone suggests it was, but we did cut a swath. We lived like rock stars, and we had a great time.”

The notion that they were harmless, though, is something that Reid can’t abide any longer. Paddy Mitchell is often remembered as a folk hero, “the gentleman bandit” with the unloaded gun. Mitchell liked to tell reporters that the gang always went into a robbery without a round in the chamber of their weapons, so that no one could snatch a gun and use it against them. The story was picked up as proof of their innate benevolence. And while it’s true that none of the three men ever intended to shoot anyone, Reid told me, the empty-chamber thing is “bullshit.” “We would definitely have shot someone if we had to. Thankfully, we never had to.”

But there’s also a kind of psychological harm that Reid seemed troubled by. It felt as if he was fumbling around a little, trying to unburden himself. “I used to console myself, when I read the statements from witnesses, hearing they felt very safe in our hands,” he said. “But how do you feel safe when someone points a gun at you?”

To think otherwise, as Reid used to, is to avoid the truth of who you are and what you’re doing. “It’s a denial thing. You go in and put a bunch of people—sometimes it’s women and children—on the ground, and you can’t pretend you’re some romantic figure. We’re not grabbing all that money and giving scholarships to the poor. We’re taking it to Vegas and spending it on hookers and cocaine!”

For years, Reid cultivated the mythology of the Stopwatch Gang. He helped perpetuate the idea that robbing banks is a victimless one, because banks are insured. The story of a famous bank robber who eluded two national police forces and lived the high life on stolen cash for the better part of a decade was irresistible to many people, Reid said, and he traded on that. “I played along with this stupid fucking narrative of the bank robber who planned meticulously so that people wouldn’t get hurt. It was a romantic idea, but we did it so we could get a lot of money. We didn’t want to work for it.”

“It’s a mythology that I began to hate,” Reid continued. “I lost myself in it and eventually became very lonely and separate from the world.”

Mitchell and Reid corresponded regularly through the years, even when Mitchell was on the run. Inspired by his old friend, Mitchell also started writing behind bars. “I need you, pal,” he wrote to Reid in 1996. “The only thing that will get me out of here and back to Canada and eventually reunited with loved ones is something spectacular! And the only thing I can think about is a book. I’ll work my ass off but I need your help.”

During a rare phone call from Lionel Wright, Mitchell shared news of what he was doing. Wright’s reaction was surprise—he wondered, Mitchell wrote in a letter to Reid, “why I would want to drag up all that past stuff.” The answer was easy. “I don’t know about anything else than what I lived—and that’s sex, drugs, bank robbery and rock and roll.” 

When he’d finished, Mitchell mailed an excerpt of the autobiography to Reid, who said he’d publish part of it in a literary journal he was editing. When he suggested some changes, though, Mitchell resisted, and the piece was never published. Reid has still never read the complete book. “He was my best friend in the world, and he knows it,” Reid told me. “I knew him in a way that nobody else did, in a very naked way. I think probably I get angry with him for not being real—and maybe he was later. He lived to the age that I am now.”

Locked up with little hope, Mitchell focused on health. He ran more than ever. And he loved to brag about it to his old friend, now free and thriving. “We can live another 50 years and not be a burden on anyone if we take care of ourselves,” Mitchell wrote to Reid in 1996. “Now! Change your habits. Healthy living is where it’s at.” 

In early 2006, Mitchell noticed a lump under his ribs. He brought it to the attention of prison medical staff and was told not to worry. When the lump grew, Mitchell was diagnosed with cancer and sent to the Federal Correctional Institution in Butner, North Carolina, where very sick prisoners are housed. His last letter to Reid arrived around Christmas. It was short and nearly illegible, written on a half-sheet of yellow paper. Its last line: “We’ve had a life, haven’t we?” He died on January 14, 2007, at the age of 64.

Mitchell’s death behind bars affected Reid deeply. “I longed for his letters of old, those 15 and 20-page raves on anything from ‘the amazing salad bar here at Leavenworth’ to the joys of ‘running an eight-minute mile! Before chow line!’” Reid wrote in his essay “The Art of Dying in Prison.” Mitchell was a grandfather by the time he was finally caught. His son Kevin had two boys, and Mitchell—with the written support of many people, Stephen Reid included—pleaded with the U.S. government to transfer him back to Canada, so that at least they could visit and get to know him. Five times he was denied.

“Pat and I shared a life so intertwined that his death seemed to open a way for me to reconcile with the inevitability of my own dying,” Reid wrote. “It became possible for me to hold my gaze on the end of life.” Reid has grappled with his mortality for years. He has survived multiple overdoses and, in 2009, underwent quintuple bypass surgery, spending 14 hours on a surgeon’s table. He’ll turn 65 on March 13.

Reid swore to me that he wouldn’t screw up this time. “I’m an integral part in my family’s life now,” he said. “People who want and need me in their lives.” There was a note of amazement in his voice, a hint of awareness that he should have lost everything, but somehow, miraculously, he hadn’t. He’d been given another chance when his luck should have run out, and he knew it. “A lot of people express remorse and think that by doing that they’re a decent person at the core,” Reid said. “It’s about a lot more than expressing or feeling remorse. It’s about picking up whatever pieces are left and moving on. So, that’s what I’ve done.”

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Stephen Reid at his home in Victoria, British Columbia, 2014. Photo: Farah Nosh

The Zombie King

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The writer who introduced zombies to America.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 45


Emily Matchar is the author of Homeward Bound: Why Women Are Embracing the New Domesticity. Her work has appeared in The Atlantic, Salon, The Washington Post, Time, The New Republic, Gourmet, and Outside, among others. She splits her time between Hong Kong and Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

Editor: Joel Lovell
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Illustrations: Wesley Allsbrook
Other images: Courtesy of William K. Seabrook, Getty Images, AP Images, Carl Van Vechten/The Van Vechten Trust, Man Ray Trust/Artists Rights Society (ARS), NY/ADAGP


Published in January 2015. Design updated in 2021.

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William Seabrook, 1933. Photo: Carl Van Vechten/The Van Vechten Trust

Intro

Last summer I drove to Westminster, Maryland, in search of anything I could find related to the life of a man named William Seabrook. I’d become fascinated with Seabrook one night during an insomniac crawl through ever narrowing passages of the Internet, when I stumbled upon a description of him as a member of the Lost Generation who, in the late 1920s and ’30s, was a household name in America—an adventurer and travel writer and occultist who smoked opium with princesses and drove an ambulance during World War I and flew a four-seater Farman from Paris to Timbuktu. He rode the Arabian Desert with Bedouin horse thieves and was friendly with Aldous Huxley and Jean Cocteau and Sinclair Lewis and Thomas Mann. When he returned from his reporting trips, crowds of journalists would greet him on the tarmac, eager to report the details of his journeys. Gertrude Stein wrote about him. He tasted human flesh. He introduced zombies to America.

And yet no one remembers him now. Not even, it turns out, in the town where he was born and raised. There are no first-edition copies of Seabrook’s half-dozen books behind glass in the Westminster Branch Library, no National Register plaque beside the door to his gingerbread house on East Green Street. At the Historical Society of Carroll County, in downtown Westminster, an elderly woman at the front desk tells me she has never heard of Seabrook, then sends me down to the basement to dig through the archives. There’s no record of him there, either. In the hometown of William Seabrook—without whom we would not have The Walking Dead or Night of the Living Dead or Dawn of the Dead or Shaun of the Dead—nobody knows who he is.

And yet the reason that zombies shuffle through every corner of our popular culture is because in 1928, on the desolate Haitian island of La Gonave, William Seabrook came face-to-face with one.

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Venus in Chains

Seabrook was born in Westminster in 1884. His father, William L. Seabrook, was a lawyer; his mother, Myra, the beautiful daughter of a prominent Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, family. His paternal grandfather, William L.W. Seabrook, was the editor of Westminster’s American Sentinel newspaper, a powerful local Republican, and reportedly a onetime friend of Abraham Lincoln.

When Seabrook was eight, his father, having felt the call to the ministry, gave up his law practice and entered a Lutheran seminary, taking Seabrook’s mother and younger brother with him and leaving William behind in the care of his paternal grandparents. Years later Seabrook would describe his father as a man with a mediocre mind who dragged his family into the genteel poverty of the ministry in the name of a silly mythology. His resentment against his mother ran even deeper. After giving birth to his younger brother and, later, his sister, she’d gone from being Seabrook’s slender, laughing “girl-mother” to a stout, bossy, chronically dissatisfied minister’s wife.

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William Seabrook, age 11. Photo: Courtesy of William K. Seabrook

The only adult figure for whom Seabrook had any affection was his grandmother, Piny, who raised him in Westminster. As Seabrook described her in his writing, Piny was barely of this world. She was born on a Maryland plantation, he wrote, in the caul (the amniotic sac unbroken around her, which was said to impart on a child a supernatural aura), and nursed by an Obeah slave girl. Piny possessed “visions and powers” since childhood but was married off as a teen to Seabrook’s “white-bearded” grandfather, who brought her to Westminster and forced her to live an unhappy life among the tedious bourgeoisie. To feed her opium addiction, she hid a bottle of laudanum in the crook of a backyard tree.

Seabrook believed Piny saw in her odd, morose grandson a kindred spirit: “Another little soul which, like herself, found normal, ordinary life unbearable.” And it was through her that he had his first experience with the “unexplained,” a subject that would occupy him for the rest of his life. He and Piny would often walk together in Shreiver’s Woods, just outside Westminster. Seabrook knew the woods well; he would often go there to gather chinquapin nuts or fish for minnows in the stream. But one day, Seabrook wrote, while he was strolling with Piny, the woods became strange. They arrived at a clearing he didn’t recognize. Suddenly, the trees surrounding him were not trees but the legs of “beautiful bright-plumaged roosters, which were as tall as houses.” Taking him by the hand, Piny led him beneath the legs of the roosters as the enormous birds shuffled and crowed.

On another occasion, Piny took Seabrook up a hill with an ancient stone tower on its summit. Seabrook entered the tower and found a woman sitting on a throne. She wore green robes, golden clogs, and had red-gold braided hair. Her wrists, ankles, and waist were bound by gleaming metal circlets joined by a chain. Seabrook wrote:

Piny let go my hand and I went forward alone to sit by the leather foot-stool and put my arms around the lady’s knees. She pressed my head against her knees and stroked my hair. She led my hands down the soft silk folds to her chained feet and pressed them tightly there until my own hands held and drew the chains tighter. I was trembling with happiness.

Throughout his childhood, Seabrook had been preoccupied by the image of what he called the “girl in chains.” He would spend hours looking through the many art and mythology books in his family’s library, fantasizing over pictures of Venus hanging by her wrists from a tree. He even sent away for an Ivory Soap calendar featuring Queen Zenobia, aware that she’d be pictured in chains. How could Piny have known, he later wrote, that this was his greatest fantasy?

I Was a Dog Running in Circles

Seabrook began his writing career shortly after college, as a reporter at the Augusta Chronicle. After a short time on the job, though, a habitual sense of restlessness took over, and he left to travel through Europe. He found himself one day sitting on a park bench in Geneva, intently watching a well-dressed young couple as they strolled nearby. He admired the man’s fashionably pointy beard and velvet-collar coat, the woman’s slender ankles and golden hair. He coveted the man’s expensive car, gleaming behind them in the afternoon sun. “Would I ever want a car like that, a girl like that?” he asked himself.

He soon returned to the U.S. and set out to shape a life of normalcy and privilege. He married Katie Edmondson, the daughter of a Coca-Cola executive, and settled in Atlanta, where he founded an ad agency and joined the Rotary Club. It didn’t take long, though, for Seabrook to be overwhelmed by urges his new life could never satisfy. In the middle of one workday, he called Katie and a close friend named Ed and insisted they join him at a local park. When they arrived, he had them pose together, trying to recapture the sense of envy and desire he’d felt that day in Geneva. “There it all was,” he would later write. “The automobile, the girl, the silk, the fur, caught in the afternoon sun’s highlights—and I kept saying to myself, ‘I’m Ed there. I’ve got all that, as Ed has. All that belongs to me, and I can keep it all my life if I want to.’”

 But Seabrook couldn’t force himself to fit into that life. In 1916, he the American Field Service as an ambulance driver and left to serve in the war. He was 31, older by a decade or more than many of the war’s other notable volunteers—Ernest Hemingway, Malcolm Cowley, E.E. Cummings, and John Dos Passos, all in their teens or early twenties. For Seabrook, the war was more a means of escape than a fight for an ideal. “I was a dog running in circles,” he wrote, “running away from myself.”

In France, his job was to pick up wounded men at the trenches and drive them back to a field hospital. He often worked while German shells fell around him, sometimes going days without sleep. He saw horribly wounded men, some of them burned beyond recognition, writhing in agony in the mud. He later described the experience of handling these maimed soldiers with a slightly chilling remove. Once, he forgot to unload a grievously wounded patient from the back of the ambulance before falling asleep in his tent. When he awoke and remembered, the man was dead. He confessed what had happened to his commander and an Army doctor. They conferred and decided that the man had certainly died en route and the whole incident should be forgotten. Relieved, Seabrook went back to sleep.

His main interest seems to have been using his commander’s typewriter to write a “diary” of the war, which the The Atlantic Monthly agreed to publish in installments. Seabrook was ecstatic when he heard the news—this was his first big break—but the Field Service decided that the material should instead be published as a booklet that could be used to raise funds for the service, a decision that infuriated him.

In 1916, in the midst of the ten-month-long Battle of Verdun, Seabrook was off duty and playing cards in a cowshed when he was struck by a chlorine-gas attack. The experience, he wrote, was as “dull as catching influenza,” but he and the men around him were taken away in a mule cart and sent home. The war would rage on for another two years, but it was over for Seabrook, who would later describe it as “the only adventure I have ever had that was not disappointing.”

Back in the U.S., Seabrook’s father-in-law gave him and Katie a large farm outside Atlanta, where Seabrook could focus on his writing. He tried short stories, war sketches, essays, he sketched out the beginnings of various novels. Mostly, though, he spent his time drinking corn whiskey with the farm’s caretaker, and he grew increasingly preoccupied with thoughts of his “girl in chains.” Socializing at a neighbor’s antebellum mansion, he became fixated on a fluted Corinthian pillar in the library alcove and imagined how a woman would look chained to it. But who would agree to such a thing?

Some months earlier, after a long, alcohol-fueled lunch with friends in New York, he visited the studio of the famous German-American puppeteer Tony Sarg. He met a young woman there, also a puppeteer, whom later in his writings he would refer to as “Deborah Luris.” Her real identity is unknown, though there’s some reason to believe that she had been the mistress of the occultist Aleister Crowley, who was a fixture in the Greenwich Village bohemian scene of the time. Seabrook was drawn to Luris’s frank sexuality and her “broad, animal face,” and now, on a whim, he wrote an agonized letter to her to ask if she’d be interested in taking part in kinky games with him.

“Sure, why not?” Luris wrote back. “Come on up. But why be so solemn and self-conscious about it? It might be fun.”

Seabrook explained all this to Katie, with whom he had what he later said was a largely platonic relationship. With her blessing he took the train up north, purchased locks and chains at Hammacher Schlemmer, and spent a week in the city, during which he barely left Luris’s apartment. “When people uncork parallel or complimentary chimeric wish-fantasies,” he wrote, “sparks generally fly. And so they did.”

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Katie Seabrook (center right) with members of the Druse sect in Syria, 1925. Photo: AP Images

A Horse Thief in Silk Pajamas

Not long after that trip, Seabrook wrangled a job as a reporter for William Randolph Hearst’s empire. He and Katie moved to New York, and Katie opened a coffee house on Waverly Place that soon became popular with Village artists and writers: Marcel Duchamp, Malcolm Cowley, Edna St. Vincent Millay, and Sinclair Lewis, among many others. Seabrook, increasingly insecure about his literary talent, took to introducing himself as a “short-story writer,” having sold one piece to H.L. Mencken’s The Smart Set for $17.50. He also cultivated a cartoonish eccentricity, strolling through the Village wearing chamois gloves and carrying a walking stick.

Though he was embarrassed to be thought of as a hack, he’d found a niche writing feature stories about the lurid and the supernatural, and he ghostwrote the memoir of a criminal named Celia Cooney, dubbed “the bobbed-hair bandit” after she stuck up several shops in Brooklyn in the winter of 1924. He was making more money than he’d ever made before, but if anyone called him out on his purple prose, it devastated him.

Among the many writers Seabrook came to know through the coffee house was Theodore Dreiser, a hero of his, who once, while holding court in his vast apartment, muttered something about “yellow journalism” and pointedly ignored Seabrook. He later wrote that the humiliation he felt at Dreiser’s withering dismissal helped catalyze his desire to transform himself into a more serious writer.

The opportunity for transformation came in the form of a Columbia University student named Daoud Izzedin, who liked to linger in the coffee house, telling tales of slaves with jeweled scimitars and descriptions of lava-rock palaces back home in Lebanon. When Izzedin said that his father would welcome any friend of his to Beirut, Seabrook jumped at the chance.

Six weeks later, he was traveling across Transjordan with a letter of introduction to a Bedouin sheik of sheiks. In the Middle East, he remade himself as a gentleman adventurer, with silk pajamas and a case full of aspirin, rare in that part of the world, which he dispensed as favors to the wives of Bedouin warriors. He became an honorary member of the Beni Sakhr tribe and was invited to ride along on their horse-stealing raids. He converted to Islam to please a host. He watched Turkish dervishes whirl themselves into a trance and was offered the services of a bangled slave girl.

Seabrook’s first book, Adventures in Arabia: Among the Bedouins, Druses, Whirling Dervishes, and Yezidee Devil Worshipers, was published by Harcourt, Brace and Company in 1927. Primed by earlier accounts of Arabian adventures, especially those of T.E. Lawrence, the public devoured the book. Critics were less enthusiastic. One reviewer remarked that there was something “Elizabethan” in Seabrook’s lyricism over long-haired warriors and white-veiled harem beauties. Another noted his “melodramatic flair.”

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William Seabrook, likely taken near Iraq, circa 1926. Photo: Courtesy of William K. Seabrook

The book established a formula that Seabrook would return to again and again over the next several years: 1) Arrive at impossibly exotic locale. 2) Seek out forbidden location/mysterious ritual/strange cult. 3) Receive warning not to dare go there/do that/talk to them or risk being killed/being cursed/going mad. 4) Defy warning. 5) Find location/ritual/cult fascinating and wonderful, and suggest that, while he of course is capable of debunking the phonily supernatural, the universe is also full of strange and mystical things we don’t understand.

This kind of florid orientalism, retrograde as it appears now, was a sign of progressive thinking at the time. Seabrook saw himself as anti-racist, a son of the South happy to break bread with savages, and this was the persona he’d cultivate over the next several books: the bold white traveler venturing with open heart and mind into the lands of mystery and “darkness.”

“I have a warm feeling toward Negroes,” he told his publisher shortly after the publication of Adventures in Arabia. “They’re perhaps by and large less intelligent than whites—or perhaps only less well educated—inferior intellectually in general if you choose, but I often think they’re superior to us emotionally and spiritually, perhaps superior in kindness and capacity for happiness. I’d like to go down to Haiti or somewhere and turn Negro, if I can.”

This idea, that the “primitive,” nonwhite world was a corrective to sterilized Western culture, was also a product of the time. The 20th century had dawned cold and mechanical, bringing machine guns and mustard gas and shiny metropolises full of dead-eyed worker-drones. To many intellectuals, primitive man had a connection to something more authentic, more spiritual—hot-blooded vitality as an antidote to the Lost Generation’s postwar malaise.

For the past half-century, French colonial expansion into West Africa and the Caribbean had brought a flood of tribal art and artifacts to Parisian markets and given rise to an explosion of primitive-themed art, music, clothing, dance, and writing. Surrealists like André Breton and Man Ray were making works inspired by “negro art.” Josephine Baker, born in Missouri, was doing the banana dance before the likes of Hemingway. Everyone was reading Freud’s work on the “primordial mind.”

By the late 1920s, interest in primitivism had trickled down to the masses. Seabrook’s idea earned him a $15,000 book advance from Harcourt, Brace—over $200,000 in today’s dollars—and in 1928, in the midst of the U.S. occupation of Haiti, he sailed for Cap Haïtien.

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Illustrations: Wesley Allsbrook

Old Magic Was Here at Work

Thirteen years earlier, in July 1915, U.S. Marines had invaded Haiti with the aim of restoring order and protecting America’s corporate interests after a series of coups and assassinations had destabilized the country. The U.S. installed a puppet president, Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave, and tried to strong-arm the Haitian legislature into creating a new, pro-American constitution. When the legislature refused, it was dissolved. Over the years that followed, the occupying forces instituted new policies of segregation between light- and dark-skinned blacks, and between light-skinned blacks and whites, infuriating Haiti’s Creole elites. The military also instituted a system of forced labor—essentially slavery—to build new roads and infrastructure.

By 1928, even those Haitians who initially supported U.S. involvement had turned bitterly against the occupation. For a wealthy blan like Seabrook, though, Port-au-Prince, despite the tensions, was a city of possibilities and pleasures. With Katie in tow, he rented a house with “adequate gardens” and filled it with servants—a cook, a butler, a laundress, and a houseboy named Louis.

As Seabrook described him, Louis was a sort of primitive saint who would disappear for days and reappear bearing exotic fruits or armfuls of flowers for Katie, and would stay up late with Seabrook telling him strange stories—about a man who lay dying because an old woman in Léogâne had made a wooden doll in his image, about trees that spoke, about the dead who walked.

Eventually, Seabrook and Louis began venturing into the mountains. In a tiny village of thatch-roofed huts where no white man had been seen in years, Seabrook met Maman Célie, a spiritual leader who treated his voodoo fascination with fond tolerance. “Petit, petit,” she crooned to him. Little by little. Be patient and the mysteries will be revealed. Seabrook lived with Maman Célie for several weeks. She called him her son, a “black man with a white face,” and prepared for him a bag of charms called an ouanga, which he prayed over and which would protect him as long as he did not betray those prayers.

The first mystery she allowed Seabrook to see was a petro, a blood rite in which a small black bull was sacrificed to the sound of pounding drums while villagers threw themselves into ecstatic dance. As Seabrook described it: “In the red light of torches which made the moon turn pale, leaping, screaming, writhing black bodies, blood-maddened, sex-maddened, god-maddened, drunken, whirled and danced their dark saturnalia.”

He next witnessed a young girl turned into a goat. Dressed in a scarlet robe and ostrich-feather headdress, Maman Célie brought forth the animal into the houmfort, the voodoo temple. Then she brought out her youngest daughter, a girl in her teens, anointing her with oil and wine. The girl kneeled at the altar and faced the goat, and the two stared at one another like “marble figures on the frieze of some ancient phallic temple.”

Seabrook watched as the girl’s lips became goat-like and she began to nibble the leaves around her. Her eyes grew wide and glassy and staring. When a priest plunged a knife into the goat’s neck, the girl bleated, leaped, and fell senseless to the ground. The goat was bled into a bowl, the blood used to draw a cross on Seabrook’s forehead. The bowl was then held to his lips and Seabrook drank the “clean, warm, salty” blood. Later, he would recount the incident with his characteristically deliberate ambiguity:

I have earned a deserved reputation for being not too credulous in the face of marvels. But I was in the presence now of a thing that could not be denied. Old magic was here at work, and it worked appallingly. What difference does it make whether we call it supernatural or merely supernormal. What difference does it make if we say that the girl was drugged—as I suspect she was—or that both were hypnotized? … We live surrounded by mysteries and imagine that by inventing names we explain them.

The Magic Island, published in 1929, included all this—the petro, the goat sacrifice, scenes of a hermaphroditic oracle holding a skull and peasants moaning before an altar of human bones. But nothing was more outrageous, or received more attention, than Seabrook’s depiction of his encounter with the walking dead.

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If It Is True, It Upsets Everything

No one knows for certain the origins of the word “zombie.” It may come from the Bantu for “fetish,” zumbi, or “spirit,” nzumbi. It may come from a Creole word for “ghost,” jumbie, which likely derives from the Spanish or French word for “shadows,” sombra/ombre. It may be a corruption of the French sans vie, “lifeless.”

In the colonial Caribbean, the zombie was thought to take many forms. It was a disembodied soul trapped in a jar by a sorcerer. It was a person transformed into an animal—a three-legged horse or a dog that stood five feet high. It was a tiny, fairy-like being that hid under the bed to scare naughty children. It was also a corpse raised from the dead—a zombi cadavre.

Seabrook had heard of zombies from Louis and Maman Célie, but it was a man named Constant Polynice, a mixed-race tax collector and local operator on the parched, desolate island of La Gonave, who insisted to Seabrook that they were not just another Haitian legend like fire hags and goat-eating werewolves. They were real, he said. He’d seen them with his own eyes.

Ten years earlier, in 1918, Polynice told Seabrook, Haiti’s largest and oldest sugar operation, the Haitian American Sugar Company, offered bonuses to any employee who brought in new workers to help them harvest the bumper crop. One morning an old farm foreman named Ti Joseph and his wife, Croyance, appeared with a ragged group of men and women they claimed were from the mountains and didn’t speak lowland Creole. They registered them and put them to work. These workers were actually zombies, Polynice explained, recently buried dead that the couple had pulled from their graves.

The zombies worked tirelessly, day after day, as the sun bore down on them. They ate only unseasoned food, as tasting salt or meat, it was believed, would cause them to realize that they were dead. But Croyance took pity on the zombies and decided one day to bring them to a street festival, where she bought them pistachio candies that had been cooked with salt. Awakened to their terrible reality, the zombies set off for their mountain village, moaning and shuffling in a single-file line. When their families saw the animated corpses of their loved ones, they chased and caught Ti Joseph and, Polynice said, “hacked off his head with a machete.”

“You are not a peasant,” Seabrook told him after hearing the story. “How much of that story, honestly, do you believe?”

“Why should I not believe them when I myself have also seen zombies?” Polynice replied.

Some days later the two men rode on horseback across the Plaine des Mapous, a high plateau on La Gonave dotted with stands of mapous, the silvery, wide-canopied tree sacred to voodoo adherents. After several hours, they came to a sugarcane field and dismounted. It was midday, the sun scorching and white overhead. At the far edge of a field, three laborers were hacking at a stony, terraced slope with machetes. Polynice went to speak with the overseer, a “big-boned, hard-faced black girl” named Lamercie, who insisted that “negroes’ affairs are not for whites.” Seabrook stepped forward anyway. Polynice tapped one of the workers on the shoulder and bid him to stand.

The man stood, and Seabrook looked into his eyes. He reached out and grabbed one of the man’s dangling hands. He shook it and said, “Bonjour, compère.” The man stared without replying, his eyes fixed on some distant horizon.

Seabrook scrambled for an explanation for what he was seeing. The man’s eyes reminded him of a lobotomized dog he once saw in a lab at Columbia University. The “zombies” were likely mentally deficient people who had been forced into servitude, he reasoned, but of course he could not be sure.

“The eyes were the worst,” Seabrook wrote. “It was not my imagination. They were in truth like the eyes of a dead man, not blind, but staring unfocused, unseeing. … I had a sickening, almost panicky lapse in which I thought, or rather felt, ‘Great God, maybe this stuff is really true, and if it is true, it is rather awful, for it upsets everything.’”

Over half a million copies of The Magic Island were sold, and Seabrook’s descriptions forever shaped the Western idea of zombies and voodoo. Religious practices involving multiple deities and spirits existed throughout the Caribbean and Latin America; every country had its mythical demons. But after The Magic Island, Haiti would always be viewed as the land of tom-toms pounding in the night and corpses staggering down the road, shaking off dirt from their graves. From the book’s publication forward, the white world would hear almost nothing of the helpful chore-doing zombie, the giant dog zombie, the playful spirit zombie. The only zombie that now existed in the Western imagination was the zombi cadavre.

The Magic Island was packaged to titillate. A 1929 ad for the book in The New Yorker featured a drawing of a shifty-eyed, pipe-smoking Constant Polynice, along with a quote from The Evening Post’s review of the book: “The steam-heated and incomplete orgies of New York’s night clubs usually leave their patrons foolishly futile and with a sense of gyp. … I would recommend to them a session with some real frenzy in this amazing work.”

Reviews were largely gushing, especially in the dailies and in middlebrow magazines. “It is not a twice-told tale, but a vivid record of things seen; it is no ladylike book, but a man’s story written for adult minds,” reported The Bookman, a New York literary journal published by Seward Bishop Collins, a man with the distinction of being both a self-proclaimed fascist and a onetime lover of Dorothy Parker.

Critics praised Seabrook’s willingness to investigate Haiti’s strange rituals with an open mind. “He has penetrated as few white men have done … to the soul of Haiti,” R.L. Duffus wrote in The New York Times.

Black American critics praised the book, as well. The review in Harlem’s Amsterdam News proclaimed it to be “the best book of the year on a negro subject.”

There were a handful of naysayers in the progressive media, especially among those who had a deep understanding of Haitian culture. “Although Mr. Seabrook has seen a great deal more than the average white man sees in the island, he has become so excited about it all that he cannot hope to be taken as an altogether credible witness,” wrote the socialist-leaning British weekly the New Statesman.

The anthropologist and Haitian-studies scholar Melville Herskovits wrote in The Nation: “This book, like others of its kind, is a work of injustice.” Seabrook, Herskovitz argued, had given a shallow and credulous account of Haitian culture, focusing on the grotesque without investigating context or significance. What was Maman Célie’s day-to-day life like? What was the purpose of the goat slaughter? He accused Seabrook of repeating folk tales as fact and argued that The Magic Island’s sensationalism only served to lend credence to the view that Haitians were childlike primitives in need of American protection.

In his memoir, Seabrook described how badly the criticisms wounded his pride. “I had very few things to be proud of,” he wrote, “and one of them was that I knew I was an honest, if sensational reporter.” He even claimed to have refused a $15,000 syndication deal with a magazine that wanted to alter his descriptions of voodoo to make it appear more sinister and provocative. He couldn’t do that to Maman Célie, he said. “Between us was the same bond which bound and binds me still to my long-dead white witch-grandmother Piny,” he wrote.

A decade later, Seabrook would feel vindicated by the publication of Zora Neale Hurston’s Tell My Horse, her account of Jamaican and Haitian voodoo practices, which included supposed firsthand accounts of meeting zombies—though critics would say that Hurston simply recounted certain Seabrook tales. Hurston herself said she was inspired by Seabrook’s work.

The Taste of Human Flesh

Almost immediately after the release of The Magic Island, producers in New York and Hollywood began cashing in on the new obsession with the walking dead. The book’s first offspring was a play—Zombie—written by the vaudeville writer Kenneth Webb, which opened in New York in February 1932. It starred the fading silent-film actress Pauline Starke as an American plantation owner in Haiti whose husband was turned into a zombie. The action revolved around Starke and two scholars trying to find the zombie masters and win her husband’s release.

Zombie was an extraordinary flop. Time called it “wretchedly acted” and “beset with deplorably written dialog.” Audiences found the play more funny than terrifying, and while its New York run lasted only 20 performances, it reopened later that year in Chicago, where it was billed as a comedy.

While Zombie the stage play was still in preproduction, two film directors, the brothers Victor and Edward Halperin, leased space at Universal Studios and began making White Zombie, starring a mono-browed Bela Lugosi, fresh off his turn as Dracula, as the wicked Haitian sugar-plantation owner Murder Legendre. A man of ambiguous racial and national background, Legendre lords over the zombies who toil in his fields. “They work faithfully, and they are not worried about long hours,” he says. He also keeps a crew of zombie servants, each one a former enemy now turned dead-eyed and compliant.

Madge Bellamy, a scandal-plagued B-movie actress, plays Madeline, the young white American woman freshly arrived in Haiti, where her fiancé has been working. Driving through the Haitian backwoods in a carriage, she passes a funeral that is taking place in the middle of the road, replete with drums and strange wailings, a scene lifted directly from The Magic Island.

The opening scene from White Zombie, 1932. Video: Archive.org

On her wedding night, Legendre hexes Madeline with a cup of poisoned wine and a wax voodoo doll, “killing” her in the middle of her celebration dinner. She is buried, then dug up and whisked away to Legendre’s seaside castle to become his pliant zombie bride.

Though the movie never credits The Magic Island, its influence is everywhere, from the description of zombies to specific scenes taken from the book to uncredited Seabrook quotes that were used in the film’s press release.

Seabrook seems to have been unconcerned that his stories, his depiction of zombies, even his notoriety was being used without credit or compensation. It may be that he didn’t need or care about the money. Or it may be that the doubts raised about his credibility (including letters from his mother accusing him of embarrassing the family with his made-up tales) so wounded him that he felt he had to distance himself from the schlock culture being produced as a result of his book.

Whatever high-minded criticisms were being lodged against him, Seabrook was now popularly considered to be the premier white chronicler of the world’s dark cultures. The pressing question for him became: What next? How to outdo the scenes he’d witnessed and written about in Haiti?

The idea for his next book came over lunch at the Waldorf Hotel with the French writer and diplomat Paul Morand. In the late 1920s and early ’30s, Morand, too, was at the height of his fame. He’d just returned from an around-the-world trip and had published a book, Black Magic, that exalted the childlike primitivism of the negro. Morand told Seabrook that he must go to West Africa. There are cannibals there, he said, real cannibals, not the nonsense kind who eat flesh only because they’re starving.

A few months later, Seabrook was trekking through the jungle of the Ivory Coast in search of man-eating tribes. He traveled to Liberia with a young “sorceress” named Wamba, meeting witch doctors and panther-tooth-wearing tribesmen along the way. He witnessed rituals in which babies appeared to be impaled upon swords, only to reappear hours later unharmed. He met an old French priest in Timbuktu who had married a native woman and fathered 30 children. He acquired a pet monkey.

And, yes, he ate human flesh. The meat in question, he wrote, was that of “a freshly killed man, who seemed to be about thirty years old.” It tasted like “good, fully developed veal.”

When Jungle Ways was published in 1930, the chapter containing these descriptions scandalized readers across America. “So repellant is the subject that we hesitate to speak of it,” read a typically disgusted editorial, this one in the Montgomery Advertiser. “It is not agreeable to think that an intelligent, educated member of the white race and of the American nation, has voluntarily descended to a scale lower than that observed by these lowly people.”

Seabrook claimed his detractors were more upset by the fact of his dining with blacks than dining upon them.

The truth, however, was that he never actually ate human flesh in Africa. The tribal chief wouldn’t allow an outsider to partake in ritualistic cannibalism, which was rarely practiced anyway, and tried to trick Seabrook by serving him gorilla meat. Seabrook was shown the body of a slain enemy warrior but told that for reasons having to do with the ritual, he couldn’t observe the cooking process.

Years later he claimed to have figured out the deception during the meal, but he had gone to darkest Africa to dine with cannibals, he wrote, and one way or another he was going to have the experience of tasting human flesh. His solution was to go to Paris and convince a friend who had access to a hospital morgue to slip him a piece of thigh from a “healthy human carcass killed by accident.” He then held a dinner party. “I ate it in the presence of witnesses and liked it, no more or less than any other edible meat,” he wrote. (One of the guests at the party would later claim Seabrook didn’t tell them what the main course was, passing it off as a piece of rare game while they chewed unsuspectingly.)

In any case, Seabrook described in Jungle Ways the experience of eating the flesh of another human being, and he later argued that, since he had in fact done it, he didn’t really see why it mattered whether it was in an African jungle or at a dinner party in Paris.

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Lee Miller and William Seabrook, 1930. Photo: Man Ray/Man Ray Trust

The Fantasies of Mr. Seabrook

As Seabrook tells it, he and Katie realized early in their marriage that they weren’t suited for each other romantically—she had no interest in his fantasies—but they had stayed together as affectionate companions. She ignored his sexual exploits with other women, he wrote, and she enjoyed coming along on his adventures. When the arrangement finally came to an end, neither was surprised.

At a bridge game in the winter of 1929, Seabrook met an aspiring writer named Marjorie Worthington. Worthington would later recall that even though she was with her husband that night, Seabrook stared at her all evening with a “peculiar” sideways look that made her fumble her cards. The next morning, he sent her a dozen roses with a note that read: “If these are indiscreet, press them against you and throw them away.”

Worthington was tall and angular, with grave almond eyes and a high forehead accentuated by severely parted dark hair. She was as shy as Seabrook was boisterous. Sybille Bedford, Aldous Huxley’s biographer, who knew Seabrook and Worthington in the 1930s, described her as “a stiff, gentle woman with a soft voice and an unhappy face.”

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From left: The former Katie Seabrook, 1934; Marjorie Worthington, 1933. Photo: Carl Van Vechten/The Van Vechten Trust

Shortly after beginning their affair, Seabrook left for Africa to research Jungle Ways. When his travels there came to an end, he headed to Paris to work on his manuscript and invited Worthington to join him. She sailed for France with the blessing of her husband, a young advertising executive who held the open attitude toward marriage then in vogue in the Greenwich Village counterculture. When Worthington and Seabrook returned to New York a year later, they discovered that their respective spouses had taken up with one another. They each filed for divorce and then almost immediately sailed off for Timbuktu to research a book about Père Yakouba, the ex-priest Seabrook had met while researching Jungle Ways.

Like the previous trip, this one was arranged by Paul Morand, who had secured a pilot from the French Desert Air Corps to fly them across the Sahara in a four-seater plane with wicker seats. Early on in the trip, while camping in the desert, Seabrook and Worthington took a walk far away from their site. The night was cold and clear, and Seabrook held Worthington’s hand and pointed out the Southern Cross. “This was as beautiful a moment as I have known in my life,” Worthington would later write.

Later in the trip, however, Seabrook impulsively flew off to join a search for a lost French pilot, leaving Worthington to travel for days in a truck belonging to the Trans-Saharan Company. At night, shivering from dysentery, she’d wrap herself in a burnoose and sleep in the sand. 

As Seabrook’s literary star rose, he also became aggressively open about his sexual proclivities. He’d been playing S&M games with Deborah Luris in private for years; now, in Paris, he threw an afternoon cocktail party featuring a seminude Montparnasse call girl shackled by her wrists to a post. Worthington tolerated all this but found it humiliating.

“We were physically drawn to each other, and yet I was totally unsympathetic to the business of chains and leather masks and the rest of the fantasies that were so important to him,” she wrote in her memoir, The Strange World of Willie Seabrook, published in 1966.

Undeterred by her reluctance, Seabrook had a studded silver collar designed for Worthington, which she wore in a photograph taken by Man Ray in 1930. She looks miserable in the photo, her eyes hollow and her head held at an unnatural angle.

In Man Ray’s autobiography, the photographer describes an evening in which Seabrook asked him to watch over a prostitute whom he’d hired to act as a submissive slave. She was chained to the stairs in his Paris duplex, Seabrook explained. When Man Ray demurred, saying that he had a date with the photographer Lee Miller, Seabrook told him to bring her along. As Man Ray wrote:

She was nude except for a soiled, ragged loincloth, with her hands behind her back chained to the post with a padlock. Seabrook produced a key and informed me that I was to release the girl only in case of an emergency—a fire, or for a short visit to the bathroom. She was being paid to do this for a few days, was very docile and willing. I was to order dinner from the dining room, anything we liked: wines, champagne, but under no circumstances have the girl eat with us. She was to be served on a plate with the food cut up and placed on the floor near her, as for a dogget down on her knees to eat. The chain was long enough.

As soon as Seabrook left, Man Ray unchained the woman and invited her to eat. Over dinner she explained that Seabrook never hurt her but simply stood by her for hours, drinking Scotch and staring.

Later, Man Ray would shoot a series of S&M photos called “The Fantasies of Mr. Seabrook,” as well as several portraits of Seabrook and Miller, his own onetime lover, as master and slave. 

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Like One of My Own Zombies

In the early 1930s, Seabrook and Worthington began spending much of their time in the South of France, in the village of Sanary-sur-Mer, which had become a bohemian outpost between the wars and a refuge for escaped and self-exiled German intellectuals like Bertolt Brecht and Arnold Zweig and Thomas Mann, as well as international literary stars like Aldous Huxley, Jean Cocteau, and D.H. Lawrence.

In Sanary, Seabrook dressed like a French fisherman. He bought a castle. He kept the pet monkey he had acquired in Africa. At his request, Worthington dressed like a local market girl, in a bright, tight-bodiced cotton dress, a bandanna, and arms full of cheap, tinkling metal bracelets. The Riviera boatmen and coral fishermen had a nickname for Worthington, a woman so regal yet so silent and unhappy seeming: La belle esclave. The beautiful slave.

“Sanary is full of the usual Lesbian baronesses,” Aldous Huxley wrote in a letter to Charles de Noailles, the French nobleman and art patron, “all of them in a flutter of excitement to know Mr. Seabrook, because the rumour has gone round the village that he beats his lady friend.”

Huxley and his wife, Maria, were closer with Seabrook and Worthington than anyone else in Sanary. The couples spent many evenings together, picnicking on the peninsula overlooking the sea or listening to Mozart at Huxley’s villa. Seabrook had money and notoriety and famous literary friends, but he didn’t have Huxley’s talent, and the constant reminder of that corroded him. Sybille Bedford described Seabrook at the time as “a man in the clutches of self-doubt and success.” He would boast about his exploits among the savages of Africa and Haiti, Bedford said, then in an instant turn maudlin and self-pitying. “He would lament his lack of intellectual and literary refinement,” she wrote. “He was a craftsman, he would say, a cobbler, and he wanted to write like Tolstoy and like Aldous Huxley.”

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Aldous Huxley, right, visits with Seabrook at his home in Rhinebeck, New York, circa 1932. Photo: Courtesy of William K. Seabrook

Seabrook was supposed to be working on a biography of Père Yakouba, the White Monk of Timbuctoo, but he was unable to write in Sanary. Nights of wild parties gave way to mornings drinking brandy alone in the garden. At some point he stopped seeing people altogether, then stopped speaking much. He went through his housebound days with “automaton motions,” he said, drinking until he passed out.

“I had seen Willie set out deliberately to get drunk, to celebrate a job of work finished. But this was different,” Worthington later wrote. “This was to deaden some inner anguish that lay so deep a whole ocean of brandy couldn’t touch it.”

Worthington tried everything she could to bring back the old Seabrook. She tried drinking with him. She tried not drinking. She tried to amuse him with stories, to drag him to dinners, to fill him with nourishing food. Nothing worked.

“I’m told I’d become like one of my own zombies,” Seabrook wrote.

One morning, in a fit of alcoholic distortion or inspiration, he decided that Gertrude Stein, the patron saint of all expat artists, would know what he should do. It didn’t matter that he had never met her. “When I wanted to do something as violently as I wanted to do that, I could still lay off the brandy until I got it done,” he wrote. He found his way to Stein’s house in the Rhône-Alpes and invited himself in. The two spent the next evening talking, a strange interlude Stein later wrote about in her memoir Everybody’s Autobiography:

After all preachers’ sons will when they begin drink a lot and it wears them out. … It is funny about drinking. Seabrook told me about the white magic of Lourdes and how he wanted to go there and be a stretcher bearer. … He and I sat next to one another and gradually I told him all about myself.

Stein suggested Seabrook quit his life of dissipation and head home to a more rigid, more disciplined life in the U.S. He knew she was right, but he drove home and drank himself unconscious anyway.

Eventually, he sent a cable to Alfred Harcourt, his publisher and friend, in which he confessed to having become a “habitual drunkard” and suggested a “radical and fantastic” plan to cure himself. He would sail back to America and have Harcourt transport him directly to a locked psychiatric ward, a “place which is not comedy, but which has got bars on the windows and locks on the doors, and a competent hospital orderly to sock you on the jaw if you try to smuggle whiskey in.”

Huxley drove Seabrook to the Sanary train station, and he sailed from Cherbourg to New York, where he signed a voluntary commitment order and entered a locked ward at Bloomingdale Asylum (now part of New York–Presbyterian Hospital) in White Plains. He would remain there for the next seven months.

Left alone in Paris, Worthington was so deadened with sadness that she described herself as “one of the zombies Willie had introduced to the world.”

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Members of the “hexing party” with an effigy of Adolf Hitler, 1941. Photo: Thomas D. McAvoy/The Life Picture Collection/Getty Images

You Are Hitler, Hitler Is You!

Bloomingdale Asylum had both clay and grass tennis courts. Its gymnasium was as fine as the one at the Racquet & Tennis Club on Park Avenue. Dinner tables were set with linens and fresh flowers. If someone pulled her skirt up over her head during the salad course and ran around the dining room, that was the only difference between Bloomingdale and the Ritz.

Seabrook entered the asylum on December 5, 1933, the day Prohibition was repealed. The hospital did not normally take drunks, but his powerful friends had pulled strings. After a few days in withdrawal, he underwent a regimen of psychoanalysis, hydrotherapy, and rest, lounging on the lawn in his free time, tinkering in the woodshop, and receiving Swedish massages.

After his release he wrote a memoir, Asylum, which was serialized in The Atlantic Monthly. It could be described as the first celebrity rehab memoir. And while he was a petulant and demanding patient, Seabrook also appeared to have developed at least some psychological self-awareness at Bloomingdale. As he wrote at the end of Asylum:

I had run away ineffectually at six to be a pirate as all children do, and instead of getting mature powers of adjustment as I grew older, I had been running away ever since. … Now I knew that all the time I had been running away from something, and that the thing had always been myself. And now I was locked up where I couldn’t run away, either by boat or bottle. I had to stay with myself and look at myself and it wasn’t pleasant.

Seabrook moved to the village of Rhinebeck in upstate New York, where Worthington joined him, and the two were finally married. He spent his days there soberly writing and responding to the hundreds of letters he received from Asylum readers, most of them desperate to find out how they could commit an inebriate loved one.

The book was more influential than Seabrook could have imagined. Bill Wilson, who cofounded Alcoholics Anonymous in 1935, the same year Asylum was released, was known to have read it. How much it influenced him is difficult to say, but the Big Book of Alcoholics Anonymous, the “AA bible” written by Wilson in 1939, features similar epiphanies and conclusions as those Seabrook arrived at in Asylum. These may be universal truths about the nature of alcoholism and its treatment—the sense of lifelong restlessness common to the afflicted, the loss of control that distinguishes alcoholics from heavy drinkers, the pseudo-religious epiphany that sometimes accompanies recovery—but early editions of the Big Book reference Seabrook by name, and it appears that he had a not insignificant influence over this, too, one of the best-selling books of all time.

F. Scott Fitzgerald, who knew a thing or two about drinking, referenced the book derisively in the series of essays, “The Crack-Up,” that he wrote for Esquire about his own alcohol-fueled breakdown. “William Seabrook in an unsympathetic book tells, with some pride and a movie ending, of how he became a public charge.”

The ending Fitzgerald refers to is Seabrook’s philosophy, stated in the book’s final chapter, that alcoholics shouldn’t necessarily remain abstinent forever. “To go out and never be able to touch a cocktail, glass of wine, or highball again would be a poor sort of cure, if it could indeed be termed a cure at all,” Seabrook wrote. The staff at Bloomingdale convinced him to go an additional six months after his discharge without drinking, which Seabrook did, and then:

A fortnight or so after the six months had elapsed, somebody brought out a bottle of Spanish sherry. It occurred to me that it would be a good thing to try first, after so long an abstinence. I had a glass and liked it very much. It brought a pleasant glow. We were soon at dinner. It didn’t occur to me to want more of it. … Months have passed now since I first took those rare drinks, and I still drink rarely. I don’t think I worry much about it. I have other worries. But I am less unhappy than I used to be when I tried to drown them. I seem to be cured of drunkenness, which is as may be.

Marjorie Worthington tells a very different story. After several happy, productive sober years, she says, Seabrook became insecure about his latest book, These Foreigners, a compilation of essays about immigrant groups in America. Critics described the book as tame and boring. One quipped that it should have been called Pollyanna Among the Poles. Seabrook had gone “respectable,” they said, and his writing had much more verve when he was a degenerate.

Seabrook was in his fifties by now, but despite all he’d done and lived through, he still could be brought to his knees by criticism of his writing. Worthington recalled a day when he came home with several bottles of whiskey in a brown paper bag. He put the bottles on the kitchen table and said, “I’m sick of being a cripple. From now on I’m going to prove that I can take a drink or leave it alone, like any other man.”

Bored and aging and far from the limelight, Seabrook grew obsessed with the idea of alternate realities. He wanted to show, in a materialist way, he said, the unknown places the human mind could wander. His scientific exploration consisted of recruiting a succession of young women as volunteers for experiments that he conducted in a barn on his property in Rhinebeck. He dressed the women in bondage hoods and hung them by their wrists from the rafters for hours, their feet barely touching the ground, watching and waiting to see if the sensory deprivation and fatigue would induce their minds to “slip through the door of time.”

Some of these experiments became fodder for a book, Witchcraft: Its Power in the World Today, published in 1940. Possibly written in part by a ghostwriter (likely Maya Deren, then Seabrook’s assistant and later a notable avant-garde filmmaker), the book is a disjointed compilation of Haitian voodoo stories, reporting about Duke University’s ESP lab, and an improbable number of bizarre firsthand tales in which Seabrook meets a young American artist stricken with a craving for human blood (turns out she has pernicious anemia) or helps a London socialite free herself from a voodoo-doll curse (which seems not the least bit credible).

By then readers had tired of the Seabrook formula. The claims of rationalism, undermined by recognitions of doubt, felt disingenuous.

“Willie has always sort of side-whispered that he is hep to an all-fired lot of secrets which he doesn’t tell about because he has sworn not to in his own red blood and might be turned, if he tattled, into a Gila monster or something,” wrote Burton Rascoe in The American Mercury.

Seabrook seemed beyond caring. He’d started writing syndicated newspaper stories again, presumably to pay the bills. The subjects were more lurid than ever. Ghost ships. Mexican caves full of human sacrifices. Sex murders. Dangerous occultist rings and white African rain queens.

On a cold night in January 1941, Seabrook even set out to put a hex on Adolph Hitler, a strange event that was documented by a Life magazine photographer who followed him and a small group of young journalists and recent co-eds to a cabin in the western Maryland woods. The men wore overcoats and trilbies, the women stockings and victory-roll hairdos. Then there was Seabrook, bringing up the back with a parcel the size of a beef shank wrapped in a length of canvas.

Once inside the cabin, he revealed a shiny, flesh-colored dressmaker’s dummy. It wore a military shirt and a peaked cap, both emblazoned with swastikas. On the dummy’s upper lip was drawn the familiar toothbrush-style mustache.

Seabrook, acting as master of ceremonies, instructed the group to chant: “You are Hitler, Hitler is you! We curse you by every tear and drop of blood you have caused to flow. We curse you with the curses of all who have cursed you!”

Then they pounded nails into the dummy and decapitated it with an ax.

The Year’s Weirdest Autobiography

Back in Rhinebeck, Worthington grew increasingly despondent over Seabrook’s obsessions. “I tried to keep things running smoothly, while knowing that in the barn studio some rather nice girl had been persuaded to let herself be hung by a chain from the ceiling until she was so tired she hardly knew what she was doing or saying,” she wrote. She referred to the girls as “Lizzies in chains” and did her best to ignore them.

But then Seabrook brought home a red-headed artist in her early thirties named Constance Kuhr, whom he had met during a brief drying-out period at a farm in Woodstock. While Worthington had looked the other way during Seabrook’s many dalliances, even at times allowing mistresses to live with them, she could tell that this woman was different. “I don’t know much about the ‘feminine mystique,’” Worthington wrote. “But I am sure there is some sense a woman has that lets her know when another woman means trouble.” 

Unlike the Lizzies, Kuhr was older, was tough-minded, and had her own ideas about how things should be done. To Worthington’s great dismay, she moved into the Rhinebeck house and then decided that she would cure Seabrook of his alcoholism. On a day when Worthington was out of town, Kuhr told Seabrook to roll up his sleeves. She then plunged his elbows into a pot of boiling water, burning him terribly. If you can’t bend your arms, she said, you can’t take a drink.

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Constance Kuhr, left, with Seabrook and a friend in Rhinebeck, 1941. Photo: Courtesy of William K. Seabrook

When Worthington returned home to the scene, she was filled with rage at what Kuhr had done. “Although I have never been able to bring myself to kill a fly or a spider,” she wrote, “I was quite capable of killing her.”

Seabrook suggested that Worthington live in the garden cottage on the property, to be away from Kuhr but still near him. He said his affair with Kuhr might not last. For a while Worthington agreed, cooking stews and sending them to Seabrook in the barn. But finally, wracked with misery, she filed for . She signed the papers alone in a lawyer’s office in Poughkeepsie. “I felt as if I had died,” she wrote, “as if my ghost walked out of that office and got on a bus to nowhere.”

Seabrook published his final book, No Hiding Place, in 1942. The title of the autobiography comes from the old spiritual based on the Book of Revelations, in which sinners are trying to hide from the wrath of God in the mountains, but the rocks give them no quarter. I went to the rock to hide my face / And the rock cried out no hiding place / There’s no hiding place down here.

Time described No Hiding Place as “the year’s weirdest autobiography.” It is by turns pitiful and grandiose, with paragraphs of relentless name-dropping followed by monologues of intense self-denigration. There are several things in the book that are demonstrably untrue (for instance, Seabrook lies about his age throughout, shaving off two years), but it is also unsparing in its depiction of Seabrook’s sadism and his insatiable desire for more.

Grudgingly, he acknowledges that after everything, after all his desire to be taken seriously as a man of letters, it is the zombies that will be his most lasting legacy. “The word is now a part of the American language,” he writes. “It flames in neon lights for names for bars, and drinks, is applied to starved surrendering soldiers, replaces robot, and runs the pulps ragged for new plots in which the principal zombie instead of being a black man is a white girl—preferably blond.”

No Hiding Place ends on a note of melodramatic self-pity. In his late fifties and childless, Seabrook reflects on the cessation of his family name: “And now the book is nearly ended, and so is the male line in which the old brassbound family Bible shows I was the seventh William.”

By the time the book was published, however, Constance Kuhr became pregnant with a son, who they would also name William. In September 1945, when the boy was two years old, Seabrook swallowed several handfuls of sleeping pills and died in his bed.

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Seabrook holds his son, 1943. Photo: Courtesy of William K. Seabrook

Why Wasn’t He a Fitzgerald?

William Seabrook VIII goes by Bill. He’s a 71-year-old retired elementary school teacher who lives with his wife, Lib, in the old mill town of Burlington, North Carolina. I met him there last summer, after calling him out of the blue and explaining that I’d become somewhat fixated on the life of his father and asking if he’d be willing to talk with me about him.

Bill met me at the door of his modest house and led me into his living room. He offered me tea and asked polite questions about my life. We settled into comfortable, worn chairs and began to talk about his father. He doesn’t remember him, Bill told me, but he’s thought a lot about him over the years. 

I asked if he’d read his father’s books, and Bill said that he enjoyed some of the early ones—Adventures in Arabia, especially—but he didn’t much like the occult stuff. “It’s the opposite of Upworthy,” he said, referring to the website that aggregates affirming news and positive messages. “Do you read Upworthy?”

As for the zombies, Bill said, “I could not be less interested in that as a general subject.”

His childhood after his father’s death was not particularly uplifting. His mother was a temperamental artist—“bigger than life,” he said— who didn’t provide much stability. When Bill was a child, she had a baby with a live-in boyfriend, then gave the child up for adoption. Later, when Bill was eight, she dropped him off with guardians and moved to Mexico to marry a Spanish count.

Still, he said, he loved and admired his mother for her sharp mind and survival instinct. She always talked to Bill like he was an adult, telling stories about Seabrook and their bohemian friends. She married twice after Seabrook’s death, first to the count, then to a diesel mechanic. She lived into her late seventies and died in North Carolina, not far from where he lives.

Bill showed me the tarnished, leather-sheathed Bedouin swords his father brought back from the Middle East, which now hang over the doorway in Bill’s dining room. After his father died, he said, Constance sold off most of Seabrook’s possessions—his African masks, his oriental tapestries, the works he’d accumulated from his many artist friends. All that’s left of Seabrook’s years traveling the globe are the swords and a tattered Persian rug.

When I asked him about his father’s darker instincts, the girl-in-chains fantasy, the addiction that ultimately took his life, Bill couldn’t offer much explanation. There have always been drinkers in the family, he said. “As for the bondage stuff, I’m not really interested in that.”

He referred to his father as a “PK”—a preacher’s kid—and that explained his need to rebel. “I think my father was very caught up in the idea of being a writer, with the idea of being different,” he said.

It’s a theory that, in reverse, might also explain Bill, who grew up in fairly extreme, unstable circumstances and turned out about as straight as a man can be. He dotes on his two children and refers to his wife of 46 years as his “best friend.”

The person in his family that he really wishes he’d known is his grandfather, the minister for whom Seabrook had so much disdain. The details of William L. Seabrook’s life suggest that he was a good-hearted, community-minded man. He was president of the local volunteer fire department; when he and his wife married, the fire department paraded down Main Street. He was a member of Maryland’s first bicycle club. He also wrote a book about biblical immortality, which Bill, while admiring the impulse, described as “soporific.”

“He was a person who loved his fellow man and woman,” Bill said. “I would have given the world to have a grandfather like that.”

He dismissed Seabrook’s description of his childhood in Westminster, the fantastical things that happened, his relationship to Grandma Piny and her connection to the occult. “Where he’s coming up with all this esoteric stuff about her is a mystery to us,” Bill said.

According to historical records, Piny, Seabrook’s “little girl goddess,” turns out to be Harriet Philipina Thomas, born in 1837, not on a plantation but on a farm near Frederick, Maryland. She was indeed a teen bride, 18 at the time of her wedding, but she was less than four years younger than Seabrook’s grandfather, not at all, it seems, the ethereal little girl married off to a bearded old man that Seabrook had described. “She was as straight-up and straightforward a person as there ever was,” Bill said.

He rocked back in his chair. “Of all the people in the story, I feel the most for Marjorie,” he went on. “I think she caught the worst of his bizarre side.” He met her once, and she was a “lovely lady.”

Worthington lived until 1976. She had various love affairs, including one with the Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Walter Duranty, who was later exposed as a Communist propagandist for lying about his knowledge of famine in the Soviet Union. But she never got over Seabrook. She hoped her own memoir, published nine years before she died, might revive interest in his work, and one reviewer described it as “something Zelda Fitzgerald might have written if she had outlived Scott and kept her sanity.” But Seabrook wasn’t F. Scott, and few readers were compelled to seek out his books.

“He really wanted to be among the big writers,” Bill said. “Why wasn’t he great? Why wasn’t he a Hemingway? Why wasn’t he a Fitzgerald? Did he hold himself back?”

The Seabrook line doesn’t end with Bill. His son, Seabrook’s grandson, William Seabrook IX (he prefers Wil), is a singer-songwriter in Los Angeles who founded Rock for Human Rights, a nonprofit that raises awareness about human-rights issues through music. Wil is 37, and he too has a son, though not named William.

“He does not seem to me like a particularly admirable person,” Wil said about Seabrook when I reached him by phone. “He strikes me as a bit of a victim about his life.”

At one point in the conversation, Wil told me that he practices Scientology. He came to it, he said, after years of searching for “workable truths, and a way to understand the world in a way that made sense to me.”

I mentioned that he didn’t sound so unlike his grandfather when he said that. “I think he was also a seeker of truth,” Wil said. “But I don’t know how much of it he found.”

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The Final Spell

A few years before he died, when Worthington was still with him, Seabrook received a gift from his old editor at Harcourt, who had just been on vacation to Haiti. It was an ouanga, a cloth packet filled with charms meant for casting a spell. Ouangas could be used for good or ill. You could send a love ouanga to a friend or a cursed ouanga to an enemy. In Haiti all those years back, Maman Célie had made an ouanga for Seabrook and filled it with balsam leaves, lime tree roots, a crucifix, a lock of his hair, and a paring of his fingernail. She had instructed him to say a prayer over the packet before she wrapped it. He’d prayed: “Protect me from misrepresenting these people, and give me power to write honestly of their mysterious religion, for all living faiths are sacred.”

The U.S. military occupation was now long over, and Haiti had become a popular tourist destination. Cruise passengers and honeymooners would come home from Port-au-Prince with souvenir ouangas made of cheap red satin. That’s all this was.

And yet it set Seabrook on edge.

Did he feel that he had betrayed Maman Célie with his sensationalist writing? Did he fear that a curse had finally caught up with him? Or was it simply a reminder of what his life once was and where it had led, the impossibility of escaping ourselves?

Whatever the case, after receiving the package, Seabrook remained anxious and agitated until Worthington finally took the ouanga behind the barn and burned it.

When she returned and told him it was gone, Seabrook was greatly relieved.

Company Eight

The true story of one man’s quest to reform firefighting in America.

In Memory of Adam Myers, Middlebury (Vt.) Fire Department

The Atavist Magazine, No. 44


Matthew Pearl is the author of the novels The Dante Club, The Poe Shadow, The Last Dickens, The Technologists, and The Last Bookaneer (published in April 2015). His nonfiction pieces have appeared in The New York Times, The Boston Globe,and Slate. He lives in the Boston area.


Editor: Charles Homans and Evan Ratliff
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Illustrator: Greg Coulton
Other Images: The American Antiquarian Society, The Bostonian Society, Christie’s Auctions, City of Boston Archives, Harvard Map Collection, Keno Auctions, Library of Congress.

Published in January 2015. Design updated in 2021.

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Map of Boston, 1832. Photo: Courtesy of Harvard Map Collection.

The sun’s first rays were slipping between the brick buildings, and already a sizable crowd, coats pulled tight over dressing gowns, had gathered on the balconies and sidewalks to watch for the firemen. The church bells, doing their usual double-duty as fire alarms, clanged at an urgent pace. Twenty-eight-year-old Willard Sears ran ahead of the fire engine as it rounded the corner toward State Street. He and the other firemen pulled Number Eight by a long double rope, known as a drag rope, into the physical center of Boston, the heart of the city’s commercial and governmental district.

“Fire! Fire!” the men called in order to clear the way ahead, the rumble of the engine’s wheels and the men’s boots on the stone streets drowning out the warning bell dangling from the top of the machine. Turning onto State, Sears could see another fire engine ahead of them in the middle of the street, surrounded by men in long dark coats and black trousers—a mirror image of his own crew. An elaborate glittering painting of a bird adorned the side of the vehicle. This was Number Twelve, known as the Eagle Engine. But the firemen of Company Twelve were not rushing toward the blaze. Their attention was on the approaching crew. Sears realized what this was: an ambush.

Sears—a physically imposing man, square of jaw and shoulders—drew out the speaking trumpet that was holstered in his belt. He hailed the other commander: “Give me a chance to get through.”

Joseph Wheeler, Company Twelve’s foreman, stared down his counterpart from beneath the wide brim of his badge-adorned leather cap. “Go to hell!” he shouted.

Ash drifted in the late autumn air, and looking above him, Sears could finally see exactly where the thick smoke was coming from. City Hall was burning.

“I am going through there to the fire,” Sears called out.

“Go to hell!” Wheeler repeated.

“I shall run you down if you don’t give me room,” Sears warned.

“Go to hell!”

As the crowd of spectators grew, Sears considered his options. He came from a long line of fighters. One of his ancestors, an original Cape Cod settler named Richard Sears, was said to have lost an arm in a battle with Indians. Sears’s father marched more than a hundred miles to fight against the British in the American Revolution. His brother had trained recruits, again to oppose the British, in the War of 1812. When he had taken command of Company Eight a year earlier, Sears didn’t realize he was signing up for a war of his own, but it was clear now—he had found his battleground in the streets of Boston. He turned his back to the Eagle Engine and faced the forty-odd men of his company, their chests heaving for breath. He raised the speaking trumpet back to his lips and gave his command.

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Lithograph of a fireman with his speaking trumpet. Photo: Louis Maurer, the Bostonian Society.

The stately granite neoclassical building that housed Faneuil Hall Market was divided by an airy, arched passageway, with doors and windows opening onto the streets. All the small touches, like the delicately fluted columns and the Grecian cornice, marked the esteemed priority the new city of Boston granted its business community. The throng that surrounded the vendors’ stalls swelled with tourists who flocked to the newly finished showstopper of a building. A plaque under the cornerstone noted not only the year ground was broken, but also that it happened “in the forty-ninth year of American Independence.”

Willard Sears picked his way between the lines of people waiting for vegetables, fish, mutton, pork, poultry, beef, butter, and cheese. The noises and smells were invigorating. He was on his way through the marketplace, across Merchants’ Row, and into venerable Faneuil Hall to meet with the mayor, Josiah Quincy III.

Raised in Cape Cod to work hard and believe in a kind of personal manifest destiny, Sears had moved to Boston six years earlier, in 1822, the same year the town of Boston incorporated as a city. The rapidly growing seat of commerce now counted 50,000 inhabitants and boasted every conceivable kind of enterprise. To a born entrepreneur like Sears, Boston’s growth offered irresistible opportunities, but the influx of people also brought vice and squalor. Witnessing this side of the city, he’d later tell people, turned him into a teetotaler. He was also a blustery abolitionist, and being against slavery was no more popular in Boston than opposing consumption of alcohol. Sears sought out socially conscious churches and joined the Young Men’s Moral Association, a group dedicated to discouraging drinking, gambling, and other behavior that disrupted a city’s moral compass. As Sears prospered in his fast-growing construction business, he became stubbornly convinced that moral virtue begat success, and he spread his gospel to anyone who would listen.

Sears and Quincy had met shortly after Sears moved to Boston, and they discovered that they shared a reformer’s spirit and preference for unconventional thinking. At 56, the lanky, handsome Quincy had been in politics almost half his life, serving in the Massachusetts legislature and the U.S. Congress before he was elected mayor—Boston’s second—in 1823. He was a native Bostonian who had grown up watching the city expand, together with the challenges it faced. The image he honed was of a politician who solved problems using every means at his disposal.

When Sears and Quincy first crossed paths, the newly elected mayor had been wanting to do something about the infamous, secretive gambling dens and unlicensed dance halls that played host to thieves and prostitution rings and had been the sites of several murders. At the time, law enforcement was in its infancy; a small number of constables and watchmen patrolled the city, but Boston would not have a branch of detectives with investigation skills for another 18 years. The police superintendent told Quincy that there was nothing to be done about these criminal haunts—and that trying to shut them down would be a fool’s errand. “A man’s life would not be safe who should attempt it,” he said.

The mayor, unsatisfied, turned to Sears: Would he be willing to go undercover to gather intelligence? “There shall be at least an attempt,” Quincy said, “to execute the laws.” Twenty-year-old Sears agreed. Posing as a sailor on shore leave—a typical customer who ventured from the nearby docks—he explored the notorious establishments of west Boston and Ann Street, collecting names and details about the building layouts. Warrants were issued soon after, and Sears became the unofficial “mayor’s detective.”

Five years later, as Sears took a seat in the mayor’s office at Faneuil Hall, Quincy told him he had a new target to investigate: the Boston fire department.

At the time, firefighting already had a long history, but the techniques had barely changed since the early 17th century. Then, households had kept ladders and leather buckets on hand so that neighbors could help fight fires. The members of these “bucket brigades,” organized by fire wardens, did not have the skills or the inclination to risk their lives extinguishing complex blazes. (One fire warden was known to knock reluctant citizens on the head with a pole to compel service.) The most useful innovation came from England late in the 17th century. It was the water engine, a kind of tub on four wheels that was filled with buckets of water and then transported to a fire. Clubs of firefighting volunteers—one of the earliest of which formed in Boston when Company One, “Old North,” took charge of the city’s first imported English engine in 1678—organized regular shifts and trained on the new equipment. When a new engine was acquired, another company would form around it and take up a post in a new neighborhood.

Companies had to be authorized by the city, but once formed each lived by its own rules, complete with its own constitution, and this unstable situation continued into the 19th century. The city paid for the engines, equipment, and repairs. But the men were strictly volunteers and were proud that they received no salary for their work as firemen. That did not mean money was not at stake. The city paid bounties to the first fire companies to reach a fire, and it was common for the companies—made up as they were of competitive and athletic young men—to break out into brawls when they met in the street while trying to beat each other to the blaze. There was a sense that men who engaged in fighting violent, dangerous forces would be inclined toward violent and dangerous behavior themselves. They even taunted each other in song while they worked to put out a fire:

There is an engine house not far away Where they are last at fires three times a day.

The newest fire engines, built by top engineers in New England, had suction systems that allowed firefighters to use hand pumps instead of buckets to draw water into the tubs from municipal reservoirs or fire plugs (early versions of the hydrant). But because the engines and the hoses attached to them were not yet powerful enough to pump water back out at a great distance, engines would often have to form a chain from the water supply to the fire, pumping water from one to the next until the hoses could reach the flames. Many firemen scoffed at this kind of cooperation. Sometimes they would arrange for an ally to cover a fire plug with a barrel and sit on it, to prevent other engines from using it. Certain companies refused to accept water from particularly hated rivals, or purposely pumped too much water into the next engine in order to flood it. For desperate citizens fearing their lives could go up in smoke, it was hard to know which to worry about more, the fires or the firefighters.

Even though the term fire department was in use by the time Sears and Quincy deliberated on the subject in 1828, it was largely a misnomer. A department implies a unified operation, but these fire companies—collectively totaling about 1,000 men—were a loose collection of quasi-sovereign societies. Dealing with them proved uniquely trying for Quincy. Even after he’d replaced the old neighborhood fire wardens with a citywide chief engineer and board of engineers in charge of all the fire companies, oversight proved elusive. The companies clung to their independence, and their leaders considered any government action to regulate them to be tantamount to oppression. As the city’s reliance on them grew along with its own size and density, the firefighters became more difficult to control.

Quincy lacked leverage and knew it. The mayor would push new oversight measures through the City Council only to have them ridiculed and resisted by the firemen, who would pass out broadsides that called for the public to crush the anti-liberty “monster” that was city government. Specific firemen could be dismissed, companies could be disbanded, but finding competent substitutes was not easy. The dispute became a major test for City Hall, which was still trying to gain the trust of a populace unaccustomed to centralized authority and still unsure whether a mayor “was a four-legged beast or some other kind of animal,” as one reporter later recalled. If Sears could secure a place for himself in one of the 17 engine houses, Quincy figured, he could feed the mayor information that would allow him to craft more potent initiatives, even if the firefighters themselves might never be won over.

Photo: Courtesy of the American Antiquarian Society
Photo: Courtesy of the American Antiquarian Society

Sears had reasons for taking part in the scheme beyond his relationship with the mayor. He and his brother, Ebenezer, had become prolific builders. They put up whole neighborhoods and specialized in building churches—a holy mission for Sears, who signed his letters “your brother in Christ.” They prided themselves on quality construction, but even the best buildings of the era were firetraps. A single clogged chimney, a handful of wooden shavings left too near a hearth, or a drunk nodding off with a cigar in hand was all it took. Newly fashionable architectural features such as high ceilings and taller buildings increased risks, and with older wooden structures such as barns, stables, and outhouses crowded together throughout the city, all of Boston was a tinderbox. Fires wiped out dozens—sometimes hundreds—of homes and businesses in the city each year. Some 349 buildings had gone up in smoke in 1760, the worst year on record. The following year, Faneuil Hall itself burned down. A few years before Sears moved to Boston, the magnificent seven-story Exchange Coffee House, which took three years to build, caught fire and collapsed in a horrifying spectacle that would be remembered as the moment the city seemed to be punished for its sins. If the problems in the fire department weren’t fixed, it seemed inevitable that a fire would one day rage so far out of control that it would permanently cripple Boston. Who better than a builder like Sears to help stave off such a disaster?

Sears assured the mayor that he could win over the members of a fire company—that he could make them believe he was one of them, just as he had the criminal denizens on his earlier undercover assignment. Sears had jet black hair and a strong and stoic face that beamed with confidence, with a glimmer of slyness in his flinty, dark eyes. One local paper described him as “sturdy” and “spirited.” His combative and overconfident style could push as many people away as he inspired. Still, after years of managing construction sites, he was used to dealing with the kind of young, rowdy men who filled the rolls of the fire companies. Most valuable, perhaps, was his age: 24 was young enough to convincingly blend in with them.

One Sunday morning, Sears, while making the rounds to study all the fire companies, approached a small wooden building on Warren Street, the temporary home of Company Eight in the energetic South End of Boston. Eight, also known as Cumberland, was ranked among the worst of the worst for its misconduct and had the highest number of members under the age of 21. (Companies like Eight also had even younger followers who rooted for and assisted certain engines without joining—fire roadies, so to speak, who could get hurt or killed when they got in the way.) And a paper trail suggested some profiteering. Eight’s former engine house needed repairs, so the city built the new structure on Warren Street and paid a $130 annual lease to the property’s owner, Thomas Emmons—who happened to be a member of Company Eight.

Sears slipped through the open doors and found nearly two dozen firemen sprawled out on the sparse collection of furniture and on the floor—on the Sabbath, too, the avid churchgoer and church builder noted. The members, along with a group of young women, appeared to be recovering from a decadent night. The sight appalled the temperance fanatic, but Sears also saw an opportunity. “For when I am weak,” taught the Book of Corinthians, “then I am strong.” Sears had found the weakness he had been hunting for.

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Boston’s Exchange Coffee House Burning, by John Ritto Penniman, 1824. The fire depicted occurred in 1818. Photo: Courtesy of Keno Auctions.

Sears handed his fee to Company Eight’s treasurer and received the accessories that distinguished him as an official member: a leather cap, a number eight badge, and a personal copy of the company’s bylaws. Despite the fact that he was smuggling ulterior motives into the engine house, it would be hard for Sears not to feel a few inches taller suited up in firefighting gear. Part of a generation that felt simultaneously blessed and wronged by living in a time without a major war, the young man of action now had his uniform.

Sears had been forced to wait far longer than he had anticipated for his initiation. You couldn’t show up and expect to enroll in a fire company; most required a standing committee to accept an application for nomination and then, once there was an opening on the roll, three-fourths of the members’ votes to approve a new member. It called for the kind of glad-handing and maneuvering for which a man like Sears had little patience.

By the time Sears became a member of Eight, the engine had been moved from Thomas Emmons’s property on Warren Street to a now renovated, city-owned building known as the old Franklin Schoolhouse near neighboring Tremont Street. Sears, due to his standing as a businessman rather than any experience as a fireman, was made an assistant foreman. He might have been a spy, but he couldn’t repress his reformer’s instincts, and he was soon announcing his opposition to the men’s drinking and boisterous public behavior.

This made Sears less than popular in the engine house. The fire companies had spent years battling attempts to change their culture; back in 1825, Company Eight’s members had resigned en masse in response to Mayor Quincy’s creation of the board of supervising fire engineers. One of the company’s first slogans had been “Don’t tread on us.” When Sears’s beliefs became clear, he lost his place in Company Eight.

Sears, flustered with the quick failure, tried to join other companies, but the firemen had ways of warning each other about agitators, with names of personae non grata distributed and posted at each engine house. “We know you, you are a reformer,” Sears later remembered being told. “And we don’t want any such tomfoolery in the company.” He was refused wherever he went.

By now, Sears’s benefactor was long gone from City Hall. Boston’s 1828 mayoral election—at the time, they were held every year—was hotly contested, and the fire companies organized against Quincy, mobilizing their men, encouraging (or compelling) others to vote, and distributing broadsides throughout the city. More than 40 years later, Quincy’s family still blamed the firemen for forcing his withdrawal from the race after it became clear he could not prevail. The ousted mayor had a soft landing as president of Harvard University, but his bitterness lingered. His farewell address included a blunt reminder that, just as when he arrived in office, “the element which chiefly endangers cities is that of Fire” (with a capital F).

But by then, Quincy’s mission had become Sears’s. Perhaps Sears’s quest turned to an obsession the moment his fingers gripped the leather brim of the fire cap in one hand and the cold metal badge in the other. He would have to find his way back into an engine house.


On August 2, 1831, the members of Company Eight, fed up with the city’s meddling, voted unanimously to quit, sending a note.

to the city’s newly appointed chief engineer, Thomas Amory, that “we would have nothing to do with the Engine after 9 o’clock a.m. this day. Therefore the Engine will have no Company after that time.” The company surrendered their engine, their apparatus, and the keys to their engine house, and marched out.

It was a bold act of brinkmanship that could force the city to beg them to come back—but the firefighters had miscalculated. The timing was perfect for Sears. He quickly secured permission from City Hall to form a new company and take over the abandoned engine. He had gone far beyond Quincy’s undercover assignment. He now had a fire company of his own.

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Company Eight’s fire engine, 1750s. Photo: Courtesy of the Bostonian Society.

The company headquarters Sears inherited was nondescript and unadorned, part of a three-story building that was split between the engine house, a watch house, and a primary school. The floors and walls were thin, allowing noise to carry in every direction. Wandering through the empty engine house, Sears could hear the grammar recitations from the school. It was far from ideal. But it was Sears’s style to build success from humble beginnings. When he was listed years later in a book called The Rich Men of Massachusetts, his entry included the note that he “began poor.” Humble beginnings described the origins of the fire company, too, which in 1755 had salvaged its first engine from a Dutch vessel that wrecked off the coast of Boston. (The source of the company’s nickname, Cumberland, was lost to history, but may have come from this doomed ship.)

Alone in the engine house, Sears studied the fire engine. She—a fire engine was always a “she”—had been rebuilt in 1828 by Stephen Thayer, an established engineer who was once the captain of Eight. She wasn’t of the newest style, and she was heavier to pull than those made by rival builders. The base, with its four waist-high wheels, looked something like a working-class chariot, with a copper tub rising up in the middle. This was attached to an arachnid-like array of rods, which the firemen pumped up and down to draw water from a reservoir or fire plug, into the tub, and out segmented hoses. (Charles Dickens once described the American style of fire engine as resembling a “musical snuff box.”) The men dragged the whole contraption through the streets by ropes. Engines could be modified for horses to pull, but that risked bringing unwanted hostility from other firemen, who considered using anything but manpower a sign of weakness. Forget steam, too; in London, a prototype steam-powered fire engine was torn apart by a mob, presumably prodded by the fire brigades.

Sears envisioned himself as a fireman in the tradition of Benjamin Franklin, who in 1736 became one of the country’s first when he helped form Philadelphia’s Union Fire Company. Sears was another entrepreneur trying to overturn a broken system. He was a budding tycoon who preferred to be called a mechanic. (Franklin, too, had found a certain sublimity in the term.) Differentiating his fire company from the others, Sears felt, would be a matter of recruitment. He picked men who shared his moral values and brought with them useful skills, the sort that might be overlooked by companies focused on simply amassing the brute strength they needed to outdo adversaries.

Sears recruited Prescott Fisk, a 23-year-old grocer who refused to sell liquor in his store. Thomas Blasland Jr. came from a family of druggists and could mix the latest tonics and medicinal preparations he believed would keep up the firemen’s strength. Forty-four-year-old Marcus Howe was much older than the typical fireman, but as a shoemaker he could patch boots worn out from pulling the heavy engine back and forth across the city.

As the new members were settling in and trying out their equipment, a 29-year-old man walked through the door. Even the greenest of the recruits would have recognized him as William Willet, the man who had previously been the company’s highly experienced captain before disbandment. But the battle-tested ex-captain was not there to cause trouble, as Sears’s crew might well have feared. Willet, a clerk for his family lumber business, had been through enough power shifts and regime changes at the company not to take Sears’s ascension as a personal affront. He wanted to come back home.

Sears, for his part, had reached out with an olive branch to former members of Company Eight interested in rejoining. He wanted nothing to do with troublemakers, but he could benefit from having veterans such as Willet who knew their way around the engine house. Bringing former members back into the fold might also quell hostility from other ex-members.

Indeed, joining Willet in returning was George Veazie, one of his top protégés in the old Company Eight, a promising young carpenter who had moved to Boston from Quincy. But Willet and Veazie were exceptions. Of the more than 50 firemen who had walked away from Company Eight before Sears took over, only seven rejoined. Most former members wanted nothing to do with an interloper, much less one rumored to have radical reforms in mind. Their arrogant certainty that Sears would fall flat on his face was matched only by his own arrogant certainty that he was going to prove them wrong.

There was one man Sears wanted to recruit above all others: his older brother, Ebenezer. The only two boys among eight siblings, Sears and Eben shared a tight bond despite an eight-year difference in age. When he was 19, Sears left the salt mines and farms of their family homestead in Brewster, Massachusetts, to follow Eben to Boston.

After a series of apprenticeships, the Sears brothers hung their own shingle as builders in 1825. They were working on some brick houses on Haymarket Place one day in July of 1826 when the construction-site scaffolding collapsed; some members of the crew had been drinking and hadn’t properly secured it. When the wreckage was cleared away, lying in the debris was a seriously injured Eben.

The social pressure for men to drink was strong in Sears’s day, and alcoholic consumption was reaching historic highs without being curbed by education—or, too often, by common sense—about the effects of inebriation during dangerous tasks. This time Sears’s hero, his brother, was a casualty. The accident broke Eben’s collarbone and left him housebound for weeks. Sears, as he typically did, looked to pull redemption from failure. He offered ten cents more each day to the workers who gave up their customary eleven and four o’clock liquor breaks. About half of the men took him up on his offer. The idea stuck with Sears: that creating a more virtuous workforce would lead to a safer and more profitable business.

Although Sears had followed Eben’s footsteps as a child, as adults it was increasingly the younger brother who drove their plans and ambitions. Now 36 years old, Eben had adopted his brother’s vow against drinking, but he did not share Sears’s quick passion for taking on causes like reforming the firefighters. Sears badly wanted to recruit him to Company Eight, but unlike the bachelor Sears, Eben had a family to think about. He and his wife, Eliza Crease, had three children—eight-year-old Eliza, three-year-old Mary Jane, and two-year-old Eben—and a fourth on the way.

Sears lived in one of the Crease family’s houses, and he felt as close to his nieces and nephews as if they were his own children. They were the only family he had in Boston. So he was as devastated as Eben and Eliza were in the fall of 1831 when their eldest daughter came down with scarlet fever.

On a morning in late November, the Sears brothers carried Eliza’s body to plot number 24 in the Charter Street Cemetery. Sears was heartbroken to feel the lightness of the child’s coffin; in her final days, the sore throat and fever had kept Eliza from eating, and she’d wasted away. The Sears brothers came from a family that had been extraordinarily fortunate in its children’s health. At a time when it was common for a family to lose one or even several children to an early grave, their parents, Willard and Hannah, had raised six girls and two boys without any stillbirths or young deaths. On top of Sears’s own grief over his niece, witnessing the outward despair of the more introspective, reserved Eben was unbearable.

In early 1832, Eben told Sears that he would join his brother’s fire company. It presented one way to keep his mind off his loss—and for Eben to keep an eye on his irrepressible brother. Eben had a hair-trigger temper, not unlike his younger brother, but was proud of his self-control. Between the raging fires and the bitter ex-firemen running around, Sears would need someone to help keep him in check.

Sears’s meticulous investigations into the culture and practices of the companies had revealed that firemen often expected gifts, such as refreshments and liquor, from the people whose homes and businesses they saved—merchants and families who might have suffered thousands of dollars in damages minutes before. The prospects for such bonuses might influence whether or not the firemen responded to a call. (One particular Saturday night blaze at a barroom brought almost all the fire companies in the city out to help.)

Some fire companies expected more than wine. They waited after a fire for donations of cash—sometimes hundreds of dollars—from the owners of the properties they had saved from destruction. Such demands were not likely to be explicit; the sight of 30 or 40 strapping men in ash- and soot-stained uniforms who had just risked their lives, lingering, would be a hint. If the firemen did not get what they wanted, what would happen if another fire broke out and the same company answered the alarm? Public opinion was that firemen, as the ex-mayor Quincy later summed it up, formed “a class of citizens whose claims it was unsafe to deny.”

Sears prohibited this kind of extortionate muscle flexing and all other unseemly excesses. While his new crew members were still learning each other’s names, Sears put up a tablet in the engine house. Its three columns were headed “No drinking of liquor,” “No use of tobacco,” and “No profanity while on duty.” All of his firemen had to sign their names below the first column, while the other two pledges were voluntary—though most signed their names to all three.

As the company trained, Sears allowed one of the experienced firefighters to take on the role of foreman. The Quincy-born George Veazie, who had come to Boston the previous year, was not physically imposing. Twenty-two years old, with blue eyes that were in striking contrast to his dark complexion, he stood just shy of five foot five. But his skills and knack for leadership had impressed Company Eight’s previous regime, and the reputation carried over. Sears might have been the captain, but he would defer to Foreman Veazie when it came to the firefighting.

The week after three people died in a fire in Duxbury (too far from Boston for the city’s engine crews to reach), Company Eight responded to an alarm in Roxbury at the Chemical and Color Manufacturing Company—about as dangerous a setting for a fire as one can imagine; the facility’s 210-foot-high chimney expelled fumes from the acids and sulfates that the firm supplied to Boston’s growing industry. The blaze had started in a wooden building and quickly spread throughout the complex. Dragging its engine three miles from the South End, Company Eight worked with Roxbury firemen and another engine from Boston to contain the fire before it did serious damage or injured anyone. Fire companies could be penalized for leaving city limits; there were issues of jurisdiction to consider. But Sears was more than willing to take on fines if it meant being of use.

Hauling a fire engine through the streets was an exhausting business—and more than half the time there wasn’t any fire to be found. During the first half of 1832, there were 25 false alarms in Boston compared with 22 fires. Observers worried that this pattern would result in fire companies failing to respond to alarms—especially after a member of Company Fourteen was crushed by the group’s engine while rushing to a false alarm. The seeds for alarms could even be planted hours in advance, as when an anonymous letter writer sent a note to City Hall that read “there will be a fire in Boston to night.”

Ex-members of fire companies were known to exact revenge on their successors in any number of ways: setting off alarms in order to follow the company and start fights or disrupt firefighting, vandalizing or torching engine houses, and sabotaging engines by taking the screws out of the water pump or cutting the leather hoses, which could go undetected until they were needed. In addition to former members, active firemen could start false alarms to wear down or flush out rivals. The authorities rarely caught the culprits. There were too many suspects—including former members of Company Eight who couldn’t stand the “weak” (as some of them would later put it) temperance men running with their engine.

Sears cautioned his men to keep their heads down and concentrate on their duties. When the city celebrated George Washington’s birthday, the fire department held an elaborate parade. Engine Eleven marched under a banner reading SEMPER PARATUS: “Always ready.” (As bells rang and a gun salute fired, one bystander grumbled that Company Eleven’s motto should be translated as “Parades forever.”) Company Eight, in contrast, held up its plain and slightly archaic icon of fire ax, lantern, and fire bucket. Both Company Eleven and Company Seven—known as the aristocratic or “silk stocking” company—illuminated their engine houses with elaborate, expensive light displays. (In Eleven’s, lights shone through a transparency depicting Washington and the current president, Andrew Jackson.) Sears, despite enviably deep pockets, declined to decorate his engine house with flashy evidence of his patriotism and refused to host one of the celebrations that lasted through the night. The rest of the department began to notice that Eight was straying from the program.

Sears may not have cared about adding fancy decor to the engine house—a pastime for some companies that spruced up their headquarters with “an utter disregard of expense,” as one fire department chief later remembered. But when it came to the safety of the firemen and civilians, he spent hundreds of dollars at a time on the latest advancements. The “smoke cap,” invented locally at Lowell, was an early gas mask, giving what one newspaper described as “the semblance of a man with the head of a monster” and allowing a fireman to remain in a smoke-filled environment five times longer than usual without harm. Trained dogs could run ahead of the engine and clear the streets of pedestrians with warning barks—forerunners of the famous Dalmatians that would become familiar mascots of firehouses. Eight went from being one of the worst-behaved fire companies in the city to among the most efficient and best equipped.

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An 1832 portait of Company Thirteen in uniform. The artist is unknown. Photo: Courtesy of the Bostonian Society.

The rash of fires on Independence Day 1832 started late the night before, when a four-story building housing a grocer and a furniture dealer (neither of which was covered by any fire insurance) was set ablaze by thieves. In the middle of the night, a ramshackle two-story Cambridgeport house—the dwelling of what one newspaper called “loose people of color”—burned down, possibly at the hands of another arsonist. In the morning, near Spears’ Wharf, a carelessly tossed cigar hit a kettle of tar in an engraving shop. The blaze traveled to the Vulcan, a docked brig known for being found two years prior adrift at sea with its crew murdered by pirates. The Vulcan in turn ignited the rest of the wharf, and soon two nearby schooners were aflame, the scent of their cargoes of mackerel, molasses, salt, and sugar choking the air.

Boston was the second-wealthiest commercial center in the country, and a stalwart businessman like Sears knew how crucial it was to protect the infrastructure of the busy harbor. Company Eight arrived, along with Companies Two and Thirteen, both of which had cleaner records than many of the city’s other companies. The press later lavished praise on the companies’ performance and cooperation. “They were at their posts and every man seemed to know his place and perform his duty,” reported the Daily Columbian Centinel. “There was no confusion, no interfering with each other’s duties: in the midst of the greatest activity, there was perfect order and harmony of action.”

But even with the buildings saved, the ordeal was not over. The ships in port continued to burn, and Boston had no fireboats to reach them. The entire wharf, including many other wooden buildings storing flammable materials such as tar and coal, was threatened with conflagration—and once Two and Thirteen had returned to their engine houses, the only firefighters on hand were the men of Company Eight. The July Fourth holiday meant that many smoke eaters were off to celebrate or already in no condition to work. As one newspaper would euphemistically put it, “Many of the firemen were absent from the .”

One of the city’s fire engineers was on the scene to supervise. “Captain Sears!” he called out. “I want your company to guard the fire.”

Sears hesitated. His men were exhausted and had been in danger long enough. He insisted that, according to city ordinances, another fire company should be assigned to keep watch on the fire.

“I can’t help it,” the engineer replied, alluding to the fact that the companies that had been on the scene had already left. “The other engines are all broken.”

“The other engines all broken?” Sears asked. “It won’t take me long to break my engine. It is not my duty to stay, and I shall go home.”

“I command you to stay and guard this fire!”

“If you will admit to me in the presence of witnesses that all of the fire companies of Boston except Number Eight are drunk, I will stay and guard this fire.”

“That’s damned impudent,” the engineer said.

“It’s the truth, and if you won’t admit it, this company goes home.” Sears turned to his men and put his lips to his speaking trumpet. “Limber up, men!”

The engineer gave in. “Look here,” he said before Sears and his men could finish gathering their gear to depart from the scene. “Let me tell you, just you stay and guard this fire. About the other companies being drunk, between us two, they’re damned near it, I’ll admit.”

Sears, having provided an object lesson to his crew, was satisfied. Turning his attention to the flaming sea, he gave the signal to Veazie, who ordered the men to station themselves along the harbor and snuff out any flames that licked the docks.

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Robert Salmon’s A Fire in Boston by Moonlight, dated 1830–1835. Photo: Courtesy Christie’s Auctions.

Splitting the leadership of Company Eight with George Veazie had been a shrewd decision on Sears’s part. With Veazie handling the day-to-day business of firefighting, Sears was freed up to concentrate on charting their overall course. Veazie, having come from Quincy in 1831, was new enough to the city and the department not to be tainted by corruption or competitiveness. Sears could see much of his younger self in the hard-working carpenter, the go-getter who came from an outlying area of the commonwealth to find his calling and fortune in Boston.

Veazie, likewise, saw a vision of his future in the successful and enterprising Sears. If he had stayed in Quincy, he would have had to bide his time behind his uncle, an established carpenter—now in the midst of renovating former President John Quincy Adams’s house—who, like Sears, preached integrity and industriousness. Boston, on the other hand, presented a wealth of opportunities for a young man to earn respect and money, just as Sears had done ten years earlier. And joining a volunteer fire company in the city was a networking opportunity; it offered a rare chance to socialize with people from every rung on the social and professional ladder, from day laborers to wealthy engineers, cabinetmakers to bookkeepers.

But in the summer of 1832, there was little time for conversation in the engine house. Just three days after the Fourth of July fire, Boston suffered one of its worst blazes in years. An arsonist set a carpenter’s shop on fire in Merrimac Street, near the Charles River. The flames spread to a three-story brick stable—which collapsed into the street shortly after all 90 horses were safely outside—and then to several adjacent buildings before consuming the Warren Hotel. In a throwback to the bucket brigades of the colonial era, citizens were sent to nearby roofs with pails of water in case burning cinders were taken by the northeast wind. To make matters worse, the wells near the hotel were nearly dry because of drought and overuse by a cluster of nearby distillers—especially maddening to Sears and the true believers, like the temperate grocer Fisk, in his reformers’ squad.

That fire was massive enough that, according to a reporter for the Transcript, in the dark of night you were able to read a newspaper by the light of the flames in any street of the city. As people crowded around at a distance to watch the spectacular inferno, petty criminals saw a chance. A wallet and a gold watch were reported stolen. Another man was nabbed by two thieves and thrown to the ground before a bystander intervened. Thieves were known to set additional, smaller fires during a big blaze to add to the distraction. It was a perfect example of why men like Sears and Quincy saw fire not just as a destructive power in its own right but as a portal to moral disorder.

Companies from around the city rotated shifts on the July 7 fire for more than 12 hours before it was fully extinguished. Just a week later, another arsonist—or perhaps the same one—struck, burning down a stable and killing five horses on Leverett Street. Sears’s company answered the alarm for two other arson fires in Dedham on October 30 and in Dorchester a few days later—fires that together killed 60 horses and a Revolutionary War veteran who had been asleep in the Dedham stable’s loft. Sears continued to risk fines by venturing beyond the city limits with his squad. Company Eight was beginning to have the impact he had envisioned.

Sears refused to play games with lives on the line, ordering his men to take no part in the competitiveness among companies that was often on display at the scene of a fire. But the refusal was not mutual. Other companies often tried to block Eight’s routes to fires. Racing to respond to the Dedham blaze that October, Eight found itself neck and neck with Company Twelve and Company One. The scramble got out of hand, and a member of One broke his leg in two places when it was crushed under the company’s engine. The infighting came at great cost; before any of the engines made it to Dedham, the fire had already done its damage.

On the night of November 3, as the men recovered from their exertions at the Dorchester fire the day before, Sears noticed something amiss at Eight’s engine house: George Veazie was nowhere to be found. Perhaps something had come up with the 23-year-old’s new wife, Julia.

When there was still no trace of the foreman later, Sears could take his pick of what to worry about. Company Twelve, their most aggressive competitor, could have committed some mischief against the young man, or he could have fallen into the hands of a revenge squad of Eight’s own ex-members. They considered Veazie a traitor, a friend whom they had helped train upon his arrival in Boston, only to watch him become an interloper’s right-hand man.

Then Sears heard the news. Veazie had been .

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Lithograph of fireman dragging the engine, 1858. Photo: Louis Maurer, Library of Congress.

Charged with passing counterfeit currency, Veazie swore innocence. The whole thing, he insisted, stemmed from a misunderstanding when he’d paid for new boots with a fraudulent bank note that someone had given to him. But even if Veazie wasn’t guilty, for the moment he was stuck in jail. Sears would have to pick up his duties as the coordinator of Company Eight’s day-to-day firefighting activities—at a time when Eight was under mounting scrutiny.

Charles Wells, Boston’s mayor at the time, was a former builder, which might have given him and Sears some common ground. But the two men were near opposites. In contrast to his reform-minded predecessors, Wells prided himself on his lack of civic ambition. He was out to cut costs. A former member of the city council, he was more interested in protecting the status quo than he was in innovative ideas. The other fire companies complained to Wells about Number Eight. “If Sears and his men weren’t such reformers, if they would only take a little with the rest of the boys and be one with us, we wouldn’t find any fault,” other firefighters told the mayor.

Things came to a head on November 21, 1832. It was about four in the morning when a young man, a newspaper deliverer, was on his way through the city to deliver the Advertiser to Roxbury. While still in Boston, he noticed light reflected onto the wall of the Second United States Bank; flames were bursting from the windows of the first and second floors of a brick building on State Street. The young man and others who were passing heard a dog’s howl. Some went to find a watchman to raise an alarm while others worked on breaking a window to free the terrified animal.

Company Five—which had recently been reconstituted after a fracas with the board of engineers led to its dissolution—was based close by in an engine house at Dock Square. The men fought the flames for hours, unaware that a canister in one of the ground-floor offices contained four pounds of gunpowder—more than regulations permitted to be on the premises. When the fire reached the canister, a massive explosion shattered windows in adjoining buildings and hurled the firemen to the ground. Ten members of Company Five were injured in the blast, two of them severely.

When the fire on State Street was finally extinguished, the city fire engineer dismissed the companies from the scene. Only upon closer inspection did the engineer notice that the blaze wasn’t actually out. The flames had spread to the roof of the building opposite the offices: the Old State House, which for the past two years had been used as City Hall. Cinders drifted into the attic through the cupola, and soon the building was aflame.

The church bells sounded again. Sears and Engine Eight were trying to chase down the location of the fire, following the shouts of bystanders and watching the sky for smoke, when they came upon the engine of Company Twelve—the same squad that shadowed their movements at consecutive fires the previous month—blocking the way in the middle of the street.

Company Twelve, led by a candlemaker named Joseph Wheeler, had one of the closest engine houses to Eight’s, based a few blocks south on Washington Street—and in the Boston fire department, proximity usually begot rivalry. What was more, seven members of the earlier incarnation of Company Eight, men who had quit before Sears took the reins, were now part of Twelve, including Alfred Dow, William Willet’s former assistant foreman. Twelve’s members had designs on the old Franklin Schoolhouse—Eight’s station house—which, while cramped, provided access to both Tremont and Washington Streets, two main thoroughfares that could be used to travel rapidly north and south, almost the entire length of the city, and beat other companies to a fire.

But if Sears was about to meet his match, it might not have been in Wheeler but in one of the men who flanked him. Company Twelve’s assistant foreman, 24-year-old Joseph Drew, was a goldsmith by trade, and like Sears he proudly traced his ancestors to the founding of the American colonies. Like Sears, Drew wanted to command his own fire company. He had no interest in reforming the department, but sought to place himself in a position of power to help fulfill his political aspirations.

With Twelve’s squadron standing in his way, Sears had a choice to make. If he recharted his own company’s course—not an easy thing, with the bulky engine—he risked overexerting his men before they reached the fire and giving the flames more time to spread. If he sent his men to challenge the blockade, it could lead to a violent confrontation—the sort of disorder that had created a need for a reform company in the first place.

The dense black smoke on the horizon came from the gilded cupola that capped the Old State House’s tower and at one point had made it the tallest building in the city. Below the tower, the building stood three stories tall, and at 110 feet long it was more spacious than it first appeared. The offices of the mayor, the city council, and the board of fire engineers were inside the building. Sears knew this was his chance to show Eight’s worth to the city authorities in the most dramatic fashion possible. He could demonstrate once and for all that the old guard of firefighters were no longer in charge.

“Forward, men!” Sears cried into his speaking trumpet. Eight’s crew took their places around the engine, checking their grips on the drag ropes. “Close up, run them down, smash their crane’s neck, and never mind breaking legs.”

Company Eight charged. The Eagle’s men leaped out of the way, and Eight rammed the front of their engine. The base of Eagle’s engine snapped. Wheeler’s enraged men, threatening to “clean out” their enemies, chased after Sears’s squad as Eight continued its course to the fire. “Fire out!” shouted men from other companies who were aligned with Twelve, hoping to confuse Eight’s firefighters. When Eight stopped in front of the burning City Hall, Wheeler’s men, unencumbered by their engine, had them surrounded.

Fights between fire companies could be brutal. Clubs, wrenches, and axes were popular weapons, along with whatever else was handy. Mose Humphreys, a printer in New York who spawned Paul Bunyan–like folk legends about his time as a fireman, was said to have his shoes fitted with spikes for such occasions. Sears might have abhorred the foolish feuding between fire companies, but as the saying went, he wasn’t brought up in the woods to be scared of an owl. Once, when he’d rented the only hall in Boston that would allow the English abolitionist George Thompson to lecture against slavery (with a more than $1,000 deposit out of Sears’s own pocket), he personally stood guard outside the door in the face of an angry mob.

Now Sears counted 18 firemen from the rival company who had made it as far as City Hall—but those men were struggling to catch their breath, while Sears’s better-conditioned firefighters, 40 in number, remained ready for anything. Of course, Eben would be at his side, as usual, but so too would this other kind of family that had formed around the engine and its charismatic, unwavering captain. Sears ordered them to hold their position. Wheeler and Drew, seeing that they were outmatched—and knowing that the political ramifications of a burned City Hall would be too far-reaching for any fire company to contain—finally called off their men.

Fire crews were arriving from around the city, and Company Eight jumped into the precarious state of affairs. The men had to tie ladders together to reach the upper windows and clamber on top of the building. Scaling City Hall, they surrounded the cupola and lowered themselves into the attic, where the worst of the fire was concentrated. After a three-hour struggle, the flames were successfully confined to the attic floor, which was destroyed. The rest of the building was “saved almost by a miracle,” as the Boston Statesman put it three days later. An engraving by British painter Robert Salmon of the fire companies battling the blaze was adopted a few months later as the background for a certificate of service given by the city to firemen.


The year after Josiah Quincy had left the mayor’s office, fire companies negotiated an exemption from serving on juries and in the military after seven years of firefighting. Had there been a war going on, Sears surely would have volunteered regardless of how long he had been a fireman; even when he was nine years old, watching Eben suit up to fight in the War of 1812, he and other boys of Brewster formed a guard patrol along the shore to watch for British ships. If some firemen saw the benefit of their roles primarily in replacing other civic duties, for Sears it was civic duty.

But Sears knew enough about the current administration not to expect commendations for his dedication. Interrupting the elation that followed the extinguishing of the City Hall fire, Mayor Wells called Sears in for a meeting, which quickly became an interrogation about the incident with Company Twelve.

“Why did you run into Number Twelve?” Wells demanded.

“Because they obstructed our way to the fire,” Sears replied.

Damaging another company’s engine was as serious a charge as there was among firemen. Wells threatened to discharge Sears and disband Company Eight altogether. “You broke their machine,” he said.

Sears was incredulous. “We did,” he said, “and the next time they purposely get in our way, we will smash their machine into pieces.”

“You might have broken their legs.”

“We don’t want to break any legs, but we may next time. What is the fire ordinance? What are our orders?” Sears wondered if this mayor—unlike Quincy—even knew the answer. “‘You will proceed at once to the fire, and break down all obstructions.’ There, Mr. Mayor, is the law, and we only obeyed it.”

The irony was thick as smoke: Here they were, sitting in the very building that could have burned to the ground, which had already happened once since it was rebuilt in 1713 after a fire. “And now I will resign and you can have the engine,” Sears said. “I will have nothing more to do with it.”

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Old State House in Flames, 1832, by Robert Salmon. Photo: Courtesy of the Bostonian Society.

Mayor Wells might not have liked Sears, but he was pragmatic. He knew that Sears had turned Company Eight into a powerful model of efficiency. Losing one of the best fire companies in Boston could lead to hikes in fire-insurance rates, which wasn’t good for Wells’s political position. Besides, the mayor had enough problems to deal with as it was. The city struggled with debt—caused by dreamers like Quincy with big projects like the Faneuil Hall Market (also known as Quincy Market)—and was in the midst of a serious cholera outbreak. He walked back his reprimand. But Sears was too proud a man to forgive easily, and before he finally agreed to stay on Wells practically had to beg.

Sears now had some leverage over the mayor. But internal problems were multiplying at the South End engine house. George Veazie, it turned out, was being accused of more than accidentally using a fraudulent bank note. He was being charged with intentionally passing counterfeit bills to multiple businesses—and records indicated that he had tried to do the same thing on a visit to New York earlier that year.

His case went to trial in December. Veazie, prosecutors claimed, went into three stores trying to pass two $10 notes—promissory documents from the Suffolk Bank—in exchange for boots and a few dollars’ change in bills. One of the storekeepers was suspicious of the bank note Veazie showed him and left to warn the neighboring stores and fetch a constable. Veazie was cornered. Although he pleaded not guilty, he had already admitted to the arresting constable that the bank notes were counterfeit, a fact the bank officers confirmed at trial (while also marveling at the counterfeit notes’ high quality).

Even the prosecutors seemed to accept Veazie’s explanation that he received the counterfeit notes from his father-in-law, who promptly disappeared and apparently was never found by the authorities. But Veazie’s family members never disputed that he knowingly committed the crime. His family and friends in Quincy assured the court that Veazie was honest and hardworking but acknowledged that living in Boston may have changed him; he had thrown himself wholeheartedly into his role as foreman of Sears’s groundbreaking company, but time spent in the engine house and at fires naturally took away from his work and steady income as a carpenter. In the end, Veazie was sentenced to four years imprisonment with hard labor. “Look out! Look out!” ran the headline in the Transcript, warning Bostonians of the criminal in their midst.

Veazie was taken to the State Prison in Charlestown—a structure that Sears had worked on as a builder—on December 22, 1832 to serve his sentence. Sears had lost a foreman, a firefighting mentor, and a potential protégé for his construction business. At the next monthly meeting of Eight, Sears and his men reluctantly voted to give Veazie a dishonorable discharge—the first and only time that would happen on Sears’s watch. The incident was enough to make Sears question his own famously decisive judgment, especially in an endeavor where faith in one’s comrades was a matter of life and death. It also shattered the naive idea that he had created a shining city—or at least a shining engine house—that would be a bulwark against moral weakness. Perhaps the young men Sears had judged harshly from afar, rather than being deficient in character, were overwhelmed by a system that not only tolerated rash, impulsive action but counted on it to keep the men primed for their death-defying duties. Sears had been set on fixing the failures of the men to protect the public, while in fact the young men needed protection from a system lacking any stability.

Sears’s enemies took advantage of his distraction. With Veazie’s case going to trial, a faction of discontented members of Eight held a secret meeting to enroll a new contingent of 26 men as members of the company—which would provide them with enough votes to force Sears out. The new recruits included eight embittered ex-members whom Sears had replaced, among them William Weston, John Anderson, Thomas Emmons, and Company Twelve’s Alfred Dow. (It was now clear that the malcontents had been feeding intelligence on Eight’s whereabouts to Twelve—probably through Dow—which had allowed the rival company to shadow its movements.)

The breakaway faction and the new members made a scene at the next general meeting of Company Eight and threatened Sears and those loyal to him. Chief Engineer Amory intervened, using the authority of the city government to expel the new members. Sears had come full circle: Officials now recognized that he had built something that was worth protecting. The coup attempt ultimately failed, but with every step Sears took, he felt his company grow more brittle.

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Boston firemen cleaning the machine, 1851. Photo: John Prince, Library of Congress.

When Eben Sears told his brother that he wanted out of Company Eight, the writing was on the engine-house wall: Sears’s experiment was coming to an end. Over the course of a few months, between January and May 1833, Sears watched the pile of returned badges grow as men resigned in the face of harassment and obstructions—their furniture vanishing, the rival companies breathing down their necks, the mutineers and ex-members trying to gain control, the government officials flip-flopping about regulating the department or loosening the reins, and George Veazie’s embarrassing conviction.

Even Sears grew exhausted from the disruption and disappointment. He craved a settled life. On January 24, 1833, he had married Mary Eastabrooks Crease, the younger sister of Eben’s wife, Eliza. He had a new project to throw himself into: starting a family.

Sears’s Company Eight finally disbanded altogether in the early summer of 1833. The engine was taken over by a new group that included former members—as well as key alumni of archrival Company Twelve, whose ambitious assistant foreman, Joseph Drew, became the new captain of Eight. The tablet admonishing “No drinking of liquor” was probably the first thing to come down as Eight returned to its old habits. Almost immediately, the new Eight challenged Company Thirteen to a public competition between their engines in the Boston Common on July 4. Company Thirteen, likely the most sympathetic among the other fire crews to Sears’s reform push, declined the challenge, citing its experience of the “evil arising out of such meetings.”

Six months later, the old Franklin Schoolhouse caught fire, incurring thousands of dollars’ worth of damage. The incident came only a few months after the new officers of Company Eight the city for upgrades to the engine house. Whether the fire was a message to the slow-moving government bureaucracy to comply with their demands, an arson committed by a rival company, or an accidental fire that started in the building’s furnace (as the Boston Post reported), it remained a startling image: the epicenter of Sears’s reform movement, engulfed in flames. To add insult to injury, a thief braved the fire in order to steal a writing desk and some ammunition.

Misfortune followed Sears, too, after his departure from Company Eight. His and Mary’s first child, Willard, died at birth in the fall of 1833, exactly two years to the day after his niece Eliza died. Two years later, Mary died during the birth of a second son, Samuel—who also died—barely two and a half years after she and Sears had married.

After the loss of his family, Sears threw himself into his business dealings and social causes with even greater ardor. He bought Boston’s Marlboro Hotel, which had been famous for its tavern at the terminal of a stagecoach line. Sears did what only Sears would even try to do, turning an establishment known for raucous drinking into a temperance hotel. It was not only a complete break with the Marlboro’s history but an entirely new concept: There was no drinking, smoking, or profanity permitted. The landlord said grace before meals, and a Bible passage was read and hymns sung in the lobby twice a day. The transformation proved unexpectedly savvy from a business standpoint. The Marlboro soon became the go-to accommodation for the many devout Christians who passed through Boston.

When no venue in Boston would lease a room to the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society for its annual meeting, Sears had his employees put in studwork and platforms in the hotel stable and provided seating for the audience. He soon razed the stable and replaced it with a chapel, where hotel guests were expected to attend services and which Sears leased out for meetings and lectures.

Some of these events were abolitionist or otherwise related to Sears’s personal crusades, but giving a platform to speakers whom nobody else would host became its own cause. The devout Christian Sears liked to say that, given the opportunity, he would welcome Abner Kneeland, the radical preacher who declared churchgoers’ traditional view of God “a chimera of their imagination” and was about to become the last person in America convicted of blasphemy. In addition to political reformers and advocates, the chapel played an important role in literary and cultural history; it was the first venue for the Lowell Lectures, a famed speaking series that brought James Russell Lowell, Louis Agassiz, and William James to the Marlboro.

The city marshal of Boston—a forerunner to police chief, which the city did not yet have—warned Sears in the spring of 1837 not to allow Sylvester Graham to hold a meeting at the Marlboro chapel for a women’s group. Graham was controversial for advocating vegetarianism and a new kind of flour that would later give rise to the graham cracker. A mob of bakers and brewers had already prevented Graham from delivering his lecture once, at Amory Hall on Washington Street, a block away from the Common, by threatening a riot. “I am in favor of freedom of speech,” Sears said to the city marshal. “If the time has come to decide the question whether that freedom can be maintained, I am as ready to meet it on the subject of Grahamism as on any other reform.”

“We can do nothing to stop a mob,” the marshal said. “Your building will most likely be torn down.”

“Let it be done,” Sears replied. He was not particularly interested in Graham’s diet. With typical grandiosity, he assured the marshal that he was ready to offer himself “as a sacrifice on the altar of freedom.”

Boston’s new mayor, Samuel Atkins Eliot, reiterated the city marshal’s warnings and again urged Sears to cancel the lecture. “Our police is nothing, nor can we depend upon the military.”

“It is said by some that public opinion is human omnipotence,” Sears told Eliot. “But when it is going wrong, it should be made right.” To Sears, giving in to what he called “mobocracy”—rule by those who seemed most dangerous—would flip the correct social order of things, allowing the powerful to deprive the downtrodden of their rights on a whim and, conversely, permitting the poor to demand that those who had earned wealth and power yield it.

The mob descended on the Marlboro as predicted. Sears had been directing one of his construction crews to pull down some plaster for a repair project, and knowing that he would have no protection from city officials, he told his workmen to place the stripped plaster and some chemical lime near the windows. When Sears could not persuade the anti-Graham mob to go away peacefully, he went back inside the hotel, climbed to an upper floor, and gave a signal, at which point he and the workers shoveled the mixture of mortar and lime into the air. The cloud of noxious dust temporarily blinded the crowd, and it dispersed without causing further trouble. Sears’s heady days with the fire department had taught him that however lofty his ideals, brawlers were to be met on their own terms.

A few weeks after his victory over the rioters, Sears, now 33, took a trip to New York and married for the second time, to a 23-year-old Vermont antislavery activist named Susan Hatch. It was during this stage of his renewed domestic contentment, four years since his brief career as a fireman, that Sears returned to their home near the entrance to the Boston Common one afternoon to find a group of unexpected visitors waiting for him.

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A circa 1837 cartoon depicting a group of wealthy blue bloods on Boston Common, trying hard (but mostly failing) to learn how to be firefighters. Photo: David Claypoole Johnston, Courtesy of the American Antiquarian Society.

Sitting in the Searses’ parlor were representatives from eight of Boston’s fire-insurance companies. While the fear of fire had for years been a boon to the city’s insurance industry, the worsening performance of the city’s firefighters meant the firms regularly paid out big settlements. The city had been forced to disband or accept resignations from six more fire companies for misconduct. The latest delinquent edition of Company Eight had just abandoned its engine in angry protest against another new city ordinance. The successes and ambitions of Sears’s squad might have been short-lived, but they had not been forgotten.

“Mr. Sears,” pleaded one of his guests. “The city government is helpless, and what are we to do?”

Sears wasn’t eager to relive the ignominious end of his Company Eight experiment. “Really, gentlemen,” he said, “I have no advice to offer.”

“Mr. Sears, we have organized an impromptu company and have taken one of the engines. We are trying to do something so that the city may not be entirely unprotected. We want you to come and help us out of difficulty.”

Sears sensed an opportunity, though it was not the one the visitors had in mind. He agreed to take the Boston Brahmins (as Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes years later would famously brand the city’s elite) out to the Common and train them in basic firefighting techniques. In the new company were leaders in various fields in Boston, including George Hayward, a prominent surgeon who lived in Beacon Hill, and Deacon Charles Scudder. It was surreal for Sears to once again be called captain, to pull on a fire cap and adjust it over his now receding widow’s peak.

Sears had brought along some of the members of his old team of firemen, who put the blue bloods through the ringer. “Man the hose!” yelled one of his assistants as the aspiring volunteers tried haplessly to screw the sludge-filled segments together. “Get down on your knees, take that hose between your legs, pinch it between your knees and get it together.” With a crowd gathered, the aristocratic executives in fine coats and neckcloths sprayed themselves with water and grease as they tried shooting water up a flagpole, a scene memorialized with glee by a local cartoonist.

“Gentlemen,” Sears told them when it was over, “I will have nothing to do with a volunteer fire department. I will not do anything unless you organize a paid force.” He had made his point. Instead of a new fire company, a committee was put together to pressure the mayor and the city council to consider Sears’s idea.

Momentum slowly began to pick up. Then, a few months into the campaign, a group of fire companies got into an altercation with a large Irish funeral procession—it started with an apparently accidental collision between a fireman and a funeral-goer—that turned into a nearly citywide brawl. The fight, which came to be known as the Great Broad Street Riot, was brutal and bloody, though somehow no one was killed. It was one of the ugliest incidents the fire department had ever been involved in, and Company Eight was right in the middle of it.

Between the political pressure and the riot, Mayor Eliot and the City Council were compelled to act. They passed legislation reorganizing the entire department, replacing the volunteer system with a paid (though not yet full-time) professional force. This experiment created the first professional fire department in the country. People joked that only free blacks and the Irish would make up the companies—the implication being that no one else would be low enough on the professional ladder to consider being a fireman a paid occupation. But the new Boston model would be followed in every city in the United States. Sears’s Company Eight, as one newspaper put it later, had been “the entering wedge that finally split, and broke up the existing system.”

The men who had come together to join and challenge Sears’s Company Eight went their separate ways over the years. William Willet, who had commanded Engine Eight in the days when it refused to accept Quincy’s implementation of a board of engineers, joined the board himself shortly after the company’s disbandment. Eben and Eliza’s family continued to expand, adding four more children in the years after little Eliza’s death, and Eben had more time for his busy household; he was still involved in some of his younger brother’s construction projects but was content to let Sears tackle the most ambitious ones without him. Sears and his second wife had no children, but he remained close throughout his life with his nieces and nephews. One of the ringleaders of the attempted takeover of Company Eight in 1832, carpenter William Weston, died a few years later at 29, from heavy drinking, while Joseph Drew, who inherited Sears’s captain’s badge, had to testify his way out of a scandal when caught at the scene of the burning of a Catholic convent.

George Veazie, whose arrest for counterfeiting helped push Sears’s project off the rails, received a pardon more than halfway into his four-year sentence. His family had petitioned the governor on the basis of Julia Veazie’s poor health, and the fact that Veazie’s father had died shortly after Veazie’s conviction, leaving his younger children in precarious positions. Veazie’s uncle promised that his nephew would “live in future an exemplary and honest life” and be “a useful and industrious citizen.” In 1843, Veazie reportedly went west to follow the gold rush, only to return to Quincy defeated, unsuccessful at another shortcut to wealth.

Sears accumulated more businesses and causes, always happy to defy the conventional wisdom of the establishment. He helped to charter the Female Medical College in Boston, with a mission to train women doctors, to make childbirth safer—a legacy of his sorrow over losing his first wife and sons. He was also a patron and original board member of a new evangelical Christian college in Ohio called Oberlin, one of the first colleges to be coeducational and to admit African-American students. He helped guide the formation of the Northern Pacific Railroad and built some of the first major buildings in San Francisco (later destroyed, ironically, by fire).

He also kept his promise to the executives who had visited his home that if Boston’s fire department was professionalized, he would be involved. With the new department in place, Sears helped restructure Company Nine, known as Despatch. Sears was briefly a member, and he brought in Jonas Fitch, a trusted employee at his construction company, as the captain.

With the revamped department in place, Boston developed a kind of nostalgic curiosity about the freewheeling days of the volunteer department. Stories of Sears’s exploits as the head of Company Eight were passed down within his family and among his contemporaries at the fire company. But aside from a few obscure newspaper articles, his legacy was never preserved, and he appears to have been forgotten long ago. With all the literati and reporters he encountered, Sears could have ensured that a definitive chronicle was written, but that wouldn’t fit the style of a “true-hearted mechanic,” as the abolitionist newspaper The Liberator called him.

Besides, Sears preferred looking forward to looking back. Once the fire department was in place, he added another title to his résumé, taking advantage of the safer new order he’d helped forge. He started his own fire-insurance company and installed himself as its president.

A Note on Sources

The most recent mention I can find of Willard Sears’s Company Eight is a three-sentence summary in a 1967 book about the Boston police by Roger Lane called Policing the City. Earlier, in addition to references to his time in the fire department in obituaries of Sears in 1890, there was an article in the Boston Herald in 1884, for which at least one former member (and, I suspect, Sears) shared memories of Company Eight with an unnamed journalist. But because the records of the Boston Fire Department from the 1830s are so fragmented, the full story has never been told.

I pieced together that story from what survives of the early fire department records, including correspondence, membership lists, city council communications, broadsides, fire-company constitutions and bylaws, and the minutes of meetings of Company Thirteen and Company Six, the only ones I have found that survived from the years Sears was involved in Company Eight. I also reviewed many Boston newspapers from the time. There was indispensable material in the Boston City Archives, the Bostonian Society, the Massachusetts Historical Society, the American Antiquarian Society, and the Boston Public Library Special Collections, where Kimberly Reynolds was a great help. Elizabeth Bouvier of the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court archives and the staff of the State Archives of Massachusetts helped me unearth the material about George Veazie’s arrest and trial.

Secondary sources contextualized Sears’s fire-company experiment, including Samuel Pearce May’s The Descendants of Richard Sares (Sears) of Yarmouth, Mass., 1638 – 1888, Josiah Quincy’s A Municipal History of the Town and City of Boston, Edmund Quincy’s Life of Josiah Quincy, Arthur Wellington Brayley’s A Complete History of the Boston Fire Department, Amy Greenberg’s Cause for Alarm: The Volunteer Fire Department in the Nineteenth-Century City, Robert S. Holzman’s Romance of Firefighting, Stephanie Schorow’s Boston on Fire: A History of Fires and Firefighting in Boston, Mark Tebeau’s Eating Smoke: Fire in Urban America 1800–1950, and the Bostonian Society’s collection guide prepared by Phil Hunt. I also consulted Daniel Cohen’s enlightening “Passing the Torch: Boston Firemen, ‘Tea Party’ Patriots, and the Burning of the Charlestown Convent,” from the Journal of the Early Republic, and I benefited from personal correspondence with Cohen, James Teed of the Boston Fire Historical Society, and Eben Sears’s descendants Willard May, Susan May, and Wendy Eakin.

On an unexpected personal note, at the time I was finishing my work on this article, my wife was finishing research on the Cape Cod side of her family and found that she descends from Richard Sears, placing her and my children—and, less directly, me—in the same family tree as Willard Sears.

The Fort of Young Saplings

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The Fort of Young Saplings

A writer’s quest to understand her connection to a distant people and their history.

By Vanessa Veselka

The Atavist Magazine, No. 43


Vanessa Veselka is the author of the novel Zazen, which won the 2012 PEN/Robert W. Bingham prize for fiction. Her short stories have appeared inTin House, Yeti, and Zyzzyva. Her nonfiction can be found in The American Reader, The Atlantic, GQ, and Medium, and was included in the 2013 Best American Essays anthology.


Editor: Charles Homans
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Illustrator: Andrea Dezsö
Audio: Emily Kwong and Richard Nelson
Other Images: The Alaska State Library Historical Collections, the Alaska State Museum, the Bancroft Library at the University of California at Berkeley, and the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University

Published in November 2014. Design updated in 2021.

One

In 1972, in Juneau, Alaska, my father was adopted into the Kiks.ádi clan of a native Alaskan people called the Tlingit. This made me a clan child of the Kiks.ádi, a relationship that would bewilder me for years.

To be clear, the Kiks.ádi didn’t take me home to live with them. I was tangential to an honor conferred on my father, a community organizer for the Model Cities program—one of Lyndon B. Johnson’s War on Poverty initiatives—who had built friendships among the Tlingit while working alongside them on the Citizens Participation Committee in Juneau. None of this would be my story to tell except that when they adopted him they also got me, and all my earliest memories are of totem poles and Native faces, of wandering in the constant rain at beach picnics listening to the Tlingit language, and of the Raven and the Eagle, icons of the primary cultural divisions of the Tlingit, which I saw everywhere—on coffee mugs and ritual drums, on tourist T-shirts and the regalia of Tlingit dancers at the Alaska Native Brotherhood Hall—and were the first representations I knew of a larger, ineffable world.

There was never a reality, though, in which I would be Kiks.ádi. Tlingit are matrilineal, and my mother was not adopted. My parents split up, and my mom took my brother and me back to Houston. Whereas my Tlingit grandmother’s house had been full of bric-a-brac and stuffed frogs, my maternal grandmother’s house was full of plastic-covered furniture and large wooden lamps shaped like pineapples. Nana had a three-inch-thick harvest gold rug that she raked in one direction daily. I lay in the shag like it was a field of wheat and watched Ultraman. While I might have been recognized as Kiks.ádi yadi—child of the Kiks.ádi—by my father’s clan, my own clan was the Rug Raking Plastic Sofa Bridge Players. We had locusts instead of ravens.

The year my dad left Alaska, my mom moved to New York. By then I was nine and had already lived in seven different states. I knew what kids who move a lot know: try to be invisible or try to be impressive, which is why on day one of my new fourth grade class I loudly proclaimed myself the sort-of-daughter of a proud Tlingit warrior tribe that no one ever beat. Sadly, we did not move again.

By now it was the late Seventies in Greenwich Village. Boys at my school were grabbing girls and pulling them into unseen corners of the playground, pushing them down and dry-humping them in a game called “rape.” Half our parents were dealing or doing cocaine. The rest seemed to be drunk. The vigil flame of syndicated television burned, for many of us, around the clock.

But I could not let the Tlingit go. Even though I was mercilessly teased as an “Indian princess,” even though my father had stopped talking about the Tlingit and my mother got uncomfortable when I spoke of the adoption, I remained faithful in the belief that I belonged to a family of great and unbeaten warriors who would someday welcome my return. In the summers, when my brother and I went back to Alaska and he played with friends, I attended adult-education classes at the Alaska State Museum. I was not the only white person in the Intro to Tlingit Culture and Language course, but I was the only eight-year-old. I had been imprinted at just the right age. Like the Velveteen Rabbit, I wanted to be real.

Still, eventually I had to admit that I probably was a delusional liar and a troubled child. Even at 11, I could see the telltale signs. I was living amid the wreckage of a fourth marriage and a fifth school. My classmates were right. Real Indians rode horses, and we had already killed them all. If there were any left, I wasn’t one of them.

Two

The Tlingit don’t fit stereotypes of Native Americans. They’re more like Vikings. Or maybe they’re more like Maori. A fiercely martial people, terrifying in their samurai-like slat armor, their bird-beak helmets, and their raven masks, they never surrendered to a colonial power, never ceded territory. When Russia sold Alaska to the United States in 1867, the Tlingit argued that the Russians held only trading posts and that the rest was not theirs to sell. The protest was unsuccessful, but it was the beginning of a narrative: The Tlingit had never signed away their land, had never sold it, had never moved.

It was an argument the Tlingit would make, nearly a century later, in the courtroom. In 1959, the Tlingit sued the federal government in Tlingit and Haida Indians of Alaska v. United States and demanded fair compensation for their stolen land. The Tlingit turned out to be as strategically brilliant in the courtroom as they were on the battlefield. They won a pittance but kept their claims alive, navigating difficult legislative waters and, in the 1960s, joining a statewide native movement seeking a settlement. The Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971 would award the state’s indigenous people nearly $1 billion and recognize native ownership of 44 million acres of prime forest, 22 millions acres of mineral rights, and 16 million acres of subsurface mineral rights. At the time it was signed, the bill was the gold standard of indigenous settlements.

The huge infusion of cash lessened the economic pressure for Alaska Natives to abandon tribal lands. As a result, Tlingit still live today where they lived before European contact and make decisions with little or no interference from the Bureau of Indian Affairs. A friend of mine told me once of a Tlingit elder no more than five feet tall who was unpopular at powwows because she liked to walk up to the biggest Lakota or Crow she saw, jab her fingers in his or her chest, and say, “You lost! We won!” It was terrible diplomacy—the Tlingit are not famous among other tribes for their modesty—but she was not necessarily wrong.

It was true, of course, that the Tlingit could not escape the profound suffering that came from European colonialism. Epidemics devastated the population, and those who remained suffered from all too familiar oppression. But economically and culturally, one could argue that no tribe fared better. If, as historian Shelby Foote once said, the psychology of the American South holds within itself the identity of a defeated nation, then perhaps the Tlingit psyche holds within it the opposite—faith in its ability to fight and win. It was easy to see why my dad was drawn to them.

My father shared a rural sensibility with his Tlingit friends. They certainly shared a distaste for pacifism. A former Marine from Texas, he had spent time in Brazil and cowboyed in the Texas panhandle. After taking a job with Model Cities, he was sent to a small border town populated by Mexicans and run by whites, and after that to Alaska.

The Citizens Participation Committee, which advised on funding for War on Poverty initiatives, was fighting to get federal money flowing to the poorer Tlingit neighborhoods of Juneau. My father was not the first white man hired to work with the CPC; another had been hired several months earlier, causing uproar among Tlingit activists. But at least he had been an Alaskan. My father was a different story. Not only was he a white man, but he was a Southern white man—and, rumor had it, some kind of cowboy who had never even been to Alaska before. The job he took effectively made him chief operating officer of the committee, a position many in the community felt should have gone to a Tlingit.

A year later, for reasons I’m not sure I fully understand—such things are always shaded by time and relationship—Andy Ebona, the Kiks.ádi executive director of the CPC, went to his mother, Amy Nelson, clan mother of the Kiks.ádi, and asked her to adopt my father. She agreed but didn’t say when. Then one day my father got a call from Andy saying he should get down to the Alaska Native Brotherhood Hall right away—that Amy was going to do it. He rushed over there, but nothing happened. Later he found out that he hadn’t been dressed right. He was in jeans.

In the end, the ceremony was simple and quick. Amy asked him to stand. In front of witnesses, she held a dollar bill to his head and gave him his name, Aak’wtaatseen, which means “swimming or moving frog” and comes from a story about a man from another culture who brings something needed to the people. Like all great honors, the name was part recognition, part threat. Promise that you will live up to this, it said. But it did not make clear how.

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Three

In 1991, as a young adult, I returned to Juneau—something I had always said I would do. I hadn’t been there since third grade, but my own sense of relation to the Tlingit never fully left. Sometimes I was comforted by the thought of the adoption and other times ashamed to have believed in it at all. Still, one of the first things I did when I got to Juneau was look up my Tlingit uncle Andy Ebona.

Waiting on the corner where we agreed to meet, I half-expected a Miyazaki-like apparition, a giant frog with garnet eyes and pockets full of gold nuggets and salmonberries—so vivid and unsorted were my childhood memories, and so disorienting was it to be back among them again as an adult. Instead, Andy turned out to be a middle-aged man, roughly my height, with a cook’s build, a little round but solid, with thick black hair and a broad face. One of the first things he said to me was to tell my father, “Our mother wants to know why her son doesn’t write.” I wanted to be that letter, but I wasn’t. Neither of us seemed to know what to do with the other.

I ate grilled salmon in Andy’s apartment. I had planned all along to make a grand statement of loyalty—I never forgot about the family, I wanted to say, and I never took off my frog ring, it just vanished in a lake when I was ten, and I can still say “raven” and “shaman” and “thank you” in Tlingit, just in case you were wondering—but I didn’t want to appear entitled. Nor did I want to make him think I thought the experience was exotic. Lost in a fog of cultural sensitivity, I said nothing.

Later we went to a family gathering out on Douglas Island, and that evening I ate herring roe on hemlock and gumboot for the first time and saw my Tlingit grandmother, Amy, for the last time. She was small and gracious, but I don’t think she remembered me. After a few hours I slipped out, convinced I’d done everything wrong. At this point in my life, I know that’s the way 22-year-olds often leave parties, under a shroud of inarticulate failure, but at the time I assigned it to other things. I assigned it to being a collateral relative.

That afternoon I had asked Andy about the Kiks.ádi, and he had spoken of the Battle of Sitka. Going to a bookshelf, he’d handed me a book on the Tlingit written in the 1850s by a German explorer. There weren’t any good books yet, he said, but one was on the way. The Kiks.ádi had beaten the Russians twice, once in 1802 and then again in 1804 at the Battle of Sitka. The battle came up again later that night in passing. It was, I learned, a subject quickly raised once in the company of Kiks.ádi, so bonded were they to those events. The battle belonged to them and they belonged to it. These things are inextricable.

Four

I didn’t see Andy again for over 20 years. Then, in 2011, he sent me a Facebook friend request. There was no message, and it wasn’t a particularly intimate gesture, but it was the first gesture I had received from him that was meant for me directly. Over the following months, a few more requests trickled in from people who knew me as a child, and soon a stream of images began to appear onscreen: snapshots of the Citizens Participation Committee meetings, of my parents and me as a two-year-old, of Andy and other friends picnicking on a rocky beach.

I decided to go to Juneau again. My trip had one purpose only: to connect with my Tlingit family. I wouldn’t tell this to any of them, though; it would be too pathetic. I would be casual. I would pretend I was dropping by the coastal mountain range 1,500 miles to the north of my home.

Wanting to be prepared, I returned to my fallback: study. I started with the Kiks.ádi victory at the Battle of Sitka. I went first to Wikipedia, our era’s greatest repository of received wisdom, where I was stunned to find an account that confidently stated that the Russians, not the Tlingit, had won:

Though the Russians’ initial assault (in which Alexandr Baranov, head of the Russian expedition, sustained serious injuries) was repelled, their naval escorts bombarded the Tlingit fort Shís’gi Noow mercilessly, driving the natives into the surrounding forest after only a few days. The Russian victory was decisive, and resulted in the Sheet’ká Kwáan being permanently displaced from their ancestral lands. They fled north and reestablished an old settlement on the neighboring Chichagof Island to enforce a trade embargo against the Russians.

The word “fled” hit me first, then “decisive.” If the battle was such a clear-cut Russian victory, why had the Kiks.ádi been bragging about it for the past two centuries? I paused for a moment between the two stories. Then, like any thinker with the slightest leaning toward postcolonial critique, I set aside the dead old white man account. If the Kiks.ádi claimed to have beaten the Russians, I would take it as gospel. Instead of asking if it was true, I would ask how it was true. I would prove my loyalty.

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The Tlingit settlement at Sitka, 1793. Painting: Sigismund Bacstrom, Courtesy of the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Yale University.

Five

On the afternoon of September 19, 1804, Alexandr Baranov, chief manager of the Russian-American Company, sailed into the Sitka Sound on his ship the Ermak. With him were three smaller armed ships, a flotilla of several hundred sea kayaks, and the Russian Imperial Navy’s sloop-of-war, the Neva. The 1,200 men Baranov brought with him were mostly mercenaries—former Navy sailors and fur traders moonlighting as hired guns—some Aleuts, and a handful of company employees. They were there to send a message to the Tlingit: Sitka belongs to Russia.

Russia first began claiming territory in present-day Alaska in the 1740s, following Vitus Bering’s exploration of the Alaskan coast. Like other colonial powers, Russia wanted to expand its sphere of influence, but its main interest in Alaska was whale oil and fur. Over the next four decades, the Russians hunted along the Aleutian Islands and eastward into the gulf, colonizing as they went. 

The most successful of the colonial-commercial ventures was the Shelikhov-Golikov Company, of which the young Baranov was manager. In 1799, Tsar Paul I, seeking to consolidate his power in the colonies, turned his attention to the SGC. He created from the old enterprise a new, larger company and, after granting it a trade monopoly, invested his and his brother’s personal money in it. The aristocracy soon followed, displacing the merchant investors of the venture’s earlier iteration, and the Russian-American Company was born. 

Modeled after the Dutch East India Company, the RAC was meant to be an empire-building machine. At this point, it was sea otter that the Russians needed, that remarkable mammal whose fur so efficiently warmed the wealthy of Moscow and St. Petersburg. It drew them deeper into what is now the Alaskan panhandle, and the ancestral home of the Tlingit.

The Tlingit had always been a problem for the Russians. Letters between SGC managers warned that they weren’t like the other native tribes. Fifty years before Baranov’s arrival in the region, the Russians lost two landing parties to the Tlingit, the second in search of the first. No more were sent.

In 1792, in the Prince William Sound, Baranov himself had been caught up in a Tlingit attack targeting Chugach and Alutiiq natives with whom he was trading, and most of the men with him were killed. In a letter to his employer, Baranov described his Tlingit assailants as “outstanding warriors” who moved with perfect coordination and discipline. “On their heads they had thick helmets with figures of monsters on them, and neither our buckshot nor our bullets could pierce their armor,” he wrote. “In the dark, they seemed to us worse than devils.”

This experience must certainly have been on Baranov’s mind six years later when he arrived in Sitka Sound for the first time. A dark and dense rainforest of cedar, spruce, and hemlock rose up from the water, trees over 200 feet tall with crowns disappearing into the mist (which was everywhere) and the drizzle (ever present).

Sounds of the forest.

As he sailed into the sound, Baranov passed beneath the shadow of Noow Tlein, an ancient fortified settlement, which had been inhabited by the Tlingit for at least a thousand years. Built atop an outcrop of rock that rose 60 feet from shore to shoulder, Noow Tlein was surrounded on three sides by water. Baranov, upon seeing it, wisely chose to sail on. Shipwrecking (something he did a lot) seven miles north, however, he was forced to trade his prized chain-mail shirt to the Tlingit in exchange for his life.

The Kiks.ádi, smart middlemen that they were, struck a deal allowing Baranov to build a trading post. But three years later, in 1802, the Tlingit rose up. K’alyaán, a great Kiks.ádi warrior, struck the initial blow, killing a blacksmith and taking his hammer. (Later he would wield it in the Battle of Sitka.)

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K’alyaán, a great Kiks.ádi warrior, with his blacksmith’s hammer. Photo: David Rickman, courtesy of the National Park Service.

Baranov was away in Kodiak when he got the news that his fort was gone. It took him two years to return to Sitka. It’s easy enough to wonder why he would have bothered to reclaim such a remote colonial outpost. But the Russian-American Company was funded by the aristocracy back in St. Petersburg and backed by the Russian Navy. The geopolitical jockeying for the Pacific Northwest was intensifying; British and American ships were trading in the area, and Spanish ships weren’t far to the south. Sitka was Russia’s most promising foothold in North America, and now it was lost.

Now, imagine you’re a rube like Baranov, a former Siberian glass-factory manager turned company man. You’ve been hacking away in the bloody business of colonization for years. Suddenly, you land a job as the head of Russia’s first joint-stock entity. It’s going to be big, the tsar and his brothers have put their personal funds into the venture, sea otter is going through the roof, and you’re no longer in the sticks but on the vanguard of imperial expansion.

And now you, Baranov, have lost Sitka—the only harbor in southeast Alaska with access to both the sea and the straits leading to the Inside Passage. And your former business partners are now trading their precious fur pelts to the Americans for arms and gunpowder, which they intend to use against you. As Lenin would later say, what is to be done?

If you are the tsar, you send Imperial Navy warships. If you are the Russian-American Company, you send mercenaries and slaves to fight. If you are Alexandr Baranov, you muster your backwoods gumption, put on a fresh chain-mail shirt—because nothing says fealty like chafing beneath 20 pounds of wrought-iron rings—and get yourself down to Sitka and take that post from the Tlingit however you can. 

Six

Baranov himself never wrote of the Battle of Sitka. Many years later, he told the story to a financial auditor for the company; that was the extent of it. Company documents refer to the halo effect of the battle on trade but little else. The only written eyewitness account of the battle comes from the journals of a Russian naval officer, Lieutenant Commander Yury Lisiansky.

At the time of the battle, Lisiansky was only 31 years old but already enjoying an illustrious career. A veteran of the Russo-Swedish War, he had served in the Baltic and had connections to some of Russia’s older aristocratic houses. In 1802, while the Tlingit were busy destroying Baranov’s first fort, Lisiansky was sent by the tsar to England to buy ships for the Russian-American Company. In a precursor of private sector–state alliances to come, he used corporate credit and imperial gold to make a shady deal for two overpriced secondhand vessels, the Leander (rechristened the Nadezhda) and the Thames (the Neva).

Taking command of the Neva, a square-rigged tall ship with 200 feet of deck length and 14 cannons, Lisiansky set out to circumnavigate the globe on what became known as the Krusenstern Expedition. The Neva and the Nadezhda had already rounded Cape Horn, visited the Galápagos, and completed their circuit of the oceans when, in Hawaii, Lisiansky received new orders: Leave the Nadezhda. Forget going to Canton. Forget going to Japan. Head straight to Sitka. Help Baranov win back his fort.

Sounds of the harbor.

“From the moment we entered Sitka Sound and until we dropped anchor,” Lisiansky later wrote in A Voyage Around the World in the Years 1803-1806, “not a human being was to be seen anywhere, nay not even any sign that hereabouts was any settlement. Before our eyes were forests, covering the shores totally everywhere. How many uninhabited places have I seen, but none can compare in wilderness and emptiness with these.”

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A map of the Tlingit fortress at Sitka, drawn by Yury Lisiansky, 1805. Image: Courtesy of the Alaska State Library Historical Collections.

Lisiansky hated Sitka and complained of its weather and general gloom. Forced to wait in the bay for a month for Baranov to come, he was ecstatic when the manager arrived. Now they could engage and get it done. But on the first day of combat, the Russians were soundly defeated. Caught in a pincer move on the beach by Tlingit warriors led by K’alyaán with his blacksmith’s hammer, the Russians took casualties, broke ranks, and ran for the woods and water. They lost five cannons, and Baranov himself was seriously wounded.

For the next four days, the Tlingit fort was bombarded from the sea by the Neva as emissaries went back and forth. Both sides raised white flags, sometimes simultaneously. At the end of the sixth day, the Russians were in the fort and the Tlingit were in the forest. On these facts everyone agrees.

But the more I learned of the battle, the shakier the claim of a decisive Russian victory seemed. The battle was not followed by an influx of Russian trading posts. The Tlingit did not become slaves, as had other tribes. Although the Kiks.ádi abandoned their position, they did not exactly flee, but instead made an organized retreat, covering their people with a rear guard and taking up a new position on the straits. From there they launched an effective trade embargo to cut off the transport of fur to Russia. The following year another Russian trading post fell to the Tlingit in Yakutat and was permanently abandoned.

The retrospective logic seems to be that since the Kiks.ádi do not run the United States today, they must have lost to the Russians in 1804. Native wins are irrelevant. Native defeats are final. The Russians would inevitably prevail, and if not, it didn’t matter anyway. The Battle of Sitka, the lost posts, the embargo on the straits—these were details.

For almost 200 years, there was no published Tlingit account of what happened in Sitka. The Tlingit refused to speak publicly of the battle. Doing so ran against deeply held beliefs. First, talking about a conflict where peace now exists was considered rude and dangerous. Second, stories were considered property, tied to certain places and certain people. If it wasn’t your dead, it wasn’t your story.

There is almost no way to describe the Tlingit concept of ownership without distorting or reducing its complexities. Clans “own” their regalia and their crests, but they also own their ancestral relationships to a place, their songs and dances, their stories and the images that came from those stories. If branding and intellectual property rights were taken to an extreme and merged with the Marxist ideal that people must not be alienated from the objects of their labor—nor from the collective identity arising from that labor—then we might approach the Tlingit sense of ownership. The word for this is at.óow, which has been translated as “a purchased thing.” The Battle of Sitka was a purchased thing. It was paid for by the Kiks.ádi, and it could not be sold out.

Seven

“Even those who bought us, should hear what happened.” —Sally Hopkins

For many years the Kiks.ádi, though reluctant to make their stories public, had been recording their elders telling them for the clan’s own purposes. Sometimes it was little more than a tape machine brought down to the ANB Hall, turned on at a potlatch. Other times the recordings were more formal. In 1958, a Tlingit man recorded a retelling of the events of 1802–1804 for the National Park Service, including an account of the Battle of Sitka.

The woman he recorded was Shxaastí,a Kiks.ádi tradition bearer. Her English name was Sally Hopkins. One of 12 daughters, Hopkins was born in Sitka in 1877. She’d heard the stories as a girl, from elders who were contemporaries of Baranov. Her dialect alone was a treasure for linguistic anthropologists, containing within it the transition markers between ancient and modern Tlingit, an echo of pre-contact speech. She had the sound of ghosts in her voice. Her telling of the Battle of Sitka included over 60 names that otherwise would have been lost to history. Hopkins herself believed passionately in documenting and publishing the stories before they vanished, a belief she passed on to her Kiks.ádi children.

Her story, recorded in 1958, covers the altercations of both 1802 and 1804, but the sequence of events isn’t always clear. Tlingit oral histories are often organized by genealogy, following paths of relationship instead of chronological time. Other Kiks.ádi accounts preserve the 1802 debates between clan leaders, complete with colorful accusations that the sons of the Wolf clan are “sucking on the Russians.” In 1804, though, such debates were either nonexistent or left out of the story by its original tellers; perhaps the stakes were just too high to inflect with humor.

It took 30 years for the Kiks.ádi community to approve the release of these and other elders’ recordings. Finally, in 2008, the University of Washington Press published Russians in Tlingit America: The Battles of Sitka, 1802 and 1804. This was the “good book” my Uncle Andy had said would come all those years ago. In it were new translations of Lisiansky’s memoir by Lydia Black—a noted scholar and translator—along with Russian-American Company documents, Baranov’s personal letters, and, for the first time, a translation of multiple Kiks.ádi accounts of the Battle of Sitka.

My copy of Russians in Tlingit America arrived several weeks before I was scheduled to leave for Juneau. Somewhere between the size of a hotel Bible and Jung’s Red Book, it was 500 pages of dense type. Wanting to be better prepared, I postponed my trip and began to read. No one was waiting for me anyway.

Although the Russian and Tlingit versions diverged in perspective, they agreed on much of the basic flow of events. The battle had never gone as planned for the Russians. They expected to meet the Kiks.ádi at Noow Tlein, the ancient fort overlooking the harbor. According to the commander of the Neva, it was a near impregnable redoubt. But when Baranov and his men arrived, they were met by only a small party of Tlingit. The settlement had been abandoned.

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Yury Lisiansky’s drawings of Tlingit masks and other artifacts. Image: Courtesy of the Alaska State Library Historical Collection.

Baranov’s men raised Russian flags inside the empty village. They slept in Kiks.ádi houses. Noow Tlein, where Tlingit had lived for over a thousand years, was occupied without fight or ceremony. This alone must have given the Russians pause. If nothing else, Tlingit are a people of ritual. Their social etiquette rivals the DSM-5 for coding and complexity; they make geisha look slovenly. If they were really intending to give up the fort, they would have danced for days; they would have exchanged gifts and sung. Instead, there was only silence.

According to the Tlingit account, the Kiks.ádi were using Noow Tlein as a decoy. They wanted to draw the enemy out of their ships so they could see how many men they had and how serious they were. They knew all along that the Russians would rely on naval power, so they had spent the interim years building a new fort, Shís’ghi Noow—“fort of young saplings”—specifically designed to withstand naval bombardment. Shís’ghi Noow was built at the high-water line of a gently sloping beach seven miles from Noow Tlein. Gunships could barely get near it, and only during certain tides. If a ship did get in range, the fort’s structure was designed to deflect cannon fire.

These details are corroborated by the Russian version of the story. In Lisiansky’s journal, Baranov complains that the shallows are preventing his ships from getting within firing range of Shís’ghi Noow. He later laments that when they do, his cannonballs keep bouncing off the Tlingit fort. It was a mystery to the Russians, but not to the Kiks.ádi. They had watched the way a cannonball’s direct hit shattered seasoned wood. For this reason, Shís’ghi Noow’s walls had been built of saplings whose green and pliant wood offered a certain amount of give. The timbers were also angled and braced to disperse shock down and away, redirecting balls into pits dug to catch them. Coming ashore after the battle, Lisiansky writes that he gathered at least 150 cannonballs from around the fort walls.

It was never a given that the Russians would win the battle; Lisiansky acknowledges this himself at various points in his account. What neither Baranov nor Lisiansky knew, however, was that the Tlingit had already lost the fort before the Russians ever fired on it. 

On the eve of the battle, a Tlingit canoe was blown up as it passed between islands just off the coast. Both sides record the event, though with discrepancies. Some say it was a Russian shot that caused the explosion, others that it was carelessness among the young Tlingit men in the boat. Some say there were survivors, others that the entire crew was killed. The incident earns only a few lines from Lisiansky. Later, however, the Russian commander would come to realize its importance: The canoe carried the entire stockpile of Tlingit gunpowder.

The explosion was the moment the Tlingit lost the fort. All of their deft evasions and defensive tactics had been in the service of an offensive, prepared over the course of years, which the Kiks.ádi now knew would never come. And the canoe held more than gunpowder. Also inside were the future clan leaders of each Kiks.ádi house. All of them were killed.

The story became a song, “Sooxsaan,” which is one of the two anthems of the Kiks.ádi. The story in “Sooxsaan” is told through the eyes of a mother who loses her child when the canoe he is sleeping in drifts away. She sings out her grief for him to his uncles, those who were lost in that other canoe. It is a song that marks the passing of different futures. Even reading about it, I worried that I was treading on forbidden terrain. This, more than anything, was a purchased thing.

Eight

The Fort of Young Saplings was empty when the Russians walked in. They had expected people, negotiations, but there was no one. It was not the victory they had imagined. It didn’t say: You’ve won. It said: We are not done yet.

That winter in Sitka, without goods to trade—or anyone to trade with—and afraid to hunt in the forest, the Russians sent delegations across the snow to the Tlingit asking them to make peace and come back. The emissaries were turned away.

The Russians eventually abandoned the Fort of Young Saplings, decamping to Noow Tlein, which was vulnerable from the sea but less so from the land. Obviously, it was not the ships of rival colonial powers the Russians feared but Tlingit incursions by land and longboat. In Glorious Misadventures: Nikolai Rezanov and the Dream of a Russian America, Owen Matthews describes the colony at Noow Tlein as having two towers and a stockade “ringed with cannon—pointing not at the sea, but towards the endless threatening forest around.”

Nothing in the details of the battle and its aftermath showed it to be anything but a strategic withdrawal by the Tlingit. The Kiks.ádi tested the Russians at one fort while they moved their people to another; when the munitions were blown, they dragged out the surrender, faked a chain-of-command breakdown to create diplomatic chaos, and got their people safely into the woods. The Russians couldn’t follow because the Tlingit rear guard kept them engaged near the fort. Over time, they were effectively trapped behind the palisade of Noow Tlein, sending envoys out into the snow.

The story of the Battle of Sitka in Russians in Tlingit America struck me as curiously familiar. It took me a few days before I realized what it was. It was Napoleon. It was Moscow. Perhaps, if I hadn’t read so much Tolstoy in my early twenties—particularly if I hadn’t read War and Peace five times—I wouldn’t even have looked at the Battle of Sitka and thought about the burning of Moscow. But I had and I did. The Tlingit strategy was really no different than what the tsar’s forces would do eight years later when facing Napoleon on Russian soil.

After the Battle of Borodino in September 1812—that valiant last stand where the Russian army suffered horrendous losses—Field Marshal Mikhail Kutuzov did the unimaginable, the un-European thing, stepping aside and letting Napoleon have Moscow. Moscow! The Russians had been there almost as long as the Tlingit had lived at Noow Tlein. How could they abandon it? Yet in the era of saber rattling and charges, amid emerging virulent nationalism, this is exactly what Kutuzov did. And what did he say as Napoleon marched toward Moscow? “I aim not to defeat, but I’m hoping to deceive him.” What deception could he have meant?

L’Empereur marched into the metropolis expecting dignitaries, expecting rituals. He got none. Despite wanting to be gracious, he could find no object for his magnanimity. Napoleon in Moscow, like Baranov in Sitka, alone and far from home on the edge of winter, waited on a surrender that would never come. I have Russia, said Napoleon. No, said the tsar from St. Petersburg, you have Moscow. I have Sitka, said Baranov. No, the Tlingit said, you have the fort.

Both the Tlingit in 1804 and the Russians in 1812 had withdrawn from the field when they were unable to defeat the invaders, and they had regrouped elsewhere. Both created confusion through diplomacy and sent mixed messages to stall the enemy’s approach. Both evacuated their people without surrender, leaving the enemy no one to negotiate with. And, to this day, both the Tlingit and the Russians inhabit their ancestral homelands. Yet somehow, what Kutuzov did is remembered as a brilliant strategy that saved a nation, while what the Tlingit did is considered, by nearly everyone but the Tlingit, an unequivocal defeat.

I began to wonder how Russian Kutuzov’s strategy really was. How great was the psychological distance between 1804 and 1812, between St. Petersburg and Sitka, Kutuzov and the Kiks.ádi? And in the periphery of my mind was also the drumbeat, the unvoiced thought: What a gift to bring.

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An 1805 drawing of the Russian-American Company outpost at Sitka. Image: Courtesy of the Alaska State Library Historical Collection.

Nine

The line between passionate curiosity and total fixation is thin. At first I had hoped simply to acquire some conversational fluency on the Battle of Sitka, but now I could think of little else. It seemed at first like historical heresy, but really, why couldn’t Kutuzov’s response to Napoleon have been inspired by a battle in the colonies? I knew I couldn’t prove a connection between the strategies. I was after the possibility.

The obvious first thing to establish was how Kutuzov could have heard about the Battle of Sitka. Lisiansky had published a memoir. I looked up its publication date: 1812, the same year that Kutuzov abandoned Moscow. But both men lived in St. Petersburg; their social circles could easily have overlapped. I considered it equally likely that there was some connection through the Russian-American Company. The tsar and the aristocracy had all invested in the venture, and it seemed plausible that Kutuzov—who had served three successive Romanov monarchs—would have as well. That would have given him a direct interest in the happenings in Sitka, if nothing else. A list of early investors in the Russian-American Company should show his name. 

What I needed was a Russian-speaking researcher I could afford. Impoverished, unemployed, and with time on their hands, it turns out they’re not so hard to find. Since I needed someone who knew how to do academic research, I contacted the Russian department at my former college. Given a list, I chose a young man named Auden and sent him out onto the Internet to dig up everything he could for $200. He was to look for social ties between Kutuzov, Lisiansky, and Baranov—anything that would make a conversation about the Battle of Sitka a reasonable proposition.

Soon he began sending updates. While he wasn’t able to find a list of investors, he had come across some kind of company lady’s auxiliary, of which both Kutuzov’s wife and her half-sister were members. The company also had a ship called the Kutuzov. Ships, like buildings, are often named for war heroes—but just as often for investors. Perhaps the field marshal was both.

Finding a reputable military historian willing to entertain the notion was much harder. The idea that the Tlingit might have saved Russia from Napoleon didn’t exactly open doors; it was more the kind of wild postulation used by middle-aged professors to pick up undergrad girls at coffee shops. But I didn’t care. I was opening the imagination to new possibilities, and the imperial myopia surrounding the Battle of Sitka deserved to be corrected. Didn’t it?

In an attempt at rigor, I refined my questions. How unusual was what Kutuzov did? Were there examples of native tactics making there way back into European warfare? What exactly constitutes a victory? These were safe questions. My real theories I kept to myself.

Growing inside, though, was another uneasiness. The more I spoke of the Battle of Sitka, the less sure I was that I had a right to the story in which I was entangling myself. We tend to think of a story as personal property. I own it because I heard it. This strikes me now as a very colonial way to view the world, though also a human one. And as much as I promised myself I would confine my speech on the subject to what the Kiks.ádi allowed to be published, I found I couldn’t stop my imagination. I could not help but explore the story and open it up. When I did, it changed. Something I read in Russians in Tlingit America echoed—“An unauthorized telling constitutes stealing.”

Ten

After some searching, I found my way to a military historian named Niall Barr. A senior reader in European military history at King’s College London, Barr had been engaged by the British Ministry of Defense to teach tactical history to officers. The Joint Services Command and Staff College where Barr teaches is an hour outside London by rail. By sheer random luck, I was to be in England the following week.

It was Armistice Day, and at 11 a.m. sharp the train car fell silent. Texting stopped, pens were laid down, and the cart coming through the aisle with juice and coffee paused to commemorate the dead. In contrast to Veteran’s Day in the United States, there wasn’t a flag in sight, only red poppies pinned to coats and collars.

I was nervous about meeting Barr. I had not told him of my theories regarding Kutuzov, only that I was doing some work on the Battle of Sitka and needed help understanding Napoleonic-era field tactics. There were many ways to eviscerate my idea—I was coming up with quite a list on my own—and I didn’t want to chase him away before the conversation even began.

We met at the train station and walked to a nearby pub. A tall man in his forties with a poppy affixed to his black wool coat, Barr had gentle manners and an elegant mind. He had looked into the Battle of Sitka and was intrigued by the construction of the Fort of Young Saplings, something I hadn’t thought too much about. “Artillery fortification is a highly skilled business,” he said. “You’re working out the angles. People train for years. It’s all about math and geometry, but you really can’t discount native intelligence.”

I told him what I knew of the battle, the abandonment of the fort, and accounts of the peace ceremonies. I asked Barr if that sounded like a victory.

“There are laws of war,” he said, “conventions, some formal and some informal. Professional soldiers know that. By 1812, these conventions in Europe are well understood. When you place a fort under siege, you have certain rights and responsibilities, and the besieged have certain rights and responsibilities. Once a practicable breach has been made—meaning that soldiers can actually get through your fortifications—the governor of the town or fort is to surrender. If he doesn’t, the breach will be stormed. If it is stormed, the assaulting troops are at liberty to offer no quarter. They can kill everybody. So once there’s a practicable breach, that’s when you surrender.”

“But the Tlingit didn’t surrender.”

Barr paused. “It’s a powerful idea, how wars end. Who decides who has won and lost? These are eternal questions. You see”—he leaned in— “it’s this absurd situation. If a garrison commander surrenders, it’s all lovely and nice and everybody marches off. But if the garrison refuses to surrender, it leads to bloodshed and brutality. The very act of surrendering tells you which code is going to be active.”

But the Tlingit didn’t surrender, I repeated. The Russians had to ask for the deal, bring gifts, and go through a four-day ceremony wearing Tlingit adornments. How was that a Russian victory?

“Baranov sued for peace?” Barr considered a moment. “Still, the fort was vacated, and that would have meant victory.”

At this point I rolled out some of my more subversive ideas about Kutuzov and the defense of Moscow. Barr didn’t scoff. Rather, he seemed a little delighted. I asked him how atypical the field marshal’s strategy had been. “At the time, if you occupied somebody’s capital, then it was game over,” Barr said. “You can’t protect your capital, therefore you should surrender. This is where the Russians did something different—something traumatic, because due to the Orthodox Church, there is something special about Moscow in the Russian psyche. They consider it to be the new Rome. The idea that Moscow would be occupied by a heretic like Bonaparte was beyond the pale.”

I asked Barr if he knew of European commanders using tactics in Europe learned in the course of colonial warfare. He did. During the French and Indian War of the 1750s, he explained, the British general Edward Braddock was attacked in the woods near what is now Pittsburgh. As usual, he kept his men in tight formation and had them fire carefully timed volleys at their opponents—a disastrous tactic for wilderness combat. Most of Braddock’s expedition was slaughtered, and the remaining troops were routed. Yet over the years, the regiment that emerged from the experience, called the 60th Royal American, employed the Native skirmish tactics learned in America and used them to great effect in the Battle of Waterloo in 1815.

So maybe Baranov did consider himself victorious when he inherited his empty fort. Everyone has the prerogative to be wrong. But here was a concrete example of native tactics finding their way onto European battlefields. Barr also confirmed my sense that the abandonment of Moscow was a radical move. On these two rails, I traveled closer to all possibilities.

On my way back to London, I got another message from my researcher, Auden. He had found a possible social tie between Kutuzov and Lisiansky: a naval officer who was close to both men. It was a complex net of relationships, said my researcher, but he had sketched out a kind of diagram and had attached a scan.

Excited and unable to wind down as the landscape streamed by outside, I slipped a DVD lecture on the Greco-Persian Wars into my laptop. Maybe this would put most people to sleep, but for me it’s a minor obsession: I have watched all 48 episodes the Great Courses has to offer on ancient Egypt, their 36 lectures on Medieval Europe and the Tudor Conquest, and 24 lectures on the Age of Pericles. By now I was on to the Persian Empire, and as the train rolled through suburban London I listened as the professor dissected the ancient Battle of Cunaxa.

Eleven

“Be brave, my son. This is where things fail.” —Sally Hopkins

My father didn’t talk much about the Tlingit adoption after he left Alaska. He didn’t know how to handle it. He said he never did anything to earn it, and he wasn’t sure what was expected of him afterward. Not wanting to be yet another white man claiming what wasn’t his, he waited for a signal nobody knew he was waiting for—and, over time, the adoption, which was meant to create a bond, carved out a gap instead.

When he left Alaska, he let the relationships slip. He didn’t bring up the adoption back in the Lower 48 because he didn’t want to get lumped in with all the Dances With Wolves New Agers. Recently, he admitted to me that he’d missed the point entirely. “It’s not whether you deserve it,” he said. “It’s what you make of it.”

For my stay in Juneau, I booked a room through Airbnb on Starr Hill, a place I knew well as a child. The neighborhood’s clapboard houses and metal stairs negotiating steep hillsides had not changed. I had once seen a salmon fall from the sky there and hit the ground a few feet away from me. The eagles fighting for it overhead had let it slip, and one swooped down, snatched the fish in its talons, and climbed, leaving behind just a few silver scales.

Now, under a bank of mist moving down Mount Robert, was the grim little playground next to what was once my school. On the other side of the governor’s mansion was the neighborhood where my Tlingit grandmother had lived. Not far from there was the Alaska State Museum, where I took classes as a child, and the State Office Building, near where my father once worked—a tombstone for urban renewal, square as a child’s building block.

In the little rented room, I spread out my papers. Since I wouldn’t be meeting my uncle until the next day, I had some time. I covered the floor with my notes, legal pads, and printouts with circles and arrows highlighting connections. It didn’t look like historical research. It looked like the hotel scene from The Wall.

Baranov had turned out to be a dead end. My researcher had found nothing to connect the lowly company man with anyone in the aristocracy, much less the illustrious Kutuzov. It wasn’t unthinkable that a man like the field marshal, with a deep financial interest in the fur trade and a military strategist’s mind, would have had enough curiosity to ask, if given the chance—“What happened in Sitka, anyway? Open another bottle of vodka, and bring me a fresh cigar!”—but there was no evidence that such a chance had ever arisen. Baranov was simply too low on the food chain, and his family had no meaningful power to bridge that gap. In Russia, he was a nobody. Even the Order of St. Vladimir medal presented to him got his name wrong.

Kutuzov, however, did seem to have a connection with Lisiansky. As a young man, Kutuzov had grown up in and around the house of his relative Ivan Golenishev-Kutuzov, whose son Loggin Ivanovich was in the Navy and fought in the Russo-Swedish War like Lisiansky. Loggin wrote a book on circumnavigation and is mentioned in a biography of Lisiansky. As Navy men with such shared interests, proximity, and experiences, they probably knew each other well, and Loggin was close with his father, who was close with Kutuzov. It was a plausible social avenue.

But something else had begun to trouble me. My problem was proving that what Kutuzov did was special at all. My problem was Cunaxa.

In 401 BC, a Greek mercenary force invaded Persia. The armies clashed near Cunaxa (now the city of Hillah in Iraq), where the Greeks routed their opponents—but their leader, Cyrus the Younger, who had intended to claim the Persian throne, was killed. Even worse, the army was now deep in enemy territory, with dwindling supplies and no means of getting home. They headed north, hoping to reach the Black Sea and build a fleet. And since the Persians were unable to defeat the Greeks in a frontal assault, they drew them into the snowy mountains as winter set in, harassing them without ever making a direct attack. What the Persians had done—redefining victory and fighting on—was no different than what Kutuzov would do.

“If you occupied somebody’s capital, then it was game over,” Barr had told me. “This is where the Russians did something different.” I clung to that. But it was only the first half of his statement. The second was, “But it’s also about the conditions you find yourself in.” What bound the strategies in Sitka and Moscow was desperation. These were people fighting for their ancestral homeland, and they did what people in that position do. They changed their definition of victory so they could fight on. Who lets their capital burn while their army still stands? The answer is: anyone who must. We did. In the War of 1812, Americans at Bladensburg let the British raze Washington so they could come back against them in Baltimore.

Cunaxa was the spoon tap that cracked the egg. Over the next 12 hours, sitting in my Juneau Airbnb, my whole theory fell apart. I hadn’t wanted to arrive empty-handed. I had wanted to bring victory. And beneath the debris was only my desire to belong.

Something I had dismissed as ephemeral now came to mind. The Neva was one of two Russian ships that circumnavigated the globe. The other was the Nadezhda. Aboard the Nadezhda was a man named Fyodor Ivanovich Tolstoy, Leo Tolstoy’s older cousin. Leo grew up listening to Fyodor Ivanovich’s stories of duels and sailing around the world, and many believe he was the basis for the character of Dolokhov in War and Peace. And who can say if Fyodor Ivanovich then repeated a tale told to him by his compatriots on the Neva, a story about a great tribe of warriors in the colonies. And who can say if the way he told that story seeded in the child Leo ideas that would surface years later when he imagined the invasion of his own country? It is impossible to gauge what children make of what they hear. Often things come to mean much more than ever intended. 

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Twelve

Down the hill from the house where I stayed in Juneau is the pretty little blue-and-white Russian Orthodox church that appears in so many paintings and postcards of the city. Dedicated to St. Nicholas, it was built in 1894 to serve the Tlingit, who were converting in large numbers, just as their relatives in Sitka had done.

The parish is poor, and as I approached the building I saw that it was in disrepair. There was scaffolding on one side, but the work looked abandoned, and the twine securing a tarp had come loose, allowing it to whip in the wind. I entered late and without a headscarf into the small octagonal room, its vermillion-and-gold icons lit by candlelight. The heat was off and it was cold. A young Russian woman wearing a leopard-print scarf and white knee-high boots ushered her children past me, genuflected, and stepped out of my way. The man leading the service, a tonsured reader in a floor-length black robe, was my uncle Andy.

The Ebonas have been Russian Orthodox for many generations, something they take great pride in. I wasn’t sure if Andy would recognize me, but he did. During a momentary pause in the liturgy, he came over and gave me a big hug—I was touched that he had slipped out of the ceremony to do that. “I’ll make us dinner tonight,” he whispered, then returned to his place near the icons.

Listening to the service, which alternated between Russian and Tlingit, I saw something else I had missed in my postcolonial analysis. I’d left no room for the potential graciousness of peacemaking and its role in the cessation of violence. My assumption had been that if the fighting stopped, either the Tlingit or the Russians had to be subjugated. Nowhere in this narrative was the possibility of a peace that recognized equality rather than domination.

Andy lives in his mother’s house, which he and his siblings inherited in 2002 when Amy Nelson, clan mother of the Sitka Kiks.ádi, “walked into the woods,” as the Tlingit say. Amy had been taught songs and dances by her mother, and she embraced the culture and passed it on to her children with steadfast commitment. Her obituary said she had been a cannery worker, a housekeeper, and a nurse’s aide—and Andy, who is known to be a fantastic cook, told me she taught him how to use the kitchen so he could take care of the other kids while she worked.

Walking into Amy’s living room for the first time in many years, I was pleased to see stuffed frogs still hiding in various places. Over the sofa in the sitting room was a print showing the first day of the Battle of Sitka. It captures the moment when K’alyaán, brandishing his blacksmith’s hammer, led his warriors to the beachhead and took the enemy by surprise. In the picture, Baranov is gravely wounded, and the remaining Russians are fleeing toward their ships. It is a day of victory.

In the kitchen, Andy had a large pot of venison marinara going on the stove. He added some spices, then turned it to simmer. Standing by while he stirred the sauce and set water to boil, I talked about the Battle of Sitka and told him my crazy theory about Kutuzov and the Tlingit.

Andy smiled patiently. “That’s interesting,” he said. “Maybe.”

I waited for more, but he just kept stirring.

“Don’t you think it’s good to question these things?” I asked.

“Sure,” he said and handed me a plate of venison pasta.

In the living room we set up TV trays and ate. I asked him about “Sooxsaan,” the traditional lament for the lost canoe. I wasn’t sure if it was polite to ask to hear something like that—the exact nature of at.óow is still beyond my grasp—but Andy was kind enough to find a recording from a Kiks.ádi party in the 1940s. He put the CD on, and a few seconds later a woman began to sing. The song was profoundly sad, but the woman’s voice was astonishingly sweet and agile. It was high but also warm, without a hint of shrillness. She sounded like a young Ella Fitzgerald.

“That’s my grandmother,” Andy said quietly.

The singer was Sally Hopkins, whose vanished dialect had so fascinated the linguists. When “Sooxsaan” ended, another song began, and Hopkins’s voice, which had been full of sorrow, turned darting and honeyed. She started to skip around the melody like she was only flirting with each of the notes.

“What is that?” I asked with a laugh.

“That,” said Andy, “is a love song.”

We finished listening, and then Andy suggested we watch something on TV. We settled on an episode of Game of Thrones, both of us marveling at King Joffrey’s atrocities, and an hour later I went home with homemade bilberry jelly and smoked salmon in a mason jar. The last thing I saw was Andy in the doorway with the print of K’alyaán and his hammer behind him.

The Kiks.ádi cannot be separated from the Battle of Sitka. In some ways, I will never be separate from the Kiks.ádi. I had heard Sally Hopkins sing because my father was adopted. It was not something I earned. It was more than enough.

Thirteen

My father was not the only man Amy Nelson adopted. She also adopted a man named Peter. Peter, an old family friend, is well known and respected within the community, and 85-year-old Tlingit women sometimes call him Uncle, but more often he is known by a nickname they gave him, Bushkaa.

I asked Peter how he saw his adoption. “Well, a lot of people are adopted, from friends to officials at the highest levels,” he told me. “It’s what you do with it. I’m in pretty deep, but I know where I stand. You know how they say everything can be brought back to The Godfather? I’m like Tom Hagen—a loyal and trusted servant. Of the family, not of the blood. There is a difference. You can see the people who take it too far and go around calling everybody brother.”

I’d been taught to say Uncle and Grandmother. Maybe I was someone who took it too far. All along I’d wondered if I was really following my father’s story and not mine. Yet I had been there, too. Does that make it mine? The Kiks.ádi wrestled with these same ideas, because if the Battle of Sitka was a Kiks.ádi story exclusively, then what about their Eagle and Wolf wives and children, their husbands? And what about the Russians? They had also been there. They, too, had paid with their ancestors.

Accounts of the Peace of 1805 say that the Tlingit “made the Russians their relatives,” which probably means they adopted them. It’s reasonable to assume that Baranov, too, was at some point adopted. He never made it back to Russia but died at sea in 1819 from an illness and was thrown overboard somewhere near the Philippines. In an odd coincidence, he died on the same day as General Kutuzov, though several years apart. Stranger still, the Russian-American Company ship Baranov died on was the Kutuzov. It was as close as the two men ever got. 


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A bronze crest reportedly given by the Russians to the Kiks.ádi to restore peace after the battle of 1804. Photo: Alaska State Museum.

In 2003, the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act returned ownership of K’alyaán’s blacksmith hammer—then on display at a Sitka visitors center—to the Kiks.ádi. The claim states that although the hammer is a Western object, it “took on ceremonial significance in Kiks.ádi memory, symbolizing their loss of life and resistance to domination,” making it at.óow.

The following year, exactly two centuries after the Battle of Sitka, the Kiks.ádi invited a descendant of Baranov to participate in a Cry Ceremony—a ritual laying away any remaining grief regarding a conflict. The ceremony was held on Castle Hill, where Noow Tlein once stood and which is now a state park. It is also the site where, in 1867, the Russian flag was lowered and the U.S. flag was raised for the first time over Sitka.

The forts are gone now, the site grown over with grass. These four acres comprise the only land the Tlingit ever agreed to forfeit. The Russians had a right to sell Castle Hill but nothing else. This was the inextinguishable claim the Tlingit would push through the courts until the 1971 Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act, which was, perhaps, the true end of the Battle of Sitka.

It’s unclear exactly how long the Tlingit have been in the Alaskan panhandle. Unromantic evidence like fish traps and basket-weaving techniques place the Tlingit on Baranov Island alone for at least 6,000 years and at Noow Tlein for at least a millennium. The earliest dates put their appearance at 10,000 to 12,000 years ago, and most clans have very specific stories about rising waters and where they went to avoid them. These stories appear to match the sea-level rise in the rock record and, much to the excitement of anthropologists, new discoveries based on paleo-shoreline models. The stories cannot be truly collected or cataloged, though. They are not extinct, just unavailable. They are at.óow.

On the Forest Service tape from 1958, just before Sally Hopkins begins to speak, is the voice of her son. He is inviting her in the proper Tlingit way to tell the story of “how we became human.” And she recounts the Battle of Sitka. It is not the story of a lost homeland but the story of lost ancestors. The Sitka in her story is larger than the fort on the hill or at the river’s mouth. It is the ancestral Sitka, which emanates deep into the woods and well out to sea. This is an idea strangely reflected in modern Sitka, which is the largest incorporated city borough in the United States. At 4,800 square miles in size, it includes all of Baranov Island, as well as Chichagof Island, where the Kiks.ádi spent the winter of 1804. It also includes a large swath of ocean, which, though typically part of the domain in Tlingit consciousness, is somewhat rare in the definition of city boroughs.

In this vast Sitka, Castle Hill is a dot. The town is a small circle. The Russians are the blink of an eyelash in light of 10,000 years upon the land. Along the Southeast coastline, the names—Yakutat, Klukwan, Hoonah, Auke Bay, Klawock, Angoon, Kake, Sitka—are as they were when Baranov first shipwrecked on those shores. Turning again to the definition Barr gave me of European victory, that whosoever vacates the fort at the end of the day has lost, I wondered: How big is that fort? And how long is that day?

The Devil Underground

A groundbreaking investigation into the sordid supply chain that produces gold.

The Atavist Magazine, No. 42


Nadja Drost is a multimedia reporter based in Bogotá, Colombia. Her work has appeared in Maclean’s, The Globe and Mail, and Time, and on CBC Radio, the BBC, and Radio Ambulante, among other outlets. She also independently produced the award-winning documentary Between Midnight and the Rooster’s Crow. She is a graduate of Columbia University’s Graduate School of Journalism and hails from Toronto.

This story was reported in partnership with the Investigative Fund at the Nation Institute. Additional support was provided by the Alicia Patterson Foundation and the Ontario Arts Council. 

Editor:Charles Homans
Nation Institute Editor: Esther Kaplan
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Danielle Mackey
Photography: Stephen Ferry
Other images: Nadja Drost, Getty Images, and courtesy of the Colombian National Police
Video: Courtesy of Hora 13 Noticias

Published in October 2014. Design updated in 2021.

One

Often, when faced with the specter of imminent death, Victor Meneses, a Colombian journalist, would call me and tell me to publish what he feared he would not live to write himself.

He would speak in exuberant bursts, as rapid-fire as the bullets that he sometimes found himself dodging. “Escriba!”—write!—he would bark, his voice distorting down the phone line. “If they kill me tonight, write!” During other, quieter calls, I could hear the sadness weighing down his voice as he described watching his town slip away in what he called “a slow massacre.”

The town was Segovia, a dusty gold-mining center that is 141 miles northeast of Medellín as the crow flies and about six hours by road, in the department—Colombia’s equivalent of a state—of Antioquia. Victor was the editor of El Nordesteño, a biweekly local newspaper. The short article that was the beginning of Victor’s troubles, published on December 20, 2011 in the paper’s online edition, concerned the killing of four owners of La Roca, a particularly prosperous local mine. The article was simple. It described who was killed, where it had happened, and who Victor believed to be responsible.

That night, three armed men pounded on his door. “We’re going to kill you!” one of them shouted. Victor survived by promising to immediately scrub the article of any mention of the suspected culprits. But he knew that he had crossed a perilous line. Even as the articles he published in El Nordesteño grew more circumspect, he began piecing together a bigger story, one he knew he could never write, and one that stood a good chance of claiming his life.

It was a story about gold—about the gold rush that was rolling through Segovia, less like a wave of opportunity and more like a plague. It was sweeping through Segovia’s narrow streets, barging into homes, and descending mine shafts. It would eventually contort Segovia into a twisted version of the tale of Midas. “Here,” Victor told me one night, “anyone who touches gold converts to dead.”

When people in Segovia talked about what was happening to the town, they often brought up the massacre that Victor had written about as the detonator that had triggered the explosion of violence in their midst. Behind the killings, they pointed to a prominent local figure. He was rarely spoken of in anything much louder than a whisper, and when he was, people often referred to him by his initials alone. They called him JH.

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A gold-mining zone in Colombia’s Antioquia department. Photo: Stephen Ferry

Two

I moved to Colombia in 2009, when the country appeared to be undergoing a profound transformation. In the late 1980s and ’90s, Colombia was arguably the most forbidding place in the Western Hemisphere, the heartland of the global cocaine trade. Pablo Escobar, the head of the Medellín cartel, was the most famous drug kingpin in the world and the prime target of the United States’ counternarcotics efforts abroad. Colombia was also home to one of the world’s longest-running civil wars, dating back to the 1960s, when the leftist Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC by its Spanish initials) declared war on the state.

Colombia and its allies eventually responded to both threats with overwhelming force. U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency operatives worked closely with Colombian forces to break the Medellín and Cali cartels—an effort that reached its climax in 1993, when Escobar was gunned down in a shootout with police commandos in Medellín. In 2000, the Clinton administration began stepping up military aid to the country, which it now considered to be the most important front in the War on Drugs. The support eventually surpassed $8 billion.

The Colombian military, meanwhile, was colluding with a right-wing paramilitary group, the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC), to fight the FARC—which, by the late 1990s, controlled about a third of rural Colombia—on its own terms. The AUC swiftly grew into a monster, moving into the cocaine business that had been vacated by the splintering cartels and unleashing death squads that proved more terrifying to many civilians than the FARC had ever been. Many feared Colombia was becoming a failed state.

But by the late 2000s, the country seemed to be putting its worst days behind it. The FARC had been greatly weakened, and beginning in 2003, the government demobilized the AUC, offering amnesty to its soldiers and drastically reduced sentences to some top commanders while extraditing others to the United States. Years of a U.S.–backed campaign of coca eradication had cut crops by more than half, and much of the cocaine industry had migrated north to Mexico. Foreign investors and tourists started flocking to regions of Colombia that had been no-go zones just a few years before.

What looked from a distance like an impressive turnaround, however, was less convincing up close. Many of the deep-seated problems that were at the root of Colombia’s half-century-old civil war—the country’s profound economic inequality and the central government’s limited reach—hadn’t gone away. Armed conflict still simmered in many parts of the country, causing hundreds of thousands of Colombians to flee their homes each year. The cocaine cartels were gone, but new criminal organizations made up of former paramilitary fighters had taken control of whole swaths of the country and infiltrated politics at every level. And then came the gold rush.

Since precolonial times, gold has been deeply embedded in Colombian culture. When the Spanish conquistadores first arrived in South America, they heard legends of the Muisca, an indigenous people living in the highlands near present-day Bogotá, who were so rich in the treasured mineral that tribal leaders would paint themselves in gold dust. From these stories grew the legend of El Dorado and the centuries of European exploration and plunder that followed.

Although the mythical city never materialized, Colombia’s gold reserves were still a formidable prize for the Spanish colonists, who eventually imported African slaves to work the colony’s rich gold veins. The slaves’ descendants, along with indigenous peoples and rural mestizos, have continued to work ancestral mining claims ever since. This kind of subsistence-level mining defined the Colombian gold industry through the 20th century. Although Colombia was rich in reserves, guerrillas controlled vast areas of the countryside and jungle, keeping them off-limits to prospectors. By the turn of the 21st century, there were still only a handful of large mining companies at work in the country.

That all changed in the 2000s. The global price of gold began rising steadily in the early years of the new millennium, part of a broader commodity boom driven by growing demand from emerging markets like Brazil, China, and India. Then the global financial crisis hit. As the stock market plummeted, some anxious souls turned to gold as a safe haven for their money. A perfect storm of worries—over rising inflation, U.S. debt, and a weakening dollar—further increased demand. Between 2000 and 2007, the average price of gold more than doubled, from $279 to $695 an ounce. By 2011, it had more than doubled again, to $1,572 an ounce.

By 2012, Colombia’s gold production had more than quadrupled over the previous five years, to 72 tons annually, and 77 percent of the country’s exports were bound for refineries in the United States. The vast majority of this gold—as much as 86 percent, by some estimates—came from operations that were technically illegal.

A decade ago, the Colombian government tried to open up the country’s mining industry to outside investment, granting foreign companies thousands of mining concessions. Many of these concessions were in areas where “traditional” miners—as Colombia’s small-time independent prospectors are called—had long staked a claim. But most of the large-scale projects are still in the exploration stage; only a few major firms are actually hauling any ore out of the ground. Much of the country’s production is still the work of traditional miners—often prospecting without official permission on the margins of big companies’ legal claims. The rest mostly comes from the larger wildcatting outfits that started popping up across the country as the market exploded, dynamiting hillsides, dredging up entire riverbeds, and tearing through pristine landscapes with backhoes, leaving moonscapes in their wake.

These operations are not just illegal, but often intertwined—voluntarily or otherwise—with Colombia’s criminal groups. At the time of the gold rush, Colombia’s organized criminal groups—the depleted FARC guerrillas and the gangs of cartel and paramilitary veterans that had popped up in the country’s increasingly chaotic illicit underground—were still mostly financing themselves through the drug trade, but profits were declining sharply. To replace lost income, the groups turned to gold. In many parts of the country, the mineral became the new cocaine. One rural police official told Bloomberg News last year that armed groups were now raking in five times as much money from gold as they were from the drug.

It wasn’t just the extraordinary value of gold, which sells for 19 times the price by volume that wholesale cocaine commands in the Colombian jungle. Gold also allowed armed groups to sidestep the hazards and inefficiencies of the black market. There is almost no oversight of the supply chain that carries gold from Colombian mines to the global marketplace; shipments’ origins are quickly obscured as the metal moves through a web of independent refineries and buyers on its way to the major exporters in Medellín.

In some cases, armed groups simply extort money from mine and small refinery owners through protection rackets. In others, they finance mining operations themselves. The gold trade has also become a favored channel for laundering money from the drug trade and other black-market enterprises. A 2013 World Bank study found illegal mining behind a quarter of all money laundering in Colombia, possibly to the tune of $4.8 billion a year. Colombian authorities are currently investigating a handful of Colombian gold exporters for their possible role in an $11 billion cocaine money-laundering scheme.

It is no secret to the global gold industry that some of the world’s supply comes from countries with mines in war zones. The London Bullion Market Association—an industry group that represents the market through which most of the world’s gold is traded—requires its members, which include some of the world’s biggest gold refineries, to pass an audit proving that their gold is “conflict-free.” But such audits are no guarantee. I found two companies on the association’s cleared list that were importing the metal as recently as last year from Medellín refineries that were sourcing their gold from Segovia, where armed groups have fully infiltrated the mining industry. A colonel in Colombia’s rural police division told me that the parts of the country where coca crops had been significantly destroyed were often the same areas where gold-mining activity had surged—and the same armed groups were involved in both trades.

In few places was this as true as it was in the northeast of Antioquia department, a region that sat atop a web of rich gold veins. And at its heart was Segovia, the grand prize.

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Segovia, Colombia. Photo: Getty Images
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Three

Before there was even a town called Segovia there was a mine, carved out of what was at the time an undifferentiated expanse of impenetrable jungle. The mine was established in the mid-19th century by a British company that brought in miners and equipment by mule. For three-quarters of a century, the mining settlement—home to a handful of English, European, and Colombian workers—was hopelessly isolated, surrounded by wilderness and inaccessible by road. The jungle paths that connected the town to civilization were navigable only by pack animal, and the mule drivers who plied them were local legends. (One of them, nicknamed Juan Sin Miedo—Juan Without Fear—earned his sobriquet by singlehandedly fighting off a jaguar and declawing it with a machete.) Then, in 1931, a merger put the mine in the hands of a larger, eventually American-owned company called Frontino Gold Mines. Shovelful by shovelful, Frontino built the Segovia operation into a powerhouse.

Today, Segovia is home to about 38,000 people. From the urban center, the town unravels quickly into the surrounding hill country, with neighborhoods strung out intermittently across ridgelines and inclines, a jumbled patchwork in which a barrio may be interrupted by patches of forest or a mining camp. Segovia’s gold deposits are believed to be some of the richest on the continent, so rich that there are Segovians who make a living simply by sweeping up the gold dust that falls off mining trucks as they pass by. Many of the mines have been excavated, one back-load of rock at a time, directly beneath the town. The biggest mine, El Silencio, is 44 levels deep; Segovia’s underbelly is said to be larger than the town itself.

One of the most striking sights I saw when I first arrived in Segovia was an immense statue of a gilded woman towering over the town plaza. She had shackles around her ankles and wrists and was reaching toward the sky, holding up a gold pan in her cuffed hands like an offering plate. Below her agonized face, a miner was hammering open her womb, and a lode of rocks tumbled out from her torn skin. It was a ruefully accurate self-portrait of Segovia, teetering between the perils and possibilities of gold.

Even at night, Segovia is a riot of noise and light. Motorbikes and one-ton trucks fight for space on the narrow roads, screeching and lurching past the lines of cantinas blasting salsa and vallenato music, the flashing signs of storefront casinos and lottery houses sandwiched between gold-buying shops. Scattered throughout town are small rudimentary mills called entables, where ore is processed before being sent on to a series of refineries. The entables are crude warehouse-like buildings containing reservoirs of gold- and mercury-filled sludge, vats of cyanide, and rows of tumblers called cocos that crush ore, unleashing a racket into Segovia’s streets day and night.

The miners pour water and liquid mercury into the coco to separate the gold from other rock particles. The spinning cocos generate heat, and when they are opened much of the mercury is released as a vapor; the air in the entables is toxic enough that the facilities are officially prohibited in urban areas. But the law does little to snuff Segovia’s entrepreneurial spirit, and there are around a hundred entables in the town.

Once the ore is reduced to a sludge, the miner puts it in a large pan and swirls in more water and mercury. The liquid metal binds to the gold as it dances through the sludge, and as the miner continues swirling the mixture, the water and lighter materials splash over the side, leaving the gold and mercury in the bottom of the pan. The miner strains this amalgam through a cloth, squeezing it into a hard ball as if he were making cheese, and brings it to one of the town’s many small refineries. There the mercury is evaporated in a small furnace or by blowtorch, leaving the miner with a mass of gold. The mercury escapes into the air, wafting through streets, homes, schools. It impregnates clouds, rains down into streams and rooftop water tanks, and clings to clothes left outside to dry.

In 2010, researchers with the United Nations Industrial Development Organization found that the region including Segovia produced the highest levels of mercury pollution per capita in the world. In some of the local entables, the researchers found mercury at 1,000 times the level of exposure deemed acceptable by the World Health Organization. There have been improvements since, but Segovia is still a cesspool by any measure. Many Segovians, particularly those who work in entables and refineries, carry alarmingly high levels of mercury in their urine. Mercury intoxication affects the central nervous system, and symptoms include loss of memory, appetite, and teeth, sleeplessness, shaky hands, impotence, and headaches. In Segovia, there are miners with big, strong hands and tiny signatures because they can’t control a pen.

The miners are tough and proud. Even if they feel symptoms, they often won’t talk about them. Their own fathers and grandfathers, after all, worked with mercury all their lives and still made it to old age, they argue. But the question of the metal’s effects hangs over Segovia. A local teacher told me that her students are more aggressive and undisciplined than those she has taught in other parts of the country. (One study of Segovia’s school population found that, of the 81 percent of children who suffered from language-comprehension problems, 89 percent had mercury in their urine.) A doctor told me that she thinks mercury is behind the anxiety she sees in Segovians and their impatience, their need for everything to happen right away.

Outside Segovia, the town’s inhabitants have a reputation for being crazy. Segovia even has a word for its own subspecies of lunacy: azogado, from an antiquated word for mercury, azogue. Someone who is riding his motorcycle fast and furiously through Segovia traffic is said to be azogado.

Every day, miners walk into Gustavo Arango’s pharmacy in downtown Segovia. “Give me the little blue pill,” they say—a Viagra knockoff. When I met Arango in 2012, he estimated that his sales of the drug had jumped 75 percent in the past five years. Miners are, as you’d expect, reluctant to talk about erectile dysfunction, and the prostitutes of Segovia, who would seem to be experts on the subject, scoff at the idea. “They’re the biggest and the best!” a prostitute who had recently arrived in Segovia told me when I met her at a local cantina. She laughed, went back to dancing with a miner, and then slid behind the dark curtain at the end of the bar. The miners are good spenders and generous; prostitutes say you can always tell a miner because he’s inviting the whole table to drinks. Sometimes they pay for sex with gold.

“The miner never thinks of tomorrow,” Arango told me. When a miner goes down into a tunnel, he does not know if he will come out at the end of the day. (Last year, 89 Colombians died in mining accidents.) Sometimes he goes underground before daybreak and emerges after sunset, moving from one darkness to another. Dubiana Zapata, a psychologist at the local hospital, told me that after weeks or months of grinding away, looking for a vein, finally striking gold can hit the miners with a kind of euphoria. “It detonates,” she said, like a blast of dynamite. They feel “so much happiness, they don’t know what to do with it.” First, they go get drunk, they go find a woman, and then, only then, they might go shopping for the household. “They do everything in reverse,” she said. “It’s because they spend a lot of time in a hole.”

Victor Meneses was once a miner, employed by Frontino. He started his newspaper—the only one in Segovia—in 2006, publishing once every few months while working at the mine. In 2010, Frontino—whose American owner, saddled with unpaid pension obligations, had abandoned the mine in 1976, casting it into legal limbo—was liquidated by the government in a controversial deal with a Canadian company, Gran Colombia. Victor, along with at least 1,500 other miners, lost his job, and he decided to become a full-time newspaperman.

I met Victor on my first trip to Segovia, in April 2012, in Tierradentro, one of the few restaurants in town where it is quiet enough to have a conversation without shouting. Victor is 39 years old, with coffee-dark skin, a buzz cut, and big, brown puppy-dog eyes. His mustache extends into a frown except when he smiles, revealing glistening white teeth. He is a lithe man, without the stocky, solid build typical of Segovia’s miners.

El Nordesteño covers northeastern Antioquia—a region of the state about the size of Delaware—and Victor writes and edits most of the paper himself. His hottest-selling edition featured a story about a local prostitute who claimed to have seen the devil at a Segovia brothel. She told Victor that she had fled the room in a panic after noticing that her client had hoofs instead of feet; the john somehow vanished, she said, leaving behind clouds of sulfurous smoke. “It was tremendous,” Victor told me. “Stores were making photocopies of the paper to sell.”

I had gone to meet Victor because I was looking into the violence that had come to engulf the business of gold mining in Segovia. Victor was pleasant but reserved, and a bit mystified. “Why do you want to do this?” he asked me, repeatedly. No one would want to talk to me about it, he said.

The Segovians I had spoken with, I told him, had invariably brought up the massacre of La Roca’s owners that Victor had written about. It was clear to me that if I wanted to understand what was happening in the town, I had to understand the killings.

Victor turned serious. “Drop it,” he told me. “Don’t get mixed up in this.”

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Miners crush rock at La Roca mine in Segovia. Photo: Stephen Ferry

Four

La Roca mine lies underneath a rural neighborhood in Segovia called 20th of July, only a short drive away from the town’s central plaza. One morning in April 2012, I set out with a photographer friend and two drivers on a pair of motorbikes to see it for myself. Our bikes hurtled through potholed streets out of the town center, then dropped down a steep hill into a gulley. Small, brightly painted houses clung to the green hillside. A stream cut through the bottom of the canyon where small groups of gold panners stood knee-deep in the water. Sunshine filtered through the trees, dancing on their shoulders.

A high fence topped with barbed wire ran alongside the stream up to the mine entrance. When we arrived at the gate, three guards emerged with pistols and semiautomatic shotguns. They were clad in the internationally recognized uniform of 21st-century defense contractors: khakis, bulletproof vests, baseball caps, and wraparound sunglasses. The tallest of the men, who introduced himself in New York–accented English as Mauricio, claimed that he had worked for Blackwater in Iraq.

Mauricio led us up a gravel road to the mine’s cantina. We passed dozens of women toiling under sun-faded umbrellas—single mothers, I later learned, abandoned by their husbands or widowed by their husbands’ murders—who were crushing leftover rock from the mine to extract what little gold remained in it. We arrived at the cantina, a small concrete cube with a bare-bones kitchen and a few tables and chairs outside. Nearby stood a second gate, where a guard was patting down miners whose shifts had ended, shaking out their rubber boots to make sure they weren’t taking any gold or dynamite home with them.

Heliodoro Álvarez, one of the mine’s owners, arrived at the cantina, where he offered me ultra-sweet coffee and a seat. Heliodoro was a tall, light-skinned man with eyes that danced and squinted when he smiled. He was 53 years old, and he had spent 30 of them as a miner. “How are you? It’s so good to see you here,” he said rather effusively, seemingly relieved that someone had actually come to visit a mine that many now thought was cursed.

Heliodoro was a cousin to a big mining family—fourteen siblings in all, before the massacre—who were known simply as the Serafines, after the first name of their father, Serafín Taborda. Since the murders, Heliodoro was the only one among the mine’s founders who dared set foot here anymore. “We’re still producing,” he said. “That’s what’s important.” He leaned over in his chair and looked at the ground between his knees.

To reach the vein of gold that had made the Serafines the envy of Segovia, I walked with a pair of miners and a security guard to the mouth of the mine, a hole in a rock wall flanked by wooden pillars. Carved into the rock above the entrance was a shrine to Pope John Paul II, which Heliodoro’s cousin and business partner Saúl Taborda—one of Serafín Taborda’s sons—had built, a framed poster set in the stone and surrounded by flowers. From the mouth of the mine, a steep wooden ladder descended into the earth until, about 150 feet below the surface, the shaft opened up into a cavern with tunnels fanning off into the darkness.

It was warm down there, and the walls were slick with condensation, which gathered in puddles on the ground, the miners sloshing through them in their rubber boots. The job of carrying the broken rock up the ladder to the surface fell on the backs of the catangueros, the mine’s human mules. They came trudging through the tunnel with 150-pound loads slung over their shoulders, T-shirts plastered against their skin with sweat, and knee-high socks soaked through with water. Now and again a rock cutter gouged into the wall with a drill, and plumes of dust mingled with the moisture hanging in the air.

As I walked deeper into the tunnel, it grew harder to breathe; the air felt tight and heavy. Finally, some 500 feet down, we reached the vein. It was about six feet thick, with layers of white quartz, dark gray galena, and pyrite—the last the color of dirty butter—running in ribbons along the wall. The gold was intermingled with all these, difficult to make out except where it was highly concentrated, appearing as a thin thread woven in among the other minerals.

The Serafines were emblematic of the class of smallholding miners who had been excavating the Colombian countryside for generations. Like Victor, some of the family members had worked for Frontino Gold Mines before the company was liquidated, and in late 2009 they pooled their resources with some associates to prospect for gold on the sprawling lease that now belongs to Gran Colombia. In Segovia, miners had historically set up mines on the Frontino land; it was technically illegal, but it was often not worth the trouble for the company to do anything about it. After Gran Colombia took the reins, the company signed contracts with new mining associations representing local independent miners. Even so, more illegal mines—many of them operated by laid-off or otherwise disgruntled ex-Frontino miners—proliferated across the lease. One of them was La Roca.

For 18 months the Serafines dug, blasted, and hauled rock until finally, in the spring of 2011, they struck an incredibly rich vein. When I visited, La Roca was producing about $700,000 worth of gold a month—a fortune by Colombian standards—making it one of the richest independent mines in Segovia. The Serafines went from being poor church mice to kings overnight.

Shortly after the Serafines struck the vein, two armed men showed up at Saúl Taborda’s house. The men, he and his brothers later told me, were members of a local armed group known as the Rastrojos. 

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Members of the Rastrojos armed group surrender to the Colombian army in Antioquia department, May 2009. Photo: Raul Arboleda/AFP/Getty Images

Five

The end of each era of violence in Colombia contains within it the seeds of the next. The vacuum left by the downfall of the Medellín and Cali cocaine cartels in the 1990s was quickly filled by smaller newcomers, the most prominent among them the Norte del Valle cartel. One of Norte del Valle’s lieutenants was a man who went by the alias Diego Rastrojo, a former butcher who rose through the cartel’s ranks as a hit man. His talents drew the attention of one of the cartel’s leaders, who tasked him with building the organization’s military arm. When Colombia’s paramilitary forces were demobilized in 2006, many of the newly unemployed fighters joined the ranks of Rastrojo’s militia. Soon the Rastrojos, as they were now called, were active in over a third of Colombia’s states.

Norte del Valle’s run was relatively brief; by the late 2000s, most of its leaders had been assassinated—often by each other—or arrested. Rastrojo himself was captured in Venezuela in June 2012 and later extradited to the U.S. But by then, the group that bore his name had taken on a life of its own as a militarized gang.

The Colombian government referred to militias like the Rastrojos as Bacrim, short for “criminal bands.” Following the disbanding of the paramilitaries, they were the dominant criminal presence in Colombia. By 2011, the Rastrojos were the most powerful Bacrim in the country. They were major players in what was left of Colombia’s drug trade, trafficking in cocaine, heroin, and marijuana—and they had also diversified their portfolio to include gold.

Like other Bacrim, the Rastrojos had inserted themselves into the mining industry at many levels. In northeastern Antioquia, they became mine shareholders—often forcibly—and ran protection rackets. They would demand that local mines pay an extortion tax, known as a vacuna (literally, a vaccine) that was typically calculated as a percentage of the mine’s production. Just as guerrillas and paramilitaries had fought over control of drug-trafficking routes in earlier decades, groups like the Rastrojos would war over control of the most lucrative mining regions. As the price of gold climbed, it became their principal source of income in the northeast.

Immediately after the Serafines struck gold at La Roca, members of the Rastrojos approached the family to demand shares in the mine and a vacuna that, at first, was modest. The Serafines had no choice; as Heliodoro told me, “you pay or you die.” But as the Serafines told it, the Rastrojos who came to Saúl’s house about a month later wished to discuss a new problem that had emerged.

There had been a complaint, the Rastrojos said, that La Roca was overstepping underground boundaries and had trespassed into a neighboring mine. One of the owners of that mine felt entitled to La Roca’s gold deposits, the Rastrojos told Saúl. The owner was a powerful figure in the regional mining industry, familiar enough that people did not need to refer to him by his surname. He was known simply as Jairo Hugo.

Many miners in the region had known Jairo Hugo Escobar Cataño since he was a child. He had grown up in Remedios, a small mining town just down the road from Segovia. His family was said to be poor; those who knew him as a child said that he showed up at school in torn shoes.

As Jairo Hugo told his story, he worked for a time as a miner, then served for five years as an auxiliary policeman in La Cruzada, a settlement between Remedios and Segovia. In the 1990s, he made his first foray into the business of gold trading—buying gold directly from mines, then refining and melting it down into bars to sell to the big exporters in Medellín—in one of Segovia’s most established gold-buying businesses. He learned well and branched out on his own with two gold-buying shops. Then, in 2008, he convinced Frontino to lease him an abandoned piece of one of the company’s mining claims. His mine, La Empalizada, quickly became one of the most profitable in Segovia’s history.

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A miner drills a hole to place dynamite in La Roca mine. Photo: Stephen Ferry

Jairo Hugo had a shrewd eye for expansion; soon he was invested in every stage of the gold industry, from the mines themselves to the processing mills to the gold-buying shops. He also bought or invested in other businesses: a cafeteria, a motel, a bar, a gas station, and a hotel complex in Remedios. In his hardscrabble hometown, Victor told me, “They saw him as a king, like a god.” But it became harder to get past the bodyguards and access the man who had once, like them, been a poor boy from Remedios.

There had always been questions about how Jairo Hugo gained his power and wealth—at what cost, with whose help, by what means—and as his local empire grew, his reputation became enshrouded in rumor. He was a man who seemed to move between light and shadow.

Late in the summer of 2011, a few months after the Serafines struck the gold vein, the Rastrojos called La Roca’s business partners to a meeting in a rural hamlet outside Segovia. A half-dozen of them, including Saúl, arrived at an abandoned church on a riverbank, where a delegation of Rastrojos was waiting for them. As the Serafines later told the story, the Rastrojos told them that Jairo Hugo was offering the armed group $60,000 to forcibly take over the mine on his behalf. “No one leaves until we settle this,” the Rastrojos’ head commander said.

Still, Saúl refused to budge. In an effort to intimidate him, the Rastrojos pointed their rifles skyward and fired over the church. Finally, the commander offered an alternative: The Serafines could keep their mine if they agreed to pay a vacuna of $40,000 a month, as well as more than half of the money Jairo Hugo had offered them. It was a staggering sum, but the Serafines had little choice.

As La Roca’s representatives trundled out of the canyon in their black Toyota truck, Saúl turned to one of his business partners. “Don’t invite me to a meeting again,” he said. “Because in one of these meetings, they’ll kill us.”

Six

Early on the morning of November 1, 2011, Jairo Hugo was in a park near the bar he owned in Remedios when a motorbike carrying two men pulled up. The passenger pulled out a nine-millimeter Beretta and opened fire, shooting him in the chest and neck. People in the park started to scream, “It’s a duro, it’s a duro!” A man said to be Jairo Hugo’s bodyguard fired back; the assailant shot him in the groin. Then the assassin fled on foot, ducking into a nearby bakery called La Central—owned, as it happened, by Jairo Hugo.

Within minutes the police captured the shooter. He was a young man from Medellín who said he had arrived in Segovia the night before on assignment. All he had been told, he explained to the police, was that his target was a minero duro—a powerful miner—who was in league with the Rastrojos.

Jairo Hugo was airlifted to a hospital in Medellín and narrowly survived his wounds. La Roca’s chief of security heard from his informants that Jairo Hugo was blaming the Serafines for the attack and had sent word from the hospital in Medellín: He would not let the family “pass Christmas Eve.”

It was around this time that Saúl started to feel strange sensations. He told me he felt his beloved Pope John Paul II sending him signals. Then, on December 17, Saúl’s five-year-old son Juan Pablo—named after the Pope—asked his father to take him to the mine.

Papi, get me some markers and pencils, I want to make a drawing,” he told Saúl after they arrived. He drew a picture and handed it to his father. Saúl told him they’d look at it when they got home, folded the paper, and put it in his shoulder bag.

Saúl forgot about the drawing until he discovered it in his bag on Christmas Eve and opened the paper. His son had drawn four figures lying down in the shape of a cross, surrounded by forest.

Ave Maria, Saúl said to himself.

At 8:30 a.m. on the morning of December 20, five of La Roca’s representatives gathered at a gas station in Segovia. Two of them were Serafines brothers, Wilmar and Yeison Taborda. Johan Pareja, an old friend of the family, joined them, as did Jaime Jiménez, a building contractor, and Carlos Mario Salazar, another investor. They were gathering to caravan over by motorbike to a meeting the Rastrojos had called in a tiny hamlet on the rural outskirts of Segovia called Alto de los Muertos—the Heights of the Dead.

The road out of Segovia turned to gravel and rose and fell with the hills, passing pastures and the occasional house. It was a short drive, no more than 15 minutes. When the Serafines and their partners arrived, there were four Rastrojos stationed at the side of the road. They ordered the men to hand over everything they were carrying, then instructed them to walk just up ahead, where about a dozen militiamen were waiting for them at a grassy patch bordered by a line of trees.

Everything up to this point had seemed normal enough. But when the Serafines approached, the mood suddenly shifted. “Get down on the ground!” one of the Rastrojos yelled. Four of the five men obeyed, but Yeison stayed on his feet, looking nervously from side to side; one of the Rastrojos would later tell me he looked like a scared rabbit, searching for an escape route and about to bolt. The Rastrojos opened fire.

Yeison, Johan, and Wilmar were killed immediately in the hail of bullets. Jiménez was wounded. He begged the Rastrojos not to kill him. If it was a matter of money, he said, how much did they want? But it was too late; they had to finish the job.

Now the only one left was Salazar. The Rastrojos told him to go and to never mention their names to anyone. The four bodies were left splayed belly-up on the grass. By the time the police arrived, in the late afternoon, the sun had blistered their skin. A police investigator at the scene described them to his colleague as “re-muerto,” or very, very dead.

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Heliodoro Álvarez’s bodyguards leaving La Roca mine. Photo: Stephen Ferry

Seven

Later, people in Segovia would refer to the massacre as the origin of all the ills that followed—the incident that sent the town into violent convulsions. News of the murders rippled through Segovia, and the hospital waiting room was soon packed with curious onlookers and mourners.

The surviving Serafines, meanwhile, started seeing their potential killers everywhere. They were circling; Saúl was sure of it. Even gathering the family to bury the dead in Segovia was risky. “Those bandidos,” Eudes Taborda, one of the brothers, later told me, “wanted to finish us all off.” In the end, almost 50 family members flew to Medellín aboard four small chartered planes. A caravan of cars and motorbikes followed the coffins to the airstrip south of Remedios.

Two days earlier, the Serafines had walked through Segovia like rulers in their kingdom. Now they had scattered like a flock of birds frightened by the crack of a hunter’s rifle. The massacre had not been the end of their ordeal but only the beginning. Threats continued to trickle in by phone, text message, and whispered rumor. It was clear that the Serafines could not live in Segovia anymore. But someone had to run the mine. The task fell to Heliodoro.

As he told me this story at La Roca’s cantina, Heliodoro leaned against the wall. He was a ruggedly handsome man, and he recounted his family’s misfortunes with a stoic restraint. But finally he could bear it no longer. Standing there in his bulletproof Kevlar jacket with a nine-millimeter pistol jammed into a holster, his face collapsed into tears. “They tried to kidnap my ten-year-old son,” he sputtered. He lowered his reddened face and held his forehead in his hand. One of the security guards got up and handed him a glass of water.

Later, Heliodoro’s phone rang, and he stepped away to take the call. When he returned, his face was awash in stress. Other associates were calling him, he said, trying to convince him to resume paying the Rastrojos their vacuna; the Serafines had refused to do so since the slaughter of their brothers. The associates wanted it to be over—the killings, the tension, the fear. They wanted Heliodoro to do what every other mine owner in Segovia did: grit his teeth and buy his immunity.

But Heliodoro did not want to pay the Rastrojos any more money. The Serafines had sweated for a year and a half looking for that vein. His cousins had been murdered. His associates had been murdered. Still, everyone knew it would be difficult, if not impossible, to keep their enemies at bay.

That afternoon, I rode with Heliodoro back to his house. His movements were restricted now to just this, his daily commute, accompanied by a convoy of bodyguards on motorbikes. Heliodoro mounted his own bike, a bodyguard perched behind him with a shotgun at the ready. Covered in black Kevlar with his face hidden behind the visor of his helmet, Heliodoro was unrecognizable; the other bikes huddled around him in tight formation as we flew through town. Children jumped out of the way and watched wide-eyed from the sidewalk. The motorcade was not subtle, but it was fast.

Heliodoro’s house was a large three-story building, half of which he had rented out to a hardware store. While a housekeeper prepared guanabana juice for us, Heliodoro proudly showed me around his home. Most of all, he wanted to show me his rock collection, which sprawled across shelves in two rooms. He started taking down some of his specimens, running water over them in the sink. He rested one of the quartzes in his palm, studying its jagged, milky white teeth as though he were admiring a woman. “Bonita, no?” he said.

As we sat on his fake suede couch, Heliodoro fidgeted with the hem of the jeans pocket where he now held his pistol. His forehead was beaded with sweat. About a month ago, he heard that his head had a 50 million peso—$25,000—price on it. His eight bodyguards stayed with him around the clock and slept in his home. Some of them paced the floor now, while others kept watch on the street from the balcony.

It was getting late, and I wanted to leave the house before nightfall. I said goodbye to Heliodoro, surrounded by his beautiful rocks and his bodyguards, a prisoner in his own home.

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Javier Carmona, head of security for La Roca mine, stands guard on Heliodoro Álvarez’s balcony. Photo: Stephen Ferry

Eight

Three days later, I set out for Jairo Hugo’s hometown of Remedios, half an hour’s drive from Segovia. As I approached the town, signs of Jairo Hugo’s empire were everywhere. At the top of a hill was La Empalizada, the bar named after his mine, overlooking the undulating hills beyond Remedios. At the center of town, just off the quaint town square, was the bakery where his failed assassin had been caught. Several bends in the road later, there was his Palmas del Castillo motel, hidden behind a massive concrete wall, the only sign of life a blinking security camera over the gate.

Jairo Hugo had long wanted to be more than a prominent businessman in Remedios. In 2002, he had run for mayor and lost, which seemed to catch him by surprise. “He said that mayorship was his,” Victor—whose printing press had produced publicity materials for some of Jairo Hugo’s businesses in the past—told me. He and others told me that Jairo Hugo had gone on to finance the current mayor’s campaign and was rumored to have done the same for successful mayoral campaigns in three other towns in the northeast. Soraya Jaramillo, a local lawyer, told me that Jairo Hugo would approach the Remedios town council and say, “‘This needs to happen like this,’ and listo—done.”

We were sitting in Jaramillo’s apartment overlooking one of Remedios’s busier intersections, which was crowded with street vendors and idling motorbike taxis. Jaramillo had until recently served as Remedios’s human rights ombudsman, a job that mostly consisted of addressing denuncias—formal complaints of human rights abuses committed by the Bacrim and other criminals—and assisting citizens threatened by the armed groups. It was a difficult job, as people who feared for their lives were usually less than willing to come forward. Jaramillo understood well enough why—the local criminal groups had thoroughly infiltrated Colombia’s government institutions, including law enforcement. “He who denounces gets killed,” she told me. It was better to stay silent, to act as if nothing had happened. It was a truism that locals called the Law of Silence, and they referred to it as matter-of-factly as if it were inscribed in legislation.

Jairo Hugo, Jaramillo warned me, had managed to infiltrate various agencies from Segovia to Medellín. She was not the only one who thought this. The Serafines told me they believed that on several occasions, statements they had given to the police accusing Jairo Hugo of masterminding the murders of their relatives—which were supposed to be confidential—had made it into Jairo Hugo’s hands. But there were a handful of people Jaramillo said I could trust. One was a former colleague in the ombudsman’s office.

About an hour later, the colleague, a motherly woman in her forties, ushered me into her cubicle, crammed into a windowless corridor in a one-story municipal office building in Remedios. When I mentioned Jairo Hugo, her voice dropped, out of earshot of anyone beyond the flimsy partition. Rain had been coming down all afternoon, and the fluorescent lights flickered on and off as we talked. Finally they went out entirely, and only the light of her cell phone illuminated her face. “He has everything, everything, everything—all the mining around here,” she whispered. “If you value your life, do not, do not, do not get involved.”

It was less than surprising that the most substantial report on Jairo Hugo the police had received came from an anonymous email account. The police in Medellín received the message in October 2011, shortly before the Serafines massacre. The email warned of the emergence of a “small Pablo Escobar,” who “at the end of the day, is not so small.” This person, according to the email, was buying up half of Remedios and buying off everyone who mattered there: the local police, various military officials, even a mayoral candidate who had privately confessed that he wanted to withdraw his candidacy but couldn’t because the man had threatened to have him killed if he tried.

“Perhaps you won’t pay attention to me or this denunciation,” the email’s author continued, “but time will tell if this warning is true or not.” The emailer identified the man in question simply as Jairo Hugo.

Nine

One of the email’s eventual recipients was Alejandro Caicedo (not his real name), a police investigator in his early thirties in Medellín. Caicedo was not a born policeman—like many of his colleagues, he had joined the force simply because he felt he had few other opportunities. But he discovered that he liked investigative work, and he earned a reputation for being good at it.

For the past several months, Caicedo had been working with the attorney general’s office in Medellín to map out the Rastrojos’ organization in the northeast of Antioquia. He had first heard Jairo Hugo’s name the previous July, when a Rastrojos deserter told him that a miner by that name was paying money to the group. Caicedo thought little of it; he assumed that Jairo Hugo was, like other successful miners, simply being extorted. But a few months later, Jairo Hugo came up in a conversation Caicedo had with another police officer, who told him that he suspected the man was a figure of greater significance in the northeast than people realized. At that point, Caicedo later told me, “I started to ask, ‘Who is Jairo Hugo?’”

Caicedo started rummaging through criminal case files linked to the Rastrojos. Jairo Hugo’s name, he saw, wafted in and out of testimonies by victims of violence in various cases in the northeast. In a few homicide cases, informants had pointed to him as a possible suspect.

One case was the 2008 murder of a miner who had been killed, a former paramilitary member had told police, because he hadn’t heeded Jairo Hugo’s orders to stop working a mine adjoining one of his own. A year later, a miner who had been a shareholder in a mine that Jairo Hugo also partially owned was murdered on a street corner. Family members told authorities that Jairo Hugo had threatened the man following disagreements over a business deal. When the miner’s relatives decided to file a complaint following his murder, his wife received an anonymous phone call warning her that the family would be killed for talking to the authorities.

Jairo Hugo had not been charged with a crime in either case, but the fact that his name had surfaced repeatedly under similar circumstances piqued Caicedo’s interest. He began interviewing Rastrojos who had deserted or been jailed. The Rastrojos extorted lots of people in the gold business, they said. “But there is one man in particular who is called Jairo Hugo,” Caicedo recalled one of them telling him, “who has been financing the organization for a long time.”

Caicedo grew convinced that Jairo Hugo was a major threat, and one he needed to proceed against with great care. The investigation had to be kept closely guarded and involve as few people as possible. Only three policemen would be tasked with tracking Jairo Hugo on the ground. Caicedo himself steered clear of the northeast and stayed in Medellín. Aside from a few of his superiors, no one would know there was an investigation happening at all.

About a month before the massacre of the Serafines, the Rastrojos’ national commanders had made a deal with the only other Bacrim of national scope. They were a group of ex-paramilitary soldiers called the Urabeños, after the region of Urabá—“promised land,” in one of Colombia’s indigenous languages—which is home to key drug-trafficking corridors. The Urabeños had expanded beyond their base, and in doing so they had come into conflict with the Rastrojos over trafficking routes and territory. After growing weary of bloodshed, the two groups decided to negotiate a truce and swap territories. The agreement handed the Urabeños control of the northeastern gold-mining region in exchange for a reported 6 billion pesos, or $3.3 million.

But just after the Serafines massacre, several dozen local Rastrojos dissenters, distrustful of the deal and wary of the Urabeños’ intentions, broke away to form a new militia. They called themselves the Security Heroes of the Northeast and vowed not to relinquish to the Urabeños the gold-rich territory they had ruled for years. “We’re going to stay, we’re going to arm ourselves, we’re going to fight until the bitter end!” one of the new group’s commanders declared. And they would use gold to do it.

The dissident Rastrojos levied a new tax on the region’s inhabitants and mines and used the proceeds to buy machine guns, mortars, grenades, and grenade launchers through their contacts in the Colombian army. Soon their ranks swelled to almost 200 fighters. The war was on.

Police investigators who were keeping tabs on the Bacrim had wiretaps on many of the dissident Rastrojos’ cell phones, and the calls they recorded between commanders and their subordinates were an education in the grisly vocabulary and rhythm of the killings. First there was the order to “burn his jacket,” “make him travel,” “mark the young bull”— all euphemisms for a kill job. Flurries of calls tracking the target would follow. A final nudge of encouragement from one colleague to another: Do it, do it. Then the go-ahead: The pig’s ready. Silence for 24 minutes. And then the after-action report: Was he the one? The dark-skinned one, wearing boots? Yeah, all good.

As the dissident Rastrojos battled against the Urabeños for control of the northeast, civilians were caught in the middle. The militant groups both demanded absolute loyalty, and assistance, from the people who lived in their territories. The farmer who surrendered a cow to troops passing by his property, the driver who agreed to transport weapons in his garbage truck or bus—if the frontlines shifted, as they regularly did, these people could find themselves branded enemy collaborators by a rival militia. Anyone could be accused of being an informant: a store owner, a lottery vendor, a motorbike-taxi driver, a miner. And anyone could be a victim.

Ten

The Serafines remained a major, if not the major, target of the dissident Rastrojos. On several occasions, the Serafines’ security team exchanged gunfire with the new band of outlaws. There was also the constant question of the loyalties of the mine employees. Heliodoro and his security advisers had fired a handful of guards after suspecting they were also working for Jairo Hugo and passing along information.

The mine’s security team was led by Javier Carmona, who had started working for the Serafines shortly before their brothers’ murders and now led a team of 33 men. He was fit and muscular and often hid his eyes behind wraparound sunglasses. In Javier, the Serafines had found a security chief who had practically been engineered to battle the infectious violence of Segovia. He had grown up a self-described delinquent in a rough neighborhood of Medellín, where he was a member of a local gang. When he was 16 years old, his brother was gunned down by criminals who mistook him for Javier. His father, a pastor, encouraged him to put his skills to better use by joining the police, and Javier took his advice. In his years on the force, he admits to having carried out dirty work and extrajudicial killings. He became, in his own words, a sadist.

Eventually, he told me, he was accepted into training for an elite police unit, where he stayed for seven years. Stints with a detective agency, private security companies, and security academies followed. He tried to get away from conflict, and there was a brief period of tranquility involving an empanada business, rotisserie chickens, and intense churchgoing and Bible study. But it didn’t last. Life obliged him to return to fighting, he told me. I asked him why. “Perhaps because of what I know I am,” he said. War was his art, he said. Physically, he was a “monster.” He considered himself good at chess.

He had been drawn to Segovia by its Wild West scene. “There’s gold, there’s money,” he told me. “Where there’s money, there’s violence. This is Sodom: self-indulgence, prostitution, homicides—everything you want.” But now the war had become personal. He had warned the two Serafines brothers who were killed not to go to the meeting with the Rastrojos, he told me, but that didn’t matter. They had been killed, and with that “my image fell to the floor,” Javier said. “They hurt my pride.” Now he was pouring everything he had learned in his years of fighting into a redemptive battle for La Roca.

After the massacre, Javier gave the Serafines two options. They could spend a lot of money waging a war; there would be “a lot of blood,” he told them. Or they could employ a cold war strategy: weakening their enemies not with bullets but with the strategic exchange of intelligence, letting the police and military fight the war for them. The Serafines opted for the latter.

Javier and Heliodoro began cultivating informants, including disgruntled dissident Rastrojos who could pass along information about what Jairo Hugo and his suspected allies were saying about them—or plotting against them. In the Serafines’ strategy, the police, military, and bandidos all became pawns. “What we do, we play them on a chess table,” Javier explained to me.

Although he was the family’s lone representative at the mine, Heliodoro decided that it was wise to leave Segovia for a while. In May 2012, a month after I first visited him at La Roca, he left a handful of security guards in charge of the mine and decamped with Javier to the sleepy town of Cisneros, a few hours’ drive away. He was working a gold-mining claim with his son and a small group of other miners on a hillside outside the town. When I visited him there in July, he looked relaxed, as if in Cisneros he could finally breathe again.

But the tranquility could not conceal the fact that Heliodoro was still a hounded man. The dissident Rastrojos had offered an employee at La Roca 500 million pesos—$244,000—to lead them to Heliodoro and Javier. “You know who our boss is,” the employee said they told him—a reference, he explained, to Jairo Hugo. To show him they meant business, they opened a suitcase containing half the bounty in cash. The man stood his ground and refused to lead them to Cisneros, but Javier knew that he wasn’t the only man to receive such an offer.

A few months earlier, on a street corner in Segovia, Javier had confronted a mine worker whom he had fired for stealing and whom he now suspected was informing to Jairo Hugo and the dissident Rastrojos. Javier demanded to know what he had heard them say about the Serafines. “That’s confidential,” the worker said, over and over again. He did tell Javier, however, that they knew plenty about the Serafines’ whereabouts already. “Those guys are sizing you up,” he warned.

“Tell me who it is who’s giving us up,” Javier said.

“Faggot, I’m not telling you,” the man shot back. But Javier was relentless, hounding him for information. He was also surreptitiously recording the conversation on his cell phone, and he later played it back for me. The recording is in many places obscured by honking horns and revving motorbikes, but the worker’s nervousness cuts through the din. The street corner where they were standing, he says, is getting too “hot” to talk. Javier softens. “Tell me here,” he says, “the wind will take everything away. It will turn into a rumor, whatever you tell me.”

The ex-worker warns that three “ninjas”—slang for hit men—are going to come for the Serafines and that there is a “frightful bounty” of 500 million pesos on their heads. Javier wants to know who is paying it.

“You know who it is,” the former worker says.

“It’s JH, right?” Javier asks. “Si?”

Javier told me the man answered yes. But on the recording, his reply is lost in the clamor of the street corner, taken by the wind and spun into the mass of Segovia’s rumors.

Eleven

That summer, the dissident Rastrojos’ top commander, who went by the alias Alex 15, gave a new order to his subordinates in Segovia: Kill or expel anyone who wasn’t from the area or who “looked strange,” as one member of the militia later put it to me. Sure, they might appear to be a street vendor or a motorbike-taxi driver, but they could just as easily be an Urabeño in disguise.

With the new mandate, the killings increased and grew more indiscriminate. A 30-year-old woman I met in Segovia told me about a bus ride she took that summer to Medellín. She had a window seat; it was a beautiful afternoon. Then, at a curve in the road after the bus passed Remedios, three armed men appeared on the road and signaled for the driver to stop.

These were not good days to be a bus driver, or a passenger. The armed groups were setting up checkpoints along the roads leading into Segovia. Sometimes they made all the passengers get off the bus, patted them down, and checked their IDs. Sometimes they would take a passenger or two and they would never return.

The armed men climbed onto the bus and told the driver to turn over his keys. They scanned the seats. “They started to look and to look and to look,” the woman remembered. Finally, one of the militiamen grabbed a passenger roughly by the neck and dragged him to the stairs. They asked where he was from. “I am from Medellín,” the man stammered. “I’m returning from Segovia.”

As he reached the first step, he turned to look at his fellow travelers. His face contorted with desperation, and the woman was transfixed by his stare. It was the look of a man who knew he no longer had the same destination as the rest of the passengers. The woman wanted badly to speak out on his behalf, but she didn’t. No one did.

They killed three men in all. The third was sitting in the last row of seats when the militiamen approached him. He took off his shoes and rested his head on his shoulder, as though he was preparing to fall asleep, and waited for the bullet.

When it was done, the killers returned the keys to the bus driver. As they left, they addressed the remaining passengers. “Don’t worry, we don’t harm civilians,” they said. “We are the Heroes of the Northeast.”

The bus rolled on in silence toward the next town, a dead man in the last seat.

There was a Facebook page called Deceased People of Segovia. It was an homage to the fallen, a montage of photographs and remembrances. Most of the deaths were recent; a photo was sometimes posted the day it occurred. And unless otherwise noted, the cause was assumed to be murder.

As the violence picked up, so too did the page’s utility. One photo went up after another—the deceased appearing at their graduations, at family reunions, drinking with friends, lying in bed. The site provided a service that was becoming more important as the sheer volume of killings began to overwhelm questions of where, when, and how many.

Shock often ran through the comments beneath the photos. “Que le pasó?”—What happened to him? “This can’t be.” Sometimes there was denial: “I refuse to accept this, this is absurd that you left us today, in grief.” “This must be a lie.” But there was almost never any discussion of why the person was killed.

Victor was one of the site’s biggest fans. For months now, he had been wrestling with the responsibility of cataloging Segovia’s dead. El Nordesteño was overflowing with them. He had more and more obituaries to fit in amid the news, the sporting events, the scandals of individual lives, the recipes and home remedies. He could not write a story about every murder, and he could not say much about the circumstances of the killings. Inspired by the Facebook page, he started a new section of the paper called Homage to the Deceased. He lifted photos off the Facebook site and presented them on the page in ornate frames. Readers opened up to a two-page spread presented as a wall of portraits.

On occasion, the comments on Facebook spilled over into indignation. “This will be our destiny,” read one post: “to always be the town of massacres, witchcraft and damned gold that only brings pain and suffering.” Ever so tentatively, the page’s visitors began to chip away at the Law of Silence. “It’s always been like the Shakira song, ‘Blind, deaf and mute,’” one woman wrote, “and as long as it stays that way, more will fall.”

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Women march in a parade during Segovia’s gold festival, July 2012. Photo: Nadja Drost

Twelve

Segovia’s annual fiestas de oro—gold festivals—are so legendary that tourists flock to the town from other parts of Antioquia every summer to take in the week of celebrations. In past years, it was tough to get a hotel room, but in 2012, it was no problem. By now, word had gotten around that a slaughter was under way in Segovia. Even some of the Segovians I knew were reluctant to attend the festivities. There had been rumors that one of the militant groups—no one was sure which—was planning an attack.

At 10 a.m. on Friday, the sun was still clearing away the morning haze when I watched about 200 catangueros—the men who carried the rock out of Segovia’s mines on their backs—gather on a gravel road for a race, one of the most anticipated events of the festival. The referee’s pistol fired and a mass of brightly colored T-shirts surged past the starting line and began moving toward the town plaza, the miners’ legs pumping like pistons. Spectators splashed them with buckets of water to cool them off, and their sculpted muscles glistened in the sun. No one had thought to block off La Banca, the main thoroughfare leading up to the plaza, and the catangueros fought their way through the morass of vehicles, diesel fumes, and honking. The lead runner lurched past the finish line, then collapsed beneath the statue of the gilded woman, gasping for breath and curled up in pain.

Standing on the second-floor balcony of a building overlooking the plaza, Segovia’s mayor, Johny Castrillón, was sweating in the heat, his round and ruddy face shining. Castrillón was more of a miner than a politician, a man with big hands and few words. “Segovia is a very good town, and we know how to celebrate!” he bellowed at me. “We want to show our town, our mining, our fiestas, to people like you who have come from afar to discover that Segovia is the best!”

Later that afternoon, Wilson Serna, an employee of the Eden Funeral Home and a friend of Victor’s, got a call from a dissident Rastrojos commander who went by the alias Alfonso. Wilson was no stranger to Segovia’s criminal militias; his job as a collector of the dead—both civilians and combatants—required him to crisscross their territories in and around the town. Now Alfonso told him he should make his way over to a hilltop neighborhood called El Paraíso. As he left the funeral home, he told a colleague that if he wasn’t back in a half-hour, something had happened to him.

Sometime between when he left the funeral home and his arrival in El Paraíso, Wilson picked up a call from Victor. Wilson said he couldn’t talk right then, that he was busy. He spoke quickly and sounded frantic. “They’re going to kill me!” he told Victor. “They’re going to kill me!” And then the call dropped. Victor couldn’t get a signal for another half hour.

I was sipping iced tea at the outdoor cantina in front of the hospital when people started arriving in the parking lot, gathering quietly against the gate near the hospital’s morgue. I asked one of them what had happened. A hearse driver had been shot, the man said. “He went to go pick up a body, but it turns out he was the dead one.” A hearse from the Eden Funeral Home pulled up. “Wilsooooooooon,” his mother cried, clawing at the gate.

The doctors and technicians at the morgue knew Wilson; on his visits, he would often help out with necropsies. But as they unzipped the body bag with the EL PARAÍSO label, not even the morticians could hide their shock. Their blank eyes said what everyone seemed to be thinking: They even whacked the funeral car driver.

About half an hour after Wilson was delivered in his own hearse, a photo of him in a suit jacket and tie surfaced on the Facebook page Deceased People of Segovia.

The next afternoon, hundreds of Segovians, weeping, silent and moaning, shuffled into the municipal cemetery. Having buried so many of the town’s families, Wilson had been like all of Segovia’s son.

But the gold festival rolled on. Within hours the town plaza was filled with partiers. They spilled over onto outdoor tables covered with bottles of beer and aguardiente, a high-octane sugarcane liquor, and swayed their hips to live music. Bars were so packed that the patrons were climbing on the tables. Inside discotecas, mirrored balls whirled and laser beams slashed the dance floor. Segovia was spinning itself into a crazed alegría.

As night gave way to dawn, hundreds of people threw themselves into a Sunday morning festival tradition, smearing each other with a red, viscous liquid that looked remarkably like blood—a representation, Victor told me, of everything the miners sacrificed for gold. The streets leading away from the plaza filled with red, like arteries and veins radiating from a heart. Throngs of bodies, glistening red, careened through the crooked avenues. Casualties of intoxication were splayed on the pavement, sleeping off the festivities.

At the café bar in the plaza, I ran into the mayor, whose face was slathered in fake blood. Castrillón took my head in his big hands and thundered, “Are you happy? Are you happy?”

“Yes,” I said, wearily.

“Because we’re so happy, it’s like we’re exploding with blood!” He roared with laughter and took another swig from a bottle of aguardiente.

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A man covered in fake blood carries a cow’s head in the Gigantona Carnaval, part of Segovia’s annual gold festival, July 2012. Photo: Nadja Drost

As the bacchanal wore on, comments piled up beneath Wilson’s photo on the Facebook page. “My God, what is happening in my town, I don’t understand, he was a good person, what happened?” one commenter wrote. “Since when do we celebrate massacres?” fumed another. “They keep killing and ending our tranquility and the rest keep dancing, tossing [fake blood] and guzzling liquor?”

Wilson’s death felt like a turning point in Segovia’s escalating violence. “Until that moment, people were killing each other amongst themselves,” Alejandro Escobar, a doctor at the hospital, told me later. But when Wilson, a man who was known and loved by so many, was murdered, a realization crept up on the town. “People started thinking, ‘If they killed Wilson, they can kill any one of us.’”

In conflict zones across Colombia, there is a refrain that people murmur following murders. Por algo será, they say. It must be for something. It is often referred to as el porqué—the why, the reason. Maybe the victim had some kind of a relationship, willing or otherwise, with an armed group. Maybe she was an informant. Maybe he refused to pay the extortion tax. The reason might be cruel or unfair, but at least it was an explanation. People believe in el porqué not because it is necessarily true, but because they need it to protect themselves. To point at el porqué means they are somehow outside looking in.

But with Wilson’s murder came the realization that those protective walls that el porqué helped people build around themselves were just an illusion. As the battle over the northeast and its hills of gold escalated, el porqué was getting thinner and thinner, to the point where it was difficult to say whether it existed at all.

Thirteen

Back in Medellín, Alejandro Caicedo was struggling to answer the question that had bedeviled him since the beginning of his investigation: What was Jairo Hugo’s relationship to the violence that was whipping across the northeast? A special unit of the attorney general’s office dedicated to disassembling the Bacrim was up and running, and Caicedo and his colleagues were trying to dismantle the dissident Rastrojos by going after the group’s commanders and hit men. But Caicedo was convinced that Jairo Hugo was just as important a target. If his hunch was correct—if Jairo Hugo’s financial support was indeed crucial to the Rastrojos—then taking him down could be a significant step toward breaking the organization’s hold on the northeast. To strike the heart, Caicedo thought, cut off the oxygen supply.

Besides, Jairo Hugo was more interesting to Caicedo than the other targets. Caicedo was intrigued by his twin identities, his public presence as an upstanding local businessman and his suspected role in the criminal underworld of the northeast. Figures like him—“supposedly good, proper people,” he told me—were harder to investigate than the paramilitaries. But he knew he had to try.

In order to charge him with criminal conspiracy, Caicedo needed to be able to show that Jairo Hugo was supporting and benefiting from the Rastrojos. The failed attempt on his life the previous November offered some clues. In the hour after he was shot, police wiretaps picked up a flurry of phone calls between Rastrojos trying to figure out where the motorbike with the accomplice had gone and how to catch him. It was like they were swarming locusts, buzzing madly. Whatever the connection was, Jairo Hugo clearly mattered a lot to the Rastrojos.

In the months following the murders, Caicedo canvased jailed dissident Rastrojos, the group’s deserters, and its victims for information. A man who said he had been forced to work for the Rastrojos for a time and then fled estimated that Jairo Hugo was filling the militia’s coffers to the tune of about $100,000 a month voluntarily—and that in return the Rastrojos protected him. “This man has ordered hits on various people,” the informant told the investigators. “He orders them killed to take away mines from them or because he’s scared and thinks those people want to kill him.”

Although some former Rastrojos told Caicedo that Jairo Hugo’s relationship with the group was limited to paying them to take out his enemies, others said it went much further than that. Former Rastrojos and their accomplices told investigators that Jairo Hugo would meet with the group’s top commanders, had the sway to request a transfer of a Rastrojo foot soldier he found bothersome, would share his intelligence and contacts in law enforcement, and even bought them food and drugs. Within the organization, Jairo Hugo was seen as someone with the ranking of a commander, two ex-Rastrojos said.

That summer, Caicedo finally found someone—a former employee of Jairo Hugo who had recently fled Remedios after escaping an assassination attempt—who claimed to have firsthand information about how Jairo Hugo had conspired with the Rastrojos to arrange the Serafines’ murders. Although Caicedo would later come to doubt elements of the man’s account, at the time it gave him the scrap of eyewitness testimony he needed to begin building his case.

The Rastrojos deserter, meanwhile, said in a deposition that just after the massacre, he had run into a Rastrojo who was involved in the killings, who went by the alias Yordany. “We hunted down four gonorreas up in Alto de los Muertos,” Yordany told him. It was a good trip, he went on; the Rastrojos had been offered 800 million pesos—$400,000—to do the job. The man behind the offer, Yordany told his colleague, was Jairo Hugo. He called him “el patrón.”

The dissident Rastrojos, meanwhile, had stepped up their attacks on La Roca once again. In mid-July, a catanguero at the mine was murdered. In early August, a photo of Alexander Santos, a La Roca administrator and the husband of one of the Serafines sisters, appeared on the Deceased People of Segovia page. Helmer Velásquez, another mine employee, was shot in the head but survived. Someone threw grenades at the entable where the Serafines milled their ore.

In the midst of this renewed onslaught, I returned to La Roca. A lone guard opened the gate for me. On the road in, I passed unattended buckets of rock and closed umbrellas. The women who had worked there the last time I visited were gone. A week and a half earlier, the dissident Rastrojos had warned the mine’s employees that anyone showing up for work would be killed. The miners obeyed, and the operation ground to a halt. Faint music drifted in from somewhere on the hillside. The cantina was shuttered. It was very, very quiet.

On a plastic chair in the middle of a patch of pavement sat the president of the town council, Dairo Rua, flanked by two police officers and a man with a pistol tucked in his belt. Rua was eating lunch out of a Tupperware container and looking bored. He had not left the mine in four days. With the Serafines out of Segovia, someone had to be the face of the operation. The task had fallen to Rua, who was now functioning as the de facto supervisor, although there was nothing much to supervise. Perhaps sensing the vacuum of authority, a rooster strutted around on top of a small pile of rock. It was all that had been lifted out of the mine in three days.

Many Segovians blamed La Roca for the violence that was spiraling outward through the town. They viewed the mine as a prize in the war between the dissident Rastrojos and the Urabeños, a microcosm of the war that was engulfing the northeast. Who won, exactly, was less important than that someone win. Until one side clinched control over the region and all its mines, the killing would not cease.

Fourteen

In the attorney general’s office in Medellín, the task of dismantling the mutating monster of the dissident Rastrojos in the northeast had fallen to a state prosecutor named Francisco Bolívar. Bolívar had been assigned to the regional division of the office’s anti-Bacrim unit several months earlier, in April 2012. Among the pile of ongoing investigations that landed on his desk was the case that Caicedo was building against Jairo Hugo.

Bolivar’s priority was capturing the Rastrojos commanders, but Jairo Hugo was an intriguingly different figure from the others under investigation in Segovia. By late that summer, Bolívar had enough evidence to charge him with criminal conspiracy, but he was wary of requesting an arrest warrant until he was certain police would be able to capture him immediately; he feared Jairo Hugo would be leaked news of the warrant and take flight.

Finally, on November 11, 2012, an arrest warrant for Jairo Hugo was quietly slipped in amid those for 17 dissident Rastrojos that Antioquia’s investigative police were about to take down. Only Bolívar and Caicedo’s team—about five officers in all—knew that Jairo Hugo was a target at all.

Investigators were trying to track Jairo Hugo’s movements on the ground, but the information they were getting was fleeting and unreliable. Then, on Saturday, November 24, Caicedo was fixing his motorbike in a workshop when he got a phone call. The police had traced Jairo Hugo to a Cartagena-bound plane ticket from Medellín. Caicedo picked up the arrest warrant and raced to the airport.

Four of Caicedo’s colleagues stationed near the airport got there first, dressed in civilian clothes and carrying suitcases. They scoured the building for over an hour until one of them, a police lieutenant, spotted Jairo Hugo in the food court with another man and two beautiful young women. As he approached, Jairo Hugo appeared to recognize him—the lieutenant had been stationed in Segovia not long before—and suddenly turned away. The police closed in, and another officer drew her gun. “I knew you were coming for me,” Jairo Hugo told them.

When Caicedo arrived, he immediately recognized his target—a slightly overweight, dark-complexioned man in a black T-shirt and jeans—from the photos he had seen before. He took some satisfaction in the fact that Jairo Hugo seemed to have no idea who he was—that he was not simply the officer who had been sent over to deliver a warrant, but rather the man who had been tracking him for over a year and a half.

Jairo Hugo kept his composure. When he was taken to the Medellín police headquarters, officers who recognized him stopped by to greet him. “He said he was some kind of political figure,” Caicedo told me, “and that the next day he would be free.”

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Police officers escorting Jairo Hugo Escobar Cataño following his arrest on November 24, 2012. Photo: Courtesy of the Colombian National Police

At a press conference in Medellín, President Juan Manuel Santos congratulated the police for their work in nabbing the man they were now calling the Gold Czar. Police told reporters that Jairo Hugo had been “the promoter and principal financier and patrón” of the Rastrojos and was believed to be responsible for various homicides committed by the armed group, with the aim of taking over gold mines. Still, Jairo Hugo’s unfamiliarity sat oddly alongside the fanfare with which his capture was announced. Unlike many of the militiamen whose faces were plastered on wanted posters, the patrón had remained faceless. At the press conference, one reporter asked, “Why have we never heard of this man?”

The police press conference announcing Jairo Hugo Escobar Cataño’s arrest. Video: Courtesy of Hora 13 Noticias

The following Monday morning, I went to meet Colonel José Acevedo, Antioquia’s chief of police. The police headquarters in Medellín was buzzing with activity. A public prosecutor from the attorney general’s money-laundering unit had flown in from Bogotá that morning and, with Acevedo’s team, would fly to Segovia the next day to start seizing Jairo Hugo’s assets. They had identified 41 properties worth almost $18 million, including hotels, restaurants, mines and entables, ambulances, trucks, and houses spread between Remedios, Segovia, and Medellín.

The month before, gold spiked to its highest price yet that year, a staggering $1,790 an ounce. Putting a dollar value on how much of this ended up in the coffers of the region’s militias was far from an exact science, but the police estimated that armed groups were taking in between 10 and 20 percent of what mines were producing. In the northeast alone, Acevedo figured the dissident Rastrojos and Urbeños were pulling in a combined $1.7 million to $2.2 million a month from gold. According to Antioquia’s governor’s office, the profit that armed groups were making from Antioquia’s mines was equivalent to between 5 and 15 percent of the department’s gold production—about 30 tons in 2012.

Jairo Hugo’s capture was not the kind of thing people discussed in cafés or on the street in Segovia. Even the joy that many of them privately expressed was tempered with uncertainty. Who knew what would happen next? If the dissident Rastrojos were relying on Jairo Hugo to keep them afloat, would his absence send them into a death spiral of even crueler violence? Would the Urabeños flood the vacuum left by his departure?

Rumors circulated that the dissident Rastrojos were on the hunt for the sapos—snitches—whose information had landed the patrón in jail. I imagined them as hounds: sniffing, circling. Then one evening in early December, a couple of weeks after Jairo Hugo’s capture, I was in my hotel room, a warm breeze and reggaeton beats drifting in the window, when I got a text message from Victor. He was down the street at a cantina. “They are following you,” the message said.

Later that evening, he told me that when he walked into the cantina, he had been asked to take a seat at a table with people who were close to Jairo Hugo. They told him that “Jairo Hugo’s people” had been following me for the past couple of days. Whoever they were, they knew where I was staying, whom I visited, when I had arrived at La Roca mine, and when I had left. And they blamed me for the national media coverage of Jairo Hugo’s capture.

Much of what they thought they knew about me was untrue, but in Segovia, Victor reminded me, perception trumped fact. “It doesn’t matter here if something is true or not,” he told me, “to get you killed.” I left town in a hurry.

On the taxi ride to the airport, I passed by houses with life-size dolls slumped in chairs on their patios. Per local tradition, they would be set alight to celebrate the coming of the New Year, and the old year—this year of death and fear and fury—would go up in flames.

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Police on patrol in Segovia. Photo: Stephen Ferry

Fifteen

When I returned to Segovia less than three months later, in February 2013, I found the town under an unofficial state of emergency. The war had raged on without Jairo Hugo. By the end of 2012, Segovia’s gold production had nearly doubled the previous year’s, and its murder rate had quadrupled. Remedios and Segovia now had the highest and second-highest homicide rates, respectively, in the country. Segovia’s was 14 times the national average, eight times Detroit’s, and two and a half times that of the world’s most murderous city, San Pedro Sula in Honduras.

Schools were letting students leave earlier so they could be home by dusk. Mines had changed their shifts because employees were afraid of arriving or leaving after dark. Some of the bars stayed open, but there was hardly anyone in them. Their music wafted through the otherwise silent streets, trying to coax Segovians back into a world that no longer existed. Even the prostitutes wouldn’t come to town anymore. Passengers on motorbikes would look over their shoulders when they heard another engine to see who was approaching them from behind. The town felt inhabited by ghosts in waiting.

The fighting seemed like it would never end—and then, one day, it did. At the beginning of May 2013, copies of a communiqué fluttered down onto Segovia’s streets, announcing “the end of the war” in the northeast. “We sat down at the table,” it read, “with only one intent to stop the barbary of blood, today thanks to GOD we are breathing Peace.” The dissident Rastrojos and Urbeños, the leaflet explained, had decided that they were better off joining forces than fighting each other. The newly unified outlaws invited “everyone who fled their land to return.”

Following the merger, the number of homicides in the northeast dropped like a stone. Police operations continued apace over the next few months, capturing and killing commanders. For Francisco Bolívar, the captured combatants were a windfall. Interviewing them, he began to assemble the crucial testimony he needed to press charges against Jairo Hugo for the murders of the Serafines.

Several of the fighters said they had first gotten to know Jairo Hugo, or know of him, during their days as paramilitary fighters, before they were demobilized in 2006. According to several witnesses—ex-Rastrojos and paramilitaries and a former drug trafficker who had traveled in the same circles as Jairo Hugo—before striking it big in gold mining, Jairo Hugo had been known in the mid-2000s as one of the region’s principal buyers and transporters of coca paste, the base ingredient of cocaine. The work had also brought him into contact with paramilitary commanders.

Other witnesses—Rastrojos, a former drug trafficker, and a miner who once worked with Jairo Hugo—said he had worked alongside the top paramilitary commander of the region, first in the drug trade and later borrowing the muscle of his militia to begin establishing his mining empire. “Jairo Hugo wanted to be the only owner of all the mines,” a former Rastrojo told Bolívar. If someone got in the way, “he’d look for a way to put a yoke on them so they’d back off, and if they didn’t, he’d put a hit on them.”

Several dissident Rastrojos said Jairo Hugo was convinced that the Serafines were behind the attempt on his life and that that was his motive for ordering their deaths. Others pointed to his longstanding desire for La Roca; “He always wanted this mine,” one of the group’s commanders said. Other dissident Rastrojos told prosecutors that shortly after recovering from his assassination attempt, Jairo Hugo had met with several of the group’s commanders and negotiated a price of $400,000 to kill the Serafines.

There were Rastrojos who referred to Jairo Hugo as a species of commander, someone who had decision-making power within the organization. Others said he was simply a significant financial contributor because of his wealth. Whatever the case was, “The order was that no one mess with him,” one former Rastrojo told Bolívar. And if someone did, or got in his way, another ex-militiaman testified, “he would pay la empresa”—the Rastrojos—“to remove or kill him.”

Not long after the merger, the police captured a dissident Rastrojo commander who went by the nom de guerre of Palagua. Palagua had been fighting for almost 20 years, first in the Colombian military as a professional soldier, then as a paramilitary fighter and—following a brief stint in prison—as the Rastrojos’ military commander for northeastern Antioquia. He had been present at nearly every event of consequence in the region’s recent conflict: the formation of the dissident faction, the peace-deal negotiations, and, allegedly, the planning of the Serafines massacre.

Palagua pled guilty to aggravated criminal conspiracy and received a 20-year sentence. Bolívar was also pressing homicide charges, accusing him of helping to orchestrate the Serafines massacre (which Palagua hotly denied). I went to see Palagua a year after his capture, in a maximum-security prison on the southern outskirts of Bogotá called La Picota. It was early on a Sunday morning, and after waiting in the rain outside the prison in a line of mostly mothers, wives, and girlfriends, I found him in the visiting hall, where inmates were queued up in front of large plastic buckets of soup.

It was Mother’s Day, and families were having lunch around tables with built-in stools. Elsewhere, couples cuddled with each other under blankets on the concrete floor. Palagua had carved out his territory against a cinder-block wall, building an improvised napping area for his toddler son with leopard-print blankets surrounded by a barrier of plastic chairs. He introduced me to his wife, an attractive woman with braces, long hair streaked blond and gray and tied back in a high ponytail, and a purple fake-leather jacket. Palagua proudly showed off his son. “He was made during full-out war!” he laughed.

Palagua strongly disputed the claim that Jairo Hugo had ever been a patrón of the organization. He told me that Jairo Hugo was simply a wealthy miner who, apart from ordering the hit on the Serafines, had paid his vacuna like everyone else. The dissident Rastrojos had never had to answer to anyone, he said.

Palagua was more eager to talk about his work as a peacemaker. He told me that in late April 2013, under a cluster of mango trees in a rural hamlet called Aporreado, he and other emissaries of the dissident Rastrojos and Urabeños had signed off on the deal that ended the war—a merger that helped make the Urabeños the largest criminal organization in Colombia save for the FARC. The dissident Rastrojos and Urabeños had met a few times in the preceding months to work out the terms, drawing maps and boundary lines and comparing financial records covering the revenues they were drawing from gold mines.

It was during these discussions that several Urabeños told Palagua and his comrades what they had suspected for months: The Serafines were paying the Urabeños. It was a claim three dissident Rastrojos who were part of the negotiations made to me. The Serafines had told me they were the victims of attacks from the Rastrojos because they had refused to pay the vacuna following the murders of the brothers. Or was it, as Palagua and his jailed colleagues claimed, because they decided to financially support the Urabeños instead?

As we talked, Palagua patted his son on the head. I asked him if he had any regrets. He thought for a while. Indeed, he said, he regretted the decision to create a dissident group, because of all the deaths it had brought. I got the sense that he was searching for what he was supposed to say, and he paused. “He who prays and sins—no, he who sins and prays…” He trailed off.

The expression he was looking for, a common one in Colombia, was “He who sins and prays evens the score.” But he couldn’t remember it.

Sixteen

I sat down to talk with Saúl Taborda for the first time in a shopping mall near the Bogotá airport, where he had just flown in from Medellín. By now I had many questions for him. When I brought up the assassination attempt on Jairo Hugo—which had so often been described as the pivotal event that triggered the attack on his family—Saúl claimed not to have known when it happened. “I don’t know because I was working, you understand me?” he told me brusquely. It was impossible for his family to have hired a hit man, he said; the thwarted assassin was a man he did not know.

So why, I wanted to know, out of all of Jairo Hugo’s plentiful enemies, would he point the finger at the Serafines? “Because they look for people to blame, the one who is most visible,” he said. “Show me the proof!” he shouted. “There is no proof.” When I asked if the Urabeños had offered his mine protection, he bristled. “We don’t have links with criminal groups, nor bandidos—with no one. Erase this question! Don’t ask me this.” The Urabeños had never offered the Serafines protection, he said—“and if they did, we wouldn’t accept it, because we’re a good family, do you understand?”

At the time, Saúl had not returned to Segovia since his brothers were murdered, but he was optimistic about his mine’s future. “God and John Paul II willing,” he said, “there will be La Roca for a long time.” Perhaps the mine wasn’t cursed after all; good things could come of it yet. “After the storm,” he said, “calm will reign.”

Indeed, by the time I returned to La Roca late in the summer of 2013, a few months after the war ended and the Urabeños had comfortably settled into ruling the northeast, many of the Serafines had returned to Segovia. A few of them were there that day as I sipped sweet coffee with Javier at the cantina. Javier had little to worry about anymore. The Urabeños had triumphed, and so, it seemed, had La Roca. Javier had paid his debt to the dead Serafines and finished his job.

“I won the war,” Javier proudly proclaimed—but at first he was circumspect about what winning it had entailed. The information he had passed to police, he said, had been of some use. But Javier eventually told me that he had gone further than that. He assisted the Urabeños, he said, by passing them information through an intermediary about the dissident Rastrojos, including photographs of them to help the Urabeños identify their targets. “I put the information about the bandidos on a plate, and they killed each other,” he said.

When I asked Javier if the Serafines had given money to the Urabeños, he denied it at first. He said that when the family first hired him, he had sworn he would quit if he ever found out they had paid off any of the criminal groups he was fighting. But when I spoke with him again about a year later, he told me that, late in the summer of 2013, he overheard a meeting between Saúl and his brother-in-law in which Saúl had mentioned that they needed to pay the group to the tune of about $50,000.

I thought back to a conversation I had had with Bolívar in June 2012, when his office was in the midst of its all-out campaign to crush the dissident Rastrojos. “They sometimes say that we are useful idiots,” Bolívar told me, a note of sadness in his voice. He was fighting to bring the dissident Rastrojos to justice, but he knew as well as anyone that in Colombia, crime abhors a vacuum. “In a way, you could almost say we are giving this territory to the Urabeños,” he said. “And then we’ll have to fight the Urabeños.”

Perhaps the Serafines were no better than Jairo Hugo, backing a bloodthirsty militia to serve their own ends. Or maybe it was naive to think that anyone in Segovia had the luxury of not choosing sides. Trying to stay above a conflict where power shifted as capriciously and violently as it did in Segovia was an impossible business. At the end of the day, there was only one law that held in the town. As Palagua told me, “The bigger fish eats the smaller fish.”

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Police photo of Jairo Hugo Escobar Cataño after his arrest. Photo: Courtesy of the Colombian National Police

Seventeen

I finally met Jairo Hugo face-to-face in October 2013, as he was being escorted by a prison guard out of a small Medellín courtroom. He had just been charged with quadruple homicide in the murder of the Serafines. As the charges were read out to him, he seemed listless, gazing out the window or at the floor but never at the prosecutor or the judge.

As we passed in the hallway, he was smaller than I expected, and he walked with his chest puffed out somewhere between good posture and bravado. He had a round face and full lips, and wore a short-sleeved shirt that fit snugly over a slight belly. As I introduced myself and offered a handshake, he awkwardly raised his cuffed wrists.

Jairo Hugo loudly proclaimed his innocence and expressed his annoyance that I was interested in his case at all. “Do you know how many minutes the press gave Alex 15?” he demanded, referring to the top dissident Rastrojo commander, who was killed in a shootout with the police earlier that year. “Two minutes. And how many when they captured Palagua? Two minutes. And to me? Fifteen days, Miss Journalist, fifteen days!”

He said I should be reporting instead on the multinational mining firm in Segovia, Gran Colombia, which he said had invested nothing in the community. “You’ve seen the poverty in Segovia, you’ve seen the unpaved streets.” The company only exploited and took, he fumed. “But I”—he pointed at his chest with a cuffed hand—“I’ve always invested in el pueblo!”

Standing by his side was his 19-year-old son, Dilan Erney Escobar, dressed in a white jacket and a stylish T-shirt. Fearing he would be kidnapped or otherwise attacked, Jairo Hugo had spirited him out of the country to go study in London a few years before; I had heard police refer to him as Five Languages in a nod to his cosmopolitan education. Dilan had the demeanor of a worldly prep-school kid. “I know you’re Canadian,” he said to me in British-accented English, “so would you like to speak English or French?”

The elevator finally arrived, and as the guard pulled Jairo Hugo in, he told me that if I visited him in jail, he would tell me what was really happening. “You think you know who I am,” he called out as the elevator doors closed on him. “Do you know who I really am?”

In May of this year, I waited for Jairo Hugo in a large room furnished with a few desks and plastic tables in Pedregal prison, on the outskirts of Medellín. A guard brought him in, opening the blue metal gate and taking off his handcuffs. The man I had been waiting two years to interview was dressed in a bright green tracksuit and neon orange running shoes. On his neck, I could see the bumpy mass of the scar left behind by the attempt on his life.

Although he complained about the cascade of extortion demands he was facing, from conversations with people close to his case I had gotten the impression that Jairo Hugo had not been much diminished by prison. Bolívar, who had lined up 60 witnesses to testify for the prosecution, claimed that Jairo Hugo had managed to get three of them—including two top dissident Rastrojos commanders—transferred to his cell block and had offered them money, cell phones, clothes, “whatever they need,” Bolívar said. “He’s exercising his power inside the prison.”

Jairo Hugo’s lawyers had showed me a letter that another inmate had slipped him in prison, from an anonymous sender on the outside. “Mister Jairo,” it began, “unjust what is happening. You are missed here it was you who gave sustenance to many people with the work you gave them.” The letter went on to inform Jairo Hugo of people who had spread rumors about him before his capture, “so that you know what is happening and so that you can defend yourself of the set-up on you.”

The guard shut the gate and closed the padlock. I could hear the jangle of his keys receding down the hallway. Once we were completely alone, Jairo Hugo said, “I know what you’re doing.”

He told me he knew of the other inmates I had been interviewing. He had watched my visits to the prison. He told me I was wrong and misguided to be interested in him—to think that he had anything to do with the Serafines massacre or with the Rastrojos. That I dared address these accusations vexed him. He did not seem accustomed to people questioning him.

He spoke in a mostly unbroken monologue, often referring to himself in the third person. Jairo Hugo had never had a problem with La Roca or the Serafines, he said. Well, yes, in fact, he had, but it wasn’t like people said it was. He wasn’t even interested in La Roca mine, he said. Why would he be? Well, all right, yes, it had enjoyed quite a bonanza, but the richest parts of the claim had already been mined out at the time of their disagreement—supposed disagreement, he corrected himself. Still, he said, he had no need to kill the Serafines for their wealth; he was already plenty rich. He had paid a vacuna a long time ago to the Rastrojos, but I would laugh, he said, if I knew how small it was. Beyond that, he paid them nothing (though some Rastrojos, as well as documents seized by the police, suggested otherwise), and he had never had contact or any dealings with the dissident faction. He had himself been a victim of extortion in earlier years, he said, and reported it to the authorities. (This was true.)

“Jairo Hugo,” he said, “is not a criminal.” He was a legal businessman, one who prided himself on good management, treating workers right, and being one of the few people with money who invested it in the region where he was born. “What I did and what I invested, I did with love,” he said. He gave away houses to poor people. He renovated a neglected school. He maintained a soccer field and looked after municipal parks. He gave jobs to hundreds of people. Where the government had failed, where the community had fallen short, Jairo Hugo had stepped in. But the government needed someone to blame for the epidemic of violence in the northeast, and they found their “false positive,” he said, in Jairo Hugo. “They look for the person who is most representative of the region,” he went on. “In this case, it fell on me.”

Jairo Hugo saw dark forces lurking everywhere in the case against him. False witnesses, he insisted, had been paid to speak against him. When I asked who they were, and who was behind them, he refused to say. The moment to reveal these things had not yet arrived, he said, but it would. All would be unveiled in the trial. At that moment, he warned, the attorney general’s office would have to face its lies, and it would have to face Jairo Hugo.

After we had spoken for close to two hours, the guard returned to inform Jairo Hugo that his lawyer had arrived. “The next time we talk,” Jairo Hugo said as we shook hands, “we’ll have a whiskey. We’ll get drunk, and I’ll show you around my Remedios!” He threw his head back and laughed as the guard led him away. “You think I’m planning on sticking around here?”

The Trials of White Boy Rick

The Trials of White Boy Rick

Was one of Detroit’s most notorious criminals really an FBI informant?

By Evan Hughes

The Atavist Magazine, No. 41


Evan Hughes is the author of Literary Brooklyn. He has written for The New RepublicNew YorkWiredThe New York TimesThe New York Review of BooksGrantlandThe Awl, the Boston Globe, and other publications.


Editor: Charles Homans
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Research: Michael Hicks
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Cover Photo: Michelle Andonian
Other Images: Detroit Free Press, Marco Mancinelli, Don Anderson, Carol Fink, and John Vranesich, and courtesy of Herman Groman, Dave Majkowski, the Detroit Historical Society, and the Michigan Department of Corrections



Published in September 2014. Design updated in 2021.

Part I

“Good evening, everybody,” WXYZ anchorman Bill Bonds said, leaning in toward the camera. “Tonight we’re going to show you something we don’t think you’ve ever seen before on television.”

It was the tail end of July 1987, the depths of a hot and humid summer in Detroit. Bonds had a toupee, a strong jaw, and a crisp voice. He was a product of the city’s white working class, with a habit of getting into bar fights, and his voice slipped easily into disdain. “Wait till you see the evidence of the arrogance that we’re talking about,” he said, “and the ha-ha-ha attitude.”

The viewers tuning in to WXYZ that night, from Detroit’s poor black urban core to its tony white suburbs, had grown accustomed to bad news. The city was the homicide capital of the United States for the third year running. Crack cocaine had invaded Detroit—a virus passed hand to hand, block to block, in plastic baggies—and sent an already declining city into a steeper dive.

The rising star on the local crime beat was Chris Hansen, an ambitious young reporter for WXYZ. (The rest of America would meet him years later on NBC’s Dateline and as the host of the series To Catch a Predator.) Hansen and his cameraman had been embedded with the No Crack Crew, the street unit of a U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency and Detroit Police Department joint task force that was trying to zero in on the city’s major suppliers. Hansen had spent more than a year on patrol with the unit, and the footage he brought back was the centerpiece of the five-night special report that Bonds was now presenting to his viewers.

Hansen appeared on screen, an incongruous figure on the barren street corner where he stood, with his well-kept head of sandy hair. “You are about to get closer to a drug gang than you probably want,” he said.

The producers cut to a camera peering out the window of one of the No Crack Crew’s unmarked cars as it navigated the forlorn landscape of Detroit’s East Side: houses charred by arson, sagging porches, front lawns turned to thickets of brown weeds. The East Side had lost roughly half its residents, and most of its white population, since the beginning of the 1960s—the most dramatic depopulation of any urban area in the United States. They had fled to escape crime and unemployment as auto jobs migrated elsewhere or disappeared entirely. Many white residents had left, undeniably, to avoid people from the other side of Detroit’s particularly fraught racial divide.

The No Crack Crew’s officers crashed through one door after another on the East Side in search of their targets. Hansen and his cameraman, wearing bulletproof vests, followed close behind. A montage of urban squalor played out on TV screens all across Detroit: Shirtless young men pinned to the floor and cuffed. Stacks of cash and a bowl of cocaine sitting on a table next to a giant boom box. Shotguns. Scales and money-counting machines. Baggies of crack rocks.

Hansen’s report was rich in detail on Detroit’s new crack barons. He focused on the Chambers brothers, the first traffickers to sell the drug in the city in large volume, who were then the No Crack Crew’s principal targets. The Chambers brothers were operating a sprawling network of crack houses and grossing, by the journalist William Adler’s estimate, better than $1 million per week—enough to eclipse any legitimate privately held business in Detroit. Hansen took viewers inside the Broadmoor, a once grand apartment building that the Chambers crew had turned into a well-guarded vice emporium, with crack rocks sold on each floor in ascending sizes. In one room, the camera panned across filthy mattresses where prostitutes worked.

In a home video shot by a member of the gang, a young man cavorted around in a house outfitted with 24-karat gold-plated faucets, hamming it up for the camera. “Money, money, money!” he shouted, showing off piles of dollar bills. “Should we throw away these ones since we got five hundred thousand dollars?”

The influence and decadence of the Chambers brothers was extraordinary, but as crime lords they played to the WXYZ viewers’ expectations: Young black newcomers from a dirt-poor little town in Arkansas who had moved swiftly into Detroit’s underworld, they embodied a local criminal archetype. But on the fifth and final night of the series, which drew enormous ratings, Hansen unveiled a twist in his story. As the investigators were tracking the Chambers crew, another big-time player in the East Side crack trade had come across their radar. He was dealing so much cocaine, they believed, that he was supplying the Chambers brothers. His mug shot appeared at the top tier of the crew’s hierarchy displayed on the TV screen.

His name was Richard Wershe Jr., and the source of his novelty was immediately apparent in the picture. He was barely capable of growing a moustache, with baby fat still filling out his cheeks and bangs flopping down over his forehead. He had just turned 18. And, virtually alone among Detroit’s major known drug figures, he was white. On the street, Hansen said, they called him White Boy Rick.

Police photo of Richard Wershe Jr., 1988. Photo: Courtesy of the Michigan Department of Corrections
Police photo of Richard Wershe Jr., 1988. Photo: Courtesy of the Michigan Department of Corrections

Nearly three decades later, White Boy Rick remains an iconic figure in his hometown, an enduring symbol of the height of the cocaine era. Detroiters still tell stories about his ’80s heyday, and some of them are true. Rick Wershe really did drive a white jeep with the words THE SNOWMAN emblazoned on the rear, though he had no driver’s license. He wore tracksuits and chains, mink coats, a belt made of gold, a Rolex encircled with diamonds. When another drug kingpin landed in jail, Wershe swooped in and took up with the guy’s wife—a sought-after “ghetto princess,” as one federal agent put it. In 1987, when Wershe appeared in court on charges of possessing multiple kilos of cocaine, the judge remarked that he looked like the killer Baby Face Nelson—but “as far as this court is concerned,” she went on, “he’s worse than a mass murderer.” In “Back from the Dead,” Detroit native son Kid Rock rapped, One bad bitch, I smoke hash from a stick/Got more cash than fuckin’ White Boy Rick.

I first happened upon White Boy Rick’s story last year and quickly became fascinated enough to call some of the police officers and federal agents who had figured in it in one way or another. With some surprise, I discovered that while most of them remembered the story in detail, few of them had any idea what had happened to Wershe since the Reagan administration. It was as if the legend of White Boy Rick had swallowed the real person at its center.

Except he wasn’t gone. I had first learned this from a column about incarceration policy published last year on The Fix, a site covering drugs and addiction. The author reported that Wershe was, in fact, more or less where people had last seen him in the late 1980s: sitting in a prison cell somewhere in Michigan.

This made Wershe not only a local icon but also an anomaly, and something of a mystery, in the world of criminal justice. In May 1987, when he was 17, Wershe was charged with possession with intent to deliver eight kilos of cocaine, which police had found stashed near his house following a traffic stop. He had the misfortune of being convicted and sentenced under one of the harshest drug statutes ever conceived in the United States, Michigan’s so-called 650 Lifer law, a 1978 act that mandated an automatic prison term of life without parole for the possession of 650 grams or more of cocaine. (The average time served for murder in state prisons in the 1980s was less than 10 years.)

Sentencing juvenile offenders to life without parole for non-homicide crimes was ruled unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court in 2010, by which point such sentences were already exceedingly rare; the court was able to locate only 129 inmates serving them nationwide. Michigan eventually acknowledged the failures of the 650 Lifer statute—the governor who signed it into law, William G. Milliken, has called it the greatest mistake of his career—and rolled it back in 1998. Those already serving time became parole eligible and began to be released. Wershe is the only person sentenced under the old law who is still in prison for a crime committed as a juvenile. Prominent and violent kingpins and enforcers from Wershe’s day in Detroit have long since been freed. And yet Wershe has remained incarcerated, for more than 26 years.

The Fix column, written by a prison activist who is himself serving a lengthy sentence for drug trafficking, quoted some of Wershe’s own explanations for his fate. He had been an informant for the FBI, he claimed, and his handlers had pushed him into the drug trade to serve their own ends. He had later run afoul of the local police by helping the FBI expose corrupt cops. “The FBI and police lied about this for more than two decades,” Wershe said. “I just want the truth to finally come out.”

Wershe’s claims seemed implausible, if not fantastical. But one detail near the end of the article caught my eye: a quote from a retired FBI agent named Gregg Schwarz. “The events surrounding the incarceration of Richard Wershe,” Schwarz said, “are a classic example of abuse of power and political corruption.” A former federal agent was backing the cause of the notorious White Boy Rick.

I decided to try to get in touch with Wershe. His attorney’s office helped set up a phone conversation, and Wershe soon called from a pay phone in a prison in a remote corner of Michigan. He was polite and well-spoken; his voice occasionally rose as he tried to get across his version of events, but he did not fixate on portraying himself as a victim. He mentioned that he’d recently read Mark Binelli’s Detroit City Is the Place to Be, an excellent account of the recent history of the city published two years ago. Wershe told me he found it “sad and enlightening.” It struck me that Wershe was learning about the downfall of his hometown from a book. Detroit still talks about him, but he has not walked the city’s streets since 1988.

Wershe and I have spoken dozens of times since. I have also talked to everyone I could find who knew something about Wershe’s case: Detroit police officers, investigators from several federal agencies, former Detroit drug kingpins who shared the streets with him, Wershe’s family and friends, lawyers, state and federal prosecutors, and parole-board members. Over time, claims that at first I deeply doubted proved to be true. Accounts that seemed reliable were convincingly contradicted. For months, the central mystery only deepened: Why was Wershe still in prison? By the time I thought I knew the answer, I had come to understand how much the reality of Rick Wershe deviated from the legend of White Boy Rick.


Rick Wershe’s father taught him how to handle a gun when he was eight years old. He gave his son a .22 rifle of his own so he could practice, and while Wershe’s father was off working odd jobs, young Rick and his close friend Dave Majkowski used it to shoot rats in alleyways. They were scrappy city kids who had the run of an East Side neighborhood that was emptying out fast. They would play with firecrackers. Rick had a good arm and would throw stones at frogs and birds. They would snatch wooden pallets from a disused warehouse and destroy them with power tools for fun.

Rick Wershe Sr. was a tall and wiry man who rustled up cash doing this and that. He sold sporting goods, surplus electronics, satellite-TV gear, equipment to pirate cable. “I was, I would say, a hustler,” he says. He always had a new scheme. People found him a little strange, a little suspect. With him, “the almighty buck” ranked high, Majkowski told me, holding his hand at forehead height, “and morals was maybe a little lower down.” Rick Jr.’s parents argued a lot when he and his elder sister, Dawn, were kids. His mother, Darlene, called the cops on her husband more than once; on one cold night, she told me, he locked her out of the house wearing nothing but a nightgown. The parents split when Wershe was around six and she left for the suburbs, eventually remarrying. Wershe stayed on the East Side with his father and sister.

The Wershes lived seven miles from downtown, on Hampshire Street at Dickerson Avenue, in a little brick house with white trim. Just a few blocks away, on the other side of Interstate 94, was a golf course. The neighborhood wasn’t the ghetto then, not quite. The workers who punched in at the auto factories during the postwar boom still had some foothold, tending lawns and gardens and keeping cars built on their own employers’ assembly lines parked in their driveways.

As Wershe approached his teens in the early ’80s, however, the area went into free fall. The auto manufacturers, which had lured so many to Detroit with union jobs that promised entry into the middle class, were now in rapid decline. From 1978 to 1988, the industry shed more than a third of its Detroit-area workforce. The East Side took on the look of a cold-weather version of the South Central L.A. of the period—spacious and even green but torn up inside. “All the white people left,” Wershe told me. “That was ’81, ’82.” But it wasn’t only the white people: Almost everyone who had the means to leave was taking the opportunity.

By the mid-’80s, crack had arrived in the neighborhood, and addicts could be seen walking the streets hollow-eyed at three or four in the morning. Residents lined up for boxes of food staples from a charity just down Hampshire, in a building that used to be a Chrysler dealership. In Devil’s Night, a book about Detroit published in 1990, Zev Chafets—a native—would write starkly, “The city is an impoverished island surrounded by prosperous suburbs, and almost nothing connects them. … The suburbs purr with the contented sounds of post-Reagan America while the city teeters on the brink of separatism and seethes with the resentments of postcolonial Africa.”

Majkowski’s family took the well-worn path to the suburbs, but Wershe’s had deeper roots in the neighborhood. His father’s parents lived across the street, in their own modest brick house. They were relics, in a sense, of the area’s past. Before retiring, they’d both worked for Chrysler for four decades, she as a secretary and he on the factory floor. Wershe went with them to Our Savior Lutheran Church every Sunday; you had to go if you wanted to stay on the church baseball team. He became something of a star pitcher. His father coached one of his son’s teams, and they were good, Rick Sr. told me proudly. They played at Tiger Stadium once.

By the time Wershe was 12, however, he wanted out of Detroit. More than once he left school and walked out past the city boundary at 8 Mile—beyond the reach of the truancy officers—and called his mother from a pay phone, pleading with her to pick him up until she agreed, telling her he didn’t want to go home to the house on Hampshire. When he was 13, his parents agreed that he would stay with his mother for a while. His father told him that if he thought life would be so much better with his mother, then fine, go ahead and pack some bags. So he did.

Wershe’s mother lived in Clinton Township, a comfortable suburb northeast of the city, near Lake St. Clair. “It was culture shock, dude, like moving from hell to heaven,” Wershe told me. He couldn’t believe a high school could have a swimming pool and perfectly groomed baseball fields. An inner-city kid had novelty appeal in Clinton Township. Wershe had a romance with the daughter of a well-to-do couple who owned a big Ford dealership, who were less than thrilled that their daughter was seeing a boy whose mother lived in subsidized housing on the other side of town.

Darlene’s new husband and Wershe butted heads, he says. After less than a year, Wershe’s father reentered his life and lured him back to the East Side. “He was always good when I had him,” Darlene told me when I met her recently. But Rick Sr., she said, would go out of town to do business and leave the kids alone when Wershe was 12. “That was his dad—money, money.”

In 1981, Wershe’s grandparents took him down to the Miami area for a vacation. He had a cousin who lived in Coral Gables, in a rich neighborhood where drug dealers were prevalent. Hanging out with the local kids, Wershe saw what wealth could bring: backyard pools, mopeds, a Ferrari or a Porsche in the driveway. Like his dad, “Ricky liked nice things,” Majkowski says.

Back in Detroit, Dawn was getting into crack and dating a small-time crook named Terrence Bell. Bell and Wershe began to spend time together, and the man showed him the ropes of petty crime, Wershe says. “I was breaking into houses,” he told me. “I probably broke into 20 of them.”

Wershe’s father says now that he should have moved his parents and his family out of the neighborhood. “But, you know, you get so busy,” he told me. “I was a single parent. My wife left. I don’t know, you get lost. At that time, the only thing that mattered to me was money.

“Why we didn’t move, I don’t know,” he went on. “But no excuses. My fault. I made a big, big, big mistake, OK?” 

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Detroit, 1981. Photo: Carol Fink, Detroit Historical Society

One way Rick Wershe Sr. made money was by dealing firearms. He was good at it, well connected. He would buy out a sporting goods store that was liquidating and then move the product to another dealer, or he would sell it himself. When his son was eight or nine, he started bringing the boy along to the gun shows at the Light Guard Armory on 8 Mile. Wershe was a quick study and would walk around learning tidbits from other vendors.

His father also started managing a gun store downtown, but in the Wershes’ neighborhood word spread that you could just visit their house on Hampshire if you wanted a weapon. Young Rick would be humping a black gun case up the steps from the car and someone would call to him: “Your dad could sell me some guns like that?” Wershe could show you a few himself right now, as a matter of fact. He would sell customers the model they were looking for, then show them another they might like.

Around this time, law enforcement officials estimated that there were more guns in Detroit then there were people. The Wershes had Glocks, MAC-10’s, MAC-11’s. Firearms and the drug trade went hand in hand, and Wershe’s father did not ask what his customers did for a living. (I learned what kind of guns the Wershes sold from a former lieutenant for one of the East Side’s principal cocaine distributors of the era.)

With the influx of high-margin narcotics beginning in the late ’70s, gang life in the city had changed. What were once mostly outlets for juvenile male posturing and misbehavior turned into bigger and more sophisticated operations with the rise of heroin, then powder cocaine, then crack. Those who rose to the top had sharp business minds. They instilled rigid discipline within their organizations, secure in the knowledge that for their employees, this was by far the best job around.

One dealer, Milton “Butch” Jones, built the sprawling crew Young Boys Inc. into an outfit that resembled an unusually violent Fortune 500 company. YBI also pioneered the use of underage foot soldiers, who were trickier to prosecute, and generally laid out the template that other gangs adapted as the trade diversified into new neighborhoods and new drugs. Crack represented a particularly lucrative opportunity, because even poor people could afford a hit. Now a kilo of powder could be “rocked up” and sold off in $5 or $10 packets right from a front porch.

The major players grew bolder and more vindictive. After being injured in a daytime gun battle, the infamous dealer Richard “Maserati Rick” Carter was shot dead in his bed at Mount Carmel Mercy Hospital in 1988. At a memorial service covered on the local news, Carter was laid to rest in a five-figure custom casket made to resemble a luxury Mercedes, with a hood ornament, fat tires, and gleaming rims. The kingpin Demetrius Holloway, who once told Wershe he had $10 million stashed away in case of trouble, was shot twice in the back of the head in 1990 in the Broadway, a downtown clothing store two blocks from police headquarters. The hit man allegedly whistled “Zip-a-Dee-Doo-Dah” during the job. Robert DeFauw, former head of the DEA’s Detroit office, told the journalist Scott Burnstein, “I served in Vietnam in the 1960s, and that experience was the only thing I can equate to my experience working the narcotics trade in Detroit in the 1980s.”

The reigning drug lords of the Wershes’ East Side neighborhood were twin brothers Leo “Big Man” and Johnny “Little Man” Curry. Johnny, whom the Detroit Free Press dubbed “the cocaine king of the East Side,” was tall, slim, and athletic, with a neat mustache. He took care with his appearance and even chose his wife’s clothes. Leo was flashy and loud, but Johnny was a sober-minded businessman who kept a close eye on the finances and strategized to avoid significant arrests. “He was like a master chess player,” Wershe says.

The Curry brothers had an atypically long run for the Detroit drug trade, about a decade. They started out selling marijuana in the late 1970s, at an impressive volume—50 or 100 pounds “wasn’t nothing to them,” B.J. Chambers of the Chambers brothers told me—and then diversified into heroin and cocaine in the ’80s. Johnny Curry lived in a large house just on the other side of I-94 from the Wershes. He avoided being in the same room with the drugs, which he did not use, and he never carried too much money. The brothers had a network of dope houses, but they took precautions with the cash that would accumulate at each one. Runners would regularly bring the money to an auto garage, Hill’s Marathon Station, at Warren and Lemay, which was unlikely to draw a raid.

The Curry crew was well known on the East Side, where Wershe met Johnny and Leo’s younger brother, Rudell “Boo” Curry. Boo was nine years older than Wershe, who was only 14 at the time, but they both spoke the language of cars and motorcycles. They would drive around looking for young women to take to a cheap hotel or one of Johnny’s houses, hoping the girls would be as impressed as Wershe was with Boo’s blue Ford Bronco with the Eddie Bauer leather interior. Boo was really just a sidekick to his elder brothers, each of whom had the same Eddie Bauer Bronco in burgundy, but Wershe was flattered by his attention anyway.

In the evenings, the Currys would take over a section of Royal Skateland, a roller rink just off Warren that doubled as a nightspot, with strobe lights, mirror balls, and a DJ playing Grandmaster Flash. Wershe would join Boo there when he was relaxing with the rest of the crew, including Johnny and Leo themselves. Wershe was just a hanger-on at first. He played it cool, didn’t let on how awestruck he was to be in their presence. But he hungered for the things they had, the clothes they wore. Now he was up close to the brands he used to see only in the copies of Robb Report that his dad had around the house: Rolex, Gucci, Mercedes.

Dave Majkowski went back to the East Side occasionally to visit his old friend. Wershe had changed, he thought, had become more macho. Tough-looking guys gathered on his porch.

Wershe’s transformation became all the more clear on the night of March 24, 1984, when he was 14. He and his sister, Dawn, had pulled up to a gas station just around the corner from their house; Dawn was driving one car and Wershe was driving another, which belonged to their grandmother. He left the keys in the ignition while he went inside to buy a soda. Suddenly, Dawn blared her horn; a man was getting into Wershe’s car with a gun in his hand. Wershe jumped into the passenger seat of Dawn’s car and they gave chase, heading west toward downtown on I-94. As their car pulled within range of the thief on the highway, Wershe grabbed a .22 revolver Dawn had in her purse and fired at the other car. It was a cheap gun and it jammed, but he got off two shots. An off-duty policeman happened to be next to them in traffic, and he pulled over Dawn and arrested Wershe. But the cop never showed up for trial, and the case was dismissed.


When the weather was nice, the Curry crew would go for a drive en masse, 20 people easy, and cross the MacArthur Bridge to Belle Isle, the island park in the middle of the Detroit River. Wershe went along for the ride sometimes. They would cruise the shoreline with their radios up and their convertible tops down.

The Currys always had women around them. Johnny was involved with a young woman named Cathy Volsan, whom he would later marry. Wershe was impressed. She was beautiful and dressed expensively, not provocatively. She had poise and a bit of sass. When she shopped at Lane Bryant, she’d sign her name as Janet Jackson on the credit card receipt. She had once been romantically linked to Vinnie “The Microwave” Johnson of the Detroit Pistons; before that she dated a leader of Young Boys Inc. She also happened to be the niece of the longtime mayor of Detroit, Coleman Young.

At the time, Wershe was seeing a girl who was close to his age, almost a decade younger than Johnny Curry, but she’d previously dated Johnny. He would give Wershe a hard time about it, but Wershe was earning a kind of respect. The kid seemed to have money—even if nobody knew exactly where it came from—and he was starting to fit in with the crew. He wore expensive Fila sneakers and Adidas tracksuits. Johnny was taking a liking to him, and people noticed: It wasn’t every day you saw Johnny Curry in his BMW with a white kid riding shotgun. Johnny even took Wershe to Tigers games.

Soon enough, when a bouncer stepped in to stop Wershe—barely out of junior high—at the door to a club, one of Johnny’s people would say, “He’s with us.” Often the club was the Lady, on Jefferson and Van Dyke, or Stoke’s, on Chene Street, an underground after-hours spot where topless waitresses moved among card games and strippers. At both places, men wearing six figures’ worth of jewelry would throw down knots of cash on the tables just to show that they could. All the major names in the game would show up: Big Ed Hanserd, Maserati Rick, Demetrius Holloway. These were black clubs, but it was getting less strange by the month that Wershe was white. “You didn’t look at him and see white,” a black Detroit police officer who worked the gang squad at the time told me. “Rick was a straight-up hood rat.”

Wershe’s credibility on the street was cemented one day when he was 15, when an acquaintance, another guy under the Currys’ wing, shot him in the stomach with a .357. The guy swore it was an accident, but Wershe wasn’t so sure, and neither was the neighborhood rumor mill. Wershe spent days in the hospital and was released with an embarrassing colostomy bag. What did not prove embarrassing, however, was being shot.

Wershe says now that although he hung out with the Currys, he did not work for them. He did buy their cocaine on occasion, though not to use it. He snorted cocaine once, he says, and put it in a joint a few times, but there were plenty of junkies around, and he didn’t want to be one of them. He wanted to make money.

So he and a couple of friends started dealing. With a limited bankroll, they started small—a gram or an eight ball (an eighth of an ounce), or a few rocks of crack—so Johnny Curry had no real reason to mind. But Wershe was always a natural salesman, his father says, even back in the days when he sold firecrackers and BB guns.

By the spring of 1985, Wershe had dropped out of school and was close enough to the Currys that they invited him out to Las Vegas for the Tommy Hearns–Marvin Hagler fight at Caesar’s Palace. Hearns was raised in Detroit and had come up through the city’s ratty gyms; people called him the Motor City Cobra or the Hitman. When Hearns had a big bout somewhere, the joke was that you couldn’t find a quality drug dealer in all of Detroit—they’d all gone to see Tommy’s three-ton right hand. Now Wershe was out there in Vegas with the rest of them, walking the Strip and being seen.

In his corner of the ghetto, Wershe was becoming something of a celebrity. “Oh man, he had a large crew that loved staying around him,” B.J. Chambers told me recently. Chambers is one of the brothers who built the cocaine empire that Chris Hansen exposed on WXYZ. The brothers were later mentioned in Bill Clinton’s speech at the 1988 Democratic Convention—as fellow Arkansas natives whose turn to drugs reflected the hopelessness of rural poverty and the failure of Just Say No—and they inspired elements of the movie New Jack City; like Wershe, they remain mythic figures in Detroit. Chambers told me that when his lieutenants went to the Somerset Mall, a high-end place in the suburb of Troy, “I would get reports: ‘Man, we seen White Boy Rick. He had 15 niggas around him.’ Just exactly like that. ‘Had him surrounded. You could barely see him.’”

Wershe would be out buying Gucci luggage, jewelry, whichever jeans cost the most—usually Calvin Klein or Guess. “My daughter became sick on doing drugs,” Wershe’s father says. “My son became sick on power, the excitement, the prestige, the money, and the glamour of selling. OK? He became sick.”

Although he wasn’t old enough to drive, Wershe had to have a car, a status symbol with special weight in Detroit. In fact, by the time he was 18, Wershe had owned eight of them. Having no license presented no trouble; he knew auto dealers who would help fudge the paperwork as long as the money was real. He was partial to seat-rattling sound systems, so he could blast Run–DMC, maybe the Beastie Boys’ License to Ill. He bought an Eddie Bauer Ford Bronco to match the Currys’, in green and tan, though he later lost it in a bet over a pool game. He and Boo also bought twin motorcycles, 750cc Honda Interceptors, the kind of flashy, high-powered bikes they called crotch rockets.

Eventually, Wershe figured that speeding wasn’t worth the risk of getting caught, but early on, when he had a Camaro Z28, it was different. Tom McClain, a former DEA agent who worked on the No Crack Crew recalls that his unit was once tailing the Camaro in the middle of the night when Wershe took off at around 100 miles per hour on one of the freeways that cut through downtown Detroit. McClain had a Mustang and his partner had his own Camaro, but the cops working with them had police-issued sedans and “they couldn’t keep up with him!” McClain told me, laughing. The officers backed off the pursuit.

Wershe would still go with his father to the gun shows. Regulation was lax; an AK-47 went for $200, and “you could just walk off with it,” Wershe says. “No receipt, no ID, nothing.” Wershe met some Ohio state troopers at one show and started to make deals. He would drive down to Toledo to pick up guns from them to resell under the table in Detroit at a markup, sometimes cutting his father out of the transactions.

Rick Sr. knew that his son was making serious money from drugs, too. Wershe had said once that he just wanted to save $50,000 and open a Foot Locker store. That’s what he’d heard it cost to own a franchise. But one day, his father found an Adidas shoebox under his bed filled with more than $50,000, and he took it away. They really had it out then. “Look, eventually everybody gets caught,” Rick Sr. told him.

“Oh no,” Wershe replied. “Look at Johnny—how long they been doing it. They’re still out there. No way I’m stopping now.” 

He accused his father of stealing, then left and moved in around the corner with his girlfriend. A couple of days later his father rang the doorbell and threw the box of cash on the doorstep.


Johnny Curry was a careful man, but you couldn’t run a criminal organization as large as his and not get noticed. By 1984, a joint task force of the FBI and Detroit police had opened an investigation into the Currys’ operation. Agents were arresting addicts and low-level dealers and squeezing them for information about the crew. Others in the trade talked in hopes of cultivating a friend in the FBI in case of future trouble—“dry-cleaning” themselves, agents called it—or just for an easy hundred dollars. Soon the task force moved on to making controlled buys from the Currys’ drug houses, assembling evidence to take to a judge for a warrant. Eventually, agents broke into Johnny Curry’s home and basement office undetected and bugged his phone.

In 1987, a federal grand jury returned an indictment against Johnny and Leo, along with Boo Curry and 18 others, on an array of charges, including operating a continuing criminal enterprise. A couple of weeks after Johnny Curry went to jail to await trial, his wife, Cathy Volsan, came and knocked on the door at the Wershe house.

The street was in disbelief when Wershe—just 17 to Volsan’s 24—started stepping out with Volsan on his arm. “Messing with a kid like that…,” one Curry lieutenant told me. Wershe, he said, was “just not her caliber.” Wershe knew Johnny would be irate. But “by then,” he says, “my head was so big, I didn’t care.” The relationship proved tempestuous. Once, when Volsan suspected Wershe of cheating, she drove a butcher knife into the bathroom door while he stood on the other side, he claims. (Volsan has not spoken to journalists in years, and I was unable to reach her.) But on a better day, two months into the affair, she bought Wershe a five-karat diamond ring for his birthday.

Wershe had used Johnny Curry’s connections in other ways, too. In 1986, through the Currys, he met a man named Art Derrick, who truly played in the cocaine big leagues. Derrick and his partner were the leading volume dealers in the city. In an interview with William Adler—whose Land of Opportunity is the definitive account of the Chambers brothers’ rise and fall—Derrick estimated that he and his partner cleared $100,000 a day in profit for more than two and a half years. They supplied the boldface names of the city’s drug trade, guys like Maserati Rick and Demetrius Holloway.

At the time, Derrick—who died in 2005—was in his mid-thirties, a slovenly man with a pockmarked face and a droopy mustache. He was the only other white guy in Wershe’s orbit, a big talker who lived large. “Art Derrick kept a private jet in the ghetto, dude,” Wershe told me. Derrick had four planes, actually, one of them formerly owned by the Rolling Stones. His house, just beyond the city limits in Harper Woods, was surrounded by a seven-foot white brick wall topped with electric fencing. His basement had white marble floors and mirrored walls and ceilings. He had a speedboat and a swimming pool with his initials inlaid in the tile.

Derrick took a liking to Wershe, who also knew his son, a preppy kid who sold drugs to friends in Grosse Pointe. Derrick brought Wershe on trips to Miami, renting out half a floor at the airport Hilton. Wershe bought a jet ski. They would go to a Cuban steakhouse and Joe’s Stone Crab. They’d get call girls. Derrick would bring Wershe with him to Vegas, too, where the kid—still not yet 18—would stay in Derrick’s condo at the Jockey Club. “He was almost like a son to me,” Derrick told Adler.

Derrick was flying in the cocaine from suppliers in Miami, where the price was much lower than in Detroit, allowing for a serious markup. Soon Wershe was bypassing Derrick and getting his product, he says, directly from a major Miami dealer. At the height of Wershe’s career, his connection would send him and his associates shipments as large as 50 kilos, which at the time would sell in Detroit at around $17,000 per kilo. The local retail price was dropping fast. With crack at its peak, opportunists were flooding the market, trying to get in on the boom. In Wershe’s neighborhood, he recalls, a man who worked on the line at General Motors was moonlighting as a dealer. So was an assistant principal at an elementary school. Supply was outstripping demand.

By now, Wershe did not generally deal to users, or even have underlings do it for him. He was not a retailer or a gang leader but a so-called weight man: He sold in quantities of a kilo or more, usually, to other dealers. If his buyers turned the cocaine into crack and sold it in small-dollar amounts, the street value of those original 50 kilos could run into the millions. “He rose all the way through the ranks,” B.J. Chambers says. “He did it just as big as me, the Curry brothers, Maserati Rick—whoever you want to name.”

Wershe was now prominent enough to be a target. One day in the spring of 1987, he was riding in the passenger seat of a convertible with a friend. When they pulled up at a stoplight, Wershe noticed a van pulling alongside them, its side door sliding open. Wershe shouted at his friend to run the red light, then reached his foot over and hit the accelerator himself, ducking the hail of bullets as the convertible peeled out across the intersection. Nate “Boone” Craft, an enforcer from the notoriously violent Best Friends gang, later admitted to pulling the trigger.

While rivals threatened Wershe from one side, the law was closing in from the other. In Detroit and nationwide, all eyes were now on the crack epidemic. Politicians were vying to show how tough they could be on drugs, and law enforcement in Detroit was under pressure to produce.

The No Crack Crew and the Detroit police had Wershe in their sights by 1987. He’d sold $1,600 in cocaine to an undercover DEA agent at his father’s house the previous September. Subsequent raids aimed at Wershe turned up all the makings of a serious drug operation—scales, a money-counting machine, cash, and weapons—but produced only one charge against him, for possession of a small amount of cocaine. Now the police were pulling him over on flimsy pretexts, he says, to see if they could find something on him. Wershe was a prize for any cop who could bring him down. His run couldn’t last.


On the night of May 22, 1987, when Wershe was 17, he was riding in the passenger seat of a Ford Thunderbird driven by an associate when they pulled up at a stop sign a block from his family’s house. Diagonally across the intersection was a police cruiser, and inside it was an officer Wershe says he already knew, a man named Rodney Grandison. Their eyes met. As Wershe’s car pulled through the intersection, the cruiser turned to follow, then flipped on its siren.

The driver stopped next to the Wershe house, and he and Wershe stepped out of the car. Grandison noticed a Kroger shopping bag on the floor in front of Wershe’s seat and told his partner to look inside. Wershe tried to stop him; the bag contained about $30,000 in cash, and although it wasn’t a crime to have it, Wershe was convinced that it would get him arrested. He grabbed the second officer’s arm, and a struggle ensued.

It was about 9 p.m. on a hot spring night, and everyone was outside. Onlookers began to gather. Wershe’s sister and father came out to the street and joined in the fracas. Somehow Rick Sr. grabbed the bag of cash and handed it to Dawn, who ran into Wershe’s grandparents’ house with it. Wershe fled on foot through several backyards.

As soon as the call went out on police radio, cruisers and unmarked cars and federal agents started descending on the scene. Officers barged into the house after Dawn and searched it from top to bottom, eventually finding the cash in a linen closet. Grandison chased after Wershe and caught up with him one street over. Tom McClain of the DEA says that when Wershe was cuffed and led toward a cruiser, there were congratulations and smiles among the cops. Wershe had been roughed up, and he was taken to the hospital before he was booked. Grandison’s partner admitted to punching him during the scuffle.

According to police reports, within a couple of hours officers received an anonymous tip that Wershe had stashed a cardboard box under a nearby porch before he was arrested. When police recovered it, they said, they found eight kilos of cocaine inside.

Wershe posted bail, but now his business dealings were a matter of public record. Chris Hansen’s WXYZ exposé appeared not long after. The papers carried Wershe’s mug shot and noted with some bewilderment that he looked “as though he should be thinking about the prom, not prison.” When Wershe went to a Detroit Pistons game at the Pontiac Silverdome, the cameras found him and put his face up on the Jumbotron. Fans wished him luck, he says, as if he were a hip-hop star. He couldn’t believe it. He was famous. The neighborhood dry cleaner knew who he was.

That October, Wershe was arrested again by members of the No Crack Crew near Royal Skateland, this time for possession of five kilos. The day he came home from jail, the No Crack Crew simultaneously raided his father’s and his grandparents’ houses, across Hampshire from each other, and found guns and drug paraphernalia. They couldn’t pin anything on Wershe himself, but he was already in deep trouble. He was due to face trial in three months for the eight-kilo charge. And he knew that a guilty verdict meant life without parole.


In January 1988, Wershe arrived at the Frank Murphy Hall of Justice, one of a grim cluster of concrete criminal-justice buildings in downtown Detroit. He walked into the courthouse flanked by his parents, his mother in large sunglasses and a long fur coat, his father looking gaunt in a gray trench coat. Wershe wore a double-breasted suit, with pleated pants, and alligator loafers.

One of Wershe’s attorneys was William Bufalino II, a short and pudgy man known for his courtroom showmanship. His father represented Jimmy Hoffa and the Teamsters and was often accused of having links to organized crime. Bufalino had stoked attention in the Wershe case, hosting a press conference at which Wershe’s father held forth about violations of his and his son’s constitutional rights.

The media, including a camera crew from 60 Minutes, turned out en masse for the trial, as did Wershe’s supporters and others in the drug trade, some of them notorious enough that the journalists in attendance recognized them. One newspaper reporter described young men congregating by the pay phones but dispersing and hiding their faces when they saw TV cameras. Deputies spoke of seeing some of them searching through wads of cash for bills small enough to pay for potato chips in the courthouse tobacco shop during breaks. Pagers went off repeatedly during the proceedings.

Wershe had reason to like his chances. The neighbors had claimed that he approached their backyard with the cardboard box in his hands, but there was no physical evidence linking Wershe to the box. In the courthouse hallways, he joked with people he knew and razzed a TV reporter who had been suspended from his job for paying a source to smoke a crack pipe on camera. In earshot of journalists, Wershe complained about his lawyers forbidding him from attending any more Pistons games, where he might end up on camera. While a reporter for the Detroit Monthly was interviewing him, Wershe reached out and straightened the man’s tie.

When Grandison testified that he had never seen Wershe before the night of the arrest, Wershe scowled. The prosecutor, Robert Healy, accused Wershe of giving him “the bad eye.” Wershe lashed back amid a volley of voices and objections. The judge ordered Healy to “cut out dramatics” and proceed.

One of Wershe’s attorneys suggested that police had planted the drugs to cover for the beating they had delivered to Wershe, who defense witnesses said was struck with a cop’s pistol. In his closing statement, the attorney said that with all the lies and flaws in the state’s case, “it repels you and makes you want to stand up and shout, ‘No way, no way!’”

Wershe now admits that in fact he was responsible for the cocaine—a shipment that had come in hours before the arrest—but says that it was a partner who lived nearby who hid it under the neighbor’s porch after hearing police sirens. In any case, the defense succeeded in casting some doubt on the matter. Deliberations took place over four days, and the jury twice sent notes to the judge reporting that they were deadlocked. Wershe continued joking in the halls.

When the guilty verdict was announced, Wershe sat expressionless. His mother wept softly. His father stood up, grabbed his coat, and stormed out of the courtroom, ignoring a deputy’s orders to sit down.

The sentencing hearing three weeks later was a formality; possession of over 650 grams meant life in prison. The judge remarked that he couldn’t help noting the youngsters in attendance “decked out in gold chains and dress that is common to the drug trade.” He told Wershe, “If they are lucky to survive death, they will probably join you as neighbors in your new residence.”

During jury deliberations at Wershe’s trial, Rick Sr. confronted a member of the No Crack Crew in the hallway outside the courtroom and told him, “You better not sleep too well,” according to the cop. He was swiftly arrested and charged with threatening an officer—and, for good measure, with possessing illegal silencers that had been found in one of the raids.

From his cell in the Wayne County Jail, Rick Sr. agreed to interviews with several reporters in the weeks following his son’s conviction. To each one, he told a story that sounded unbelievable. Both he and his son, he said, had worked as informants for federal agents.

“They used me,” he said, “and they used my son.” The Wershes had put themselves at great risk, he claimed, to help authorities gather important evidence of drug dealing on the East Side. “And now they turn around and fuck us over,” he told Detroit Monthly.

It was a baffling assertion, coming at a strange time. If it were true that White Boy Rick had been working with the FBI all along, why hadn’t his lawyers mentioned it in the trial? Besides, Rick Sr. was not the most credible figure—not only was he facing criminal charges, but he had made the implausible claim that his family’s cash had come not from coke dealing but from his own legitimate income from various jobs. “I can make a million dollars this year,” the man who lived on the decaying East Side said. Few people paid him any mind.

The FBI told reporters that, per agency policy, they would neither confirm nor deny any relationship with the Wershes. An assistant U.S. attorney said he very much doubted the father’s claim. “I would have been told,” he said, speaking to the Detroit News. Even Bufalino threw water on the story. “No way” was Wershe helping the feds, the lawyer told Detroit Monthly. “Maybe his dad, OK. But not the son.”

At the time, Rick Sr. claimed that one FBI agent who handled the Wershes was a man named James Dixon. When a reporter asked Dixon about this notion not long after the trial, he refused to comment on the subject, though he did say that any suggestion that the law had betrayed Wershe was “ridiculous.” Dixon resigned the same year and never said another word publicly about the case.

Today, Dixon lives in a Detroit suburb and fishes in tournaments. When I tracked him down by phone recently, he spoke tentatively at first and asked repeatedly about me and what I was writing. He seemed more at ease after I told him that I had spoken with several colleagues of his from the time. We began by discussing the Currys, and Dixon mentioned in passing “an informant” he had worked with, without giving a name.

“Was that informant Richard Wershe?” I asked.

There was a long pause. “Yes,” Dixon said.

Part II

Early one morning in the spring of 1984, three years before Wershe’s arrest, there was a knock at the door of the little brick house with white trim on Hampshire Street. When Rick Sr. opened it, two FBI agents were standing outside. They asked if he had a minute.

By this time, Rick Sr. had known local FBI agents for years. The downtown gun store he managed, Newman’s, was located near the bureau’s field office. Agents would come in and shop for gear, and they would talk. After the FBI formally teamed up with the DEA in 1982 to step up the drug war, bureau agents began working the gang beat alongside the police on Detroit’s East Side. The local agents had occasionally done favors for Rick Sr. before—they looked out for Dawn and called her father if she was caught up in trouble, and they once got him out of a jam on a weapons charge, he claims. Before long, agents started to think about what the friendly gun dealer who happened to live on the East Side could do for them.

Rick Sr. told the agents on his front steps that he was about to take his son to school but that he could talk for a bit. He showed them into the house, where the agents pulled out some photographs. They wanted to know what he knew about the people in the pictures.

The younger Wershe craned his neck from across the room, curious. As a corner-cutting weapons dealer, Rick Sr. made a habit of staying out of people’s business, so he had only so much to offer. But his son started pitching in with information. “Rick had more answers than I did,” Rick Sr. told me.

Wershe wasn’t spending time with the Curry crowd yet, but he had some familiarity with them. He could pick out the major players. It was hard to miss Johnny Curry’s tricked-out Berlina—it was “almost like a pimp car,” Wershe says. He knew some other operators in the area, too; he’d sold his father’s guns to a couple of them. To Wershe, it seemed like the FBI agents were up to something you’d see in Scarface, his favorite movie. (“He must have watched that thirty times,” his father says.) Seeing the agents hanging on his words, Wershe told me, made him feel important. He had something the FBI wanted.

On their way out, the agents thanked Wershe’s father. “Your son was very helpful,” he remembers them saying.

About a week and a half later, the FBI agents came back with an envelope of money. They told Rick Sr. he should take it and become a confidential informant. Everyone on the East Side knew that snitching could get you killed, but, Rick Sr. told me, “I took the money. I wasn’t doing all that well at the time. And I thought it was the right thing—keep some drug dealers off the street and get paid for it.”

FBI documents pertaining to the Wershes that I received show that after a “suitability inquiry” in June 1984, Richard Wershe Sr. was approved as an informant. The agency assigned him a number and a codename (“GEM”). He would collect payments, and he told his son they would split the cash. At this point, Rick Jr. was 14 years old.

The attorney general’s guidelines do not explicitly forbid the use of juvenile informants by the FBI, but the rules set out age as an important consideration for eligibility, and they call for ongoing “careful evaluation and oversight.” Gregg Schwarz, the former FBI agent, acknowledged years later that if Wershe’s work with the FBI had been widely known at the time, it “would have been an embarrassment to the federal government.”

The redacted FBI files don’t distinguish between the father’s assistance and the son’s. But when I spoke with Dixon, he confidently confirmed what other FBI veterans and Rick Sr. had told me: Although the father was the registered informant, the younger Wershe was the true source of useful intelligence. When I asked Dixon if Wershe knew more than his father, he said yes. Then he chuckled. “Yes,” he said again. “I think the son knew everything.”

Rick Sr. claims that FBI agents and Detroit narcotics cops soon began going around his back and meeting with his young son alone. That would represent a clear violation of federal guidelines, since Wershe was never vetted or approved as an informant—and, at his age, it’s unlikely anyone would even have tried. “He’d take his grandmother’s car at 14 and he’d drive and meet these guys,” his father says. (Dixon says that he never met with Wershe without the father present; Rick Jr. says that he used to meet Dixon alone in a church parking lot across town, off Livernois Avenue.)

At first, Wershe just gave up isolated scraps of intelligence: the identities of the thieves who robbed a jewelry store, the name of a health clinic that was selling illegal prescriptions, the location of a cache of stolen guns. In time he grew bolder, however, and he began informing on leading crime figures. Wershe told officials about visiting a house that contained dozens of guns, a bedroom full of stolen video equipment, two punch bowls full of cocaine, and a cabinet that he was told contained a quarter of a million dollars. In February 1985, authorities raided the house, executing a search warrant obtained with Wershe’s information, and came away with almost $200,000 in cash. It was exciting, Wershe told me. “What kid doesn’t want to be an undercover cop when he’s 14, 15 years old?”

Wershe told me that he would regularly meet with FBI agents and police investigators. He says he would meet them far from where he lived, so as not to be seen, then ride back with them to the neighborhood in unmarked cars, keeping his head low, pointing out dope houses and dealer hangouts. While they kept watch, he would use money they gave him to buy cocaine at drug houses, helping them amass evidence. Then he would be paid, cash in hand—a few hundred here, maybe a couple thousand for a bigger score.   

Wershe’s father now seems to lament allowing his son to become an informant as much as he laments allowing him to deal drugs. To him, the two are inextricably tied together. One day, Rick Sr. recalls, a narcotics cop who worked particularly closely with Wershe dropped him off in the driveway. Rick Sr. was home early and came outside, but the officer drove off without waiting. Wershe’s father could see the bulge in his son’s pocket and became upset. Wershe yelled back that he’d earned the money. “He had $2,000,” his father says. “At 14.”

Wershe’s ties to the FBI and police may cast a new light on some incidents from his rise to prominence. When he was charged at 14 with shooting the .22 at the man stealing his grandmother’s car, his run could have been derailed early on, but the arresting officer never appeared for trial. Wershe says he didn’t show up because one of Wershe’s handlers, a fellow cop, told him not to—so that he could keep working with Wershe. (The officer said to have stepped in, now retired, did not respond to interview requests.) When Wershe was shot in the stomach, he says, his handlers showed up at the hospital right away; they were worried he’d been found out as an informant and registered him as a patient under John Doe. Wershe’s father was furious to find them gathered in Wershe’s hospital room. “Get away from my son!” he yelled. (The former federal agents I interviewed would not corroborate this story.)

In all, Wershe estimates, the authorities paid him perhaps $30,000 for his work. FBI documents record less than $10,000, but both Wershe and his father claim that some payments he received were off the books, and that often it was police, rather than FBI agents, who handed him the cash.

Wershe told me that he never dealt drugs until after he became an informant. Dixon said that when he handled Wershe in the early days, the teenager “knew a lot” and “ran with some of the people, you know, the lower-end people.” But Dixon didn’t think Wershe was involved with the drugs himself. “Nothing that I picked up on, anyway,” he told me.

That soon changed. The money Wershe made from informing, he claims, helped finance his drug business. He claims that sometimes his handlers would save him a step and let him keep the drugs he bought with their money. He would turn around and sell them. He soon earned the trust of suppliers, who would front him cocaine and allow him to pay them later with the proceeds from sales. He had a knack for it, and his operation grew.

“We brought him into the drug world,” Gregg Schwarz, the longtime FBI agent, told me. “And what happened? He became a drug dealer. And we’re surprised by that?”


Several of Wershe’s handlers were members of the joint FBI and Detroit Police Department task force charged with probing the Curry brothers’ operation. When he came to know Boo Curry and the rest of the Curry crew, Wershe says, he was already working as an informant for the investigators who were trying to bring them down. The problem was, Wershe genuinely liked Boo. He felt guilty feeding agents information on the crew, and he tried to convey that Boo was just a minor figure, not really worth gunning for.

Wershe also admired and feared Boo’s older brothers—and he knew they would have no tolerance for betrayal. While he was hanging out with the Curry crowd at Stoke’s and riding shotgun with Johnny Curry himself, he was playing the kind of dangerous game a cocky kid might wander into without thinking it through. He had become a mole. And the FBI documents are unambiguous about just how useful a mole he was. One report, a request for more funds to pay the “source,” observes that he was “very instrumental in providing the exact addresses and names of certain lieutenants who operate certain ‘drug houses,’” and that a dozen search warrants were executed based solely on his information on one day in July 1985.

Wershe claims that when he flew to Las Vegas for the Hearns–Hagler fight in April 1985, he did so courtesy of the FBI—that the bureau bought him a professional-grade fake ID that bumped up his age and that it paid for his airfare, hotel, and other expenses so he could keep an eye on the Currys and get information about their suppliers. It was the first time he had ever flown on a plane alone. “I was, like, in awe, dude,” he told me. “I had never been anywhere like that.” He likened the trip to the movie Home Alone. “I had a pocket full of money. I could buy whatever I wanted. I could eat whatever I wanted.”

When Wershe first told me all this, the story struck me as highly unlikely. Would the federal government really send a 15-year-old boy to Las Vegas to gather intelligence on a dangerous gang? What if he got into a scrape with the law—hardly a long shot, given the circumstances—and tried to use that ID? What if he got killed?

But when the FBI documents arrived in the mail and I began to pore over them, it was not long before I came across evidence that Wershe was telling the truth. One memo is an itemized request for the necessary money for the trip. In Las Vegas, the memo states, “the source will be privy to [redacted] suppliers and the methods used to smuggle the narcotics into Detroit. In light of the foregoing, $1,500 is requested to pay the source’s expenses.”

Dixon told me that some of Wershe’s best tips had to do with connections between drug figures and public officials, and he recalled that some intelligence had come from a trip to Las Vegas for a marquee fight. In general, he said, Wershe’s information was reliable and “very significant.”

Eventually, Dixon’s supervisors took the Wershes out of his hands, but the father and son were soon put in touch with another FBI special agent, Herman B. Groman. A slim and slight man then in his thirties, Groman wore a mustache and favored French cuffs and double-breasted suits. When he first went to meet with “GEM,” he thought he was going to be dealing with a middle-aged man—the officially listed informant. Groman was taken aback, he told me, when Rick Sr. “brought this young kid along” to the meeting. “I’m thinking to myself, This is kind of a bizarre father-son relationship.” When Groman started asking questions, Rick Sr. kept turning his head toward Wershe for answers. “I noticed he would defer to the kid.”

At the time, Groman was assigned to the task force that was investigating the Curry brothers. Since Johnny Curry was too smart to be busted in a room full of drugs, the task force was building a RICO case, trying to demonstrate an ongoing criminal conspiracy made up of smaller violations that suggested the big picture. With a judge’s approval, they had set up a pen register on Curry’s phone—a device that would record the destination number of outgoing calls. But as it happened, the most startling revelation that emerged from the Las Vegas trip and the pen register did not involve the Currys’ drug dealing. It had to do with a homicide.

Before they flew to Las Vegas, the Currys had tasked a small-time dealer named Leon Lucas with making arrangements for their accommodations and entertainment. The Currys were displeased with the results; Lucas and his cousin had failed to get them tickets to the fight. Two weeks later, Lucas’s house in Detroit was riddled with bullets. Lucas himself was not home at the time, but his two young nephews were. One of them, 13-year-old Damion Lucas, was shot in the chest and killed.

Wershe learned from the nervous talk among the Curry crew that three of Curry’s men had carried out the shooting. They hadn’t intended to kill anyone, only to shoot up the house. Wershe says Johnny called a meeting in his basement and told everyone that if the cops offered to pay for information on the Lucas case, he would pay more for silence. Wershe, who was already in touch with the cops, sat petrified. Nevertheless, steeling himself, he passed along what he knew about the Lucas killing to his handlers on the Curry task force. Wershe wasn’t just a drug mole anymore—now he was a homicide informant. And he had blown the whistle on a case that would have serious repercussions in the city of Detroit.

When Groman checked the log for the morning after the shooting, he found that the first two calls made from Johnny Curry’s phone were to members of the Detroit Police Department. One number belonged to a sergeant named Jimmy Harris. The other was the unlisted direct line of Harris’s supervisor, Commander Gilbert R. Hill.

gilhill-1411587043-66.jpg
Commander Gilbert R. Hill at the Detroit Police Department headquarters in downtown Detroit, 1980. Photo: Marco Mancinelli

Gil Hill was a well-known figure in Detroit. He had played a character not unlike himself the year before in Beverly Hills Cop, in which he was cast as Eddie Murphy’s foul-mouthed boss in the Detroit Police Department. Hill would later become the City Council president, and in 2001 he would run for mayor and narrowly lose. At the time of the shooting, he was the police department’s inspector in charge of homicide, but some veteran officers under his command were assigned to another, unofficial detail: looking after Mayor Coleman Young’s family and particularly his niece—Cathy Volsan, John Curry’s then fiancée.

The fact that Volsan was the mayor’s niece does not fully capture how closely tied she was to Detroit’s power structure. Young treated Volsan like a daughter. When she and Curry had a child together, the baby shower was held at the mayoral mansion, where wives and girlfriends of reputed drug dealers arrived in luxury cars for the party. As Volsan became increasingly enmeshed in the city’s underworld, Young sought to protect her. As a police sergeant later testified, as many as four officers monitored Volsan and her mother, the mayor’s sister, around the clock at taxpayer expense. Jimmy Harris was the lead man, he told me, and frequently reported back to the mayor. These police looked on while Volsan socialized with the city’s drug bosses, and they tried to keep her out of potentially embarrassing situations. “Cathy started getting in more trouble than you can believe,” Harris says.

Within days of the Lucas shooting, the FBI began listening in on Johnny Curry’s phone. The wire recorded Curry talking about men in his crew who “went and done a dumb … move by killin’ that little boy, man, that’s a little boy.” Groman told the Detroit police what he knew about the homicide, but for months they failed to act on the information. No charges were ever filed against Curry’s associates.

Johnny Curry and an associate nicknamed “Fuzzy” are caught on an FBI wiretap discussing the Damion Lucas shooting.

Suspicions about Hill’s alleged role in the case hung over Detroit for years. In 1992, Cathy Volsan testified under oath that Hill once warned Johnny Curry that his phone was tapped. The FBI interviewed Wershe about Hill that year, and Wershe told the agents that he was once riding with Curry in his Bronco not long after the shooting when Curry discussed the Lucas case with Hill on the hands-free car phone. Wershe could hear both sides of the conversation. Hill told Curry, “Don’t worry about nothing, I’ll take care of it,” Wershe claimed.

Groman and Schwarz—who also worked on the Curry case—told me that when they interviewed Johnny Curry in federal prison in Texarkana, Texas, years after the shooting, he told them that Hill had tipped him off that his crew was being targeted in the Lucas investigation. Curry said that he went to Hill’s office with Volsan and paid Hill $10,000 in cash for the heads up.

Hill steadfastly denied all the allegations. “I haven’t discussed this case with Johnny Curry, period,” he told reporters in 1992. “Period.” Now 82, Hill has withdrawn from public life and has avoided giving interviews for years, and I was unable to reach him at any of his known phone numbers; he also did not respond to a request for comment delivered to his last known address. But I was able to speak with Harris, who had consistently dodged questions about the episode in the past. Breaking ranks with his old boss, Harris corroborated Curry’s account.

The morning after the Lucas shooting, he said, Hill told him to bring Volsan to police headquarters right away. Harris and Volsan spoke on the phone, and when Harris picked her up, she was with Johnny Curry. Harris brought Volsan in to the homicide section, where the officers under Hill’s command were at work investigating the Lucas shooting. Curry came to the station as well, Harris said, and he and Volsan went to Hill’s office. “I remember him showing me a wad of money,” Harris said of Curry. I asked if Curry told him what the money was for. “I think Johnny just appreciated Gil keeping him abreast of what was going on,” Harris said.


Although Johnny Curry and his associates had dodged a homicide charge, the investigation into his drug operation, free as it was from the entanglements of local politics, advanced apace. When the grand jury finally returned an indictment in 1987, it presented a sophisticated and damning picture of the Currys’ drug business. Johnny Curry decided to take a plea in exchange for a 20-year sentence. The other 19 defendants, ever the loyal soldiers, fell in line and took their own deals. Groman and Schwarz attended Curry’s sentencing in January 1988. As Curry was led away in handcuffs, Schwarz gave him a wave. Curry smiled back weakly and raised a cuffed wrist to wave back. The Curry organization had gone down.

The indictment of the Currys was a testament to Wershe’s value as an informant. Many significant details had come from him, gleaned in the hours he had spent in Curry’s house, in the passenger seat of his car, on trips to Belle Isle. Wershe’s “efforts were significantly instrumental to our success,” Kevin Greene, a Detroit police officer who worked on the Curry investigation, would attest years later. “His involvement was known to and supported by the FBI, the DEA, and the Detroit Police Department.”

The day that Curry was sentenced, however, Wershe was in a courthouse across town, at his own trial. By the time the police had searched his grandparents’ house and recovered the money and the nearby box of cocaine eight months earlier, the authorities had ended their relationship with him. According to the FBI records, the Wershes’ handlers officially “closed” Rick Sr. as an informant in June 1986, nearly a year before his son’s arrest. They may have pulled away because they sensed Wershe was becoming a cocaine dealer of some note. At one point, Groman told Wershe’s father that they had evidence of his son’s dealing; Rick Sr. remembers Groman playing him an audio recording as proof. Whatever the reason, Wershe’s pager had gone quiet. Now he was on his own.


Wershe’s arrest and trial transfixed Detroit as the city marveled at the idea of a white teenage kingpin whom a judge had called “worse than a mass murderer.” In retrospect, however, it seems clear that Wershe’s notoriety exceeded his real significance in the trade. “The notion that an 18-year-old kid—white, black, or purple—was the boss of the streets in the city of Detroit in the ’80s is so ludicrous as to deserve no further comment,” Steve Fishman, a prominent defense attorney in the city, told me as we sat in a nearly empty bar one afternoon in downtown Detroit. Fishman emphasized that he would know: He was the go-to lawyer for the true bosses of the era, representing Demetrius Holloway, Maserati Rick, and John Curry. “It was a joke” among his colleagues, Fishman said, that people placed Rick Wershe on the same level as those men.

Much of Wershe’s notoriety stemmed from his role as an alleged supplier of the Chambers brothers. But when I spoke with B.J. Chambers—who, after a two-decade stint in prison, now lives back in Marianna, Arkansas—he told me that Wershe rarely did any business with him. If B.J. was temporarily short, he allowed, Wershe might sell him a kilo or three to hold him over, but that was about the extent of it. Wershe says he was in B.J.’s presence perhaps five times, and he had no tie to B.J.’s brother Larry, who operated the notorious Broadmoor and reaped the biggest earnings in the family. Although he reported otherwise on WXYZ 27 years ago, Chris Hansen now finds it plausible that Wershe in fact had a tenuous Chambers connection.

From B.J. Chambers’s description, Wershe emerges less as a prodigy criminal mastermind than as an adolescent who had gotten in over his head, intoxicated by being in the game. Major leaguers like Art Derrick were using Wershe to get their cocaine to a hot local market, and Chambers says Wershe did not have the clientele or the foot soldiers to move it efficiently. What help Wershe did have was sometimes ripping him off, Chambers recalls—a common problem in the business. Wershe divvied up shipments from Miami with friends because he needed help selling it.

Wershe would find himself strapped for cash more often than would be expected of a genuine kingpin, and he’d sell a kilo below the normal price to raise money quickly. That “started a lot of beef in the street,” Chambers says, because Wershe was undercutting the market and quoting different prices to different buyers. And keeping multiple kilos of cocaine in a single box, like the one found under the neighbor’s porch, was a rookie move. Chambers told me that his crew and other experienced traffickers, mindful that even 650 grams would spell the end, divided their supply and kept a judicious distance from it.

“We were all kind of impressed with what the Chamberses put together,” Tom McClain of the No Crack Crew told me. “But I don’t remember being impressed with [Wershe] and his abilities. He was just kind of like a goofy kid.”

Herman Groman told me that there was a short period when Wershe might have been able to put together a six-figure deal but that he wasn’t near the level that others have described. He was never a supplier to the Currys or the Best Friends, as many Detroiters still believe. And because he was primarily a weight man—a wholesaler—Wershe missed out on a lot of the big profits. Other operators were vertically integrated and made huge margins further down the line—in drug houses that sold the cocaine in smaller amounts, especially in crack form. If Wershe was able to sell at full price, he says, he was buying at about $12,000 a kilo and dealing at about $17,000, maybe a little more. He claims he made about $250,000 total in his short career. His spending at the time—the cars, the lawyer bills, the jewelry—suggests that the true number is likely higher than that. But no knowledgeable source I spoke to pegged him anywhere remotely close to the Chambers brothers’ estimated gross of more than $55 million per year.


While Wershe was awaiting trial, Groman and a more senior FBI agent met with him and his parents at a hotel. If Wershe was willing to divulge everything he knew and possibly testify in open court against Detroit’s major drug figures, Groman told them, the federal government would provide some kind of assistance. But Wershe turned him down. He felt sure that going on record against Art Derrick and the Currys would mean certain death. Besides, he had hired expensive lawyers with pull in the city. He decided to go to trial.

Wershe says his lawyers told him they couldn’t mention that he had assisted law enforcement in court because he didn’t have proof and the police and FBI would deny it. He says that after he was convicted, Bufalino denied to the press that he was an informant in order to protect him from reprisal in jail. Bufalino, who has since died, later blamed the other two attorneys for their handling of the case. Robert Healy, the prosecutor in Wershe’s trial, told me, “Bufalino was a bit of a buffoon.”

Wershe believes that Healy knew about the informing and kept silent, but Healy claims nobody told him Wershe had been working with the FBI. When I called Healy, who is now retired, and asked him about the notion that Wershe had been an informant, he said, “That is plain baloney.” If that were true, he said, “we’d have known about it. Somebody would have come to us.” When I told him that FBI and police sources and documents corroborated Wershe’s claims of assistance, Healy granted that it was possible but said, “What I do know is that the FBI wasn’t asking us to do anything about it.”

When Wershe was led away to a gray cell block next door to the courthouse after the verdict, the weight of the matter had not yet hit him. As a teenager, he couldn’t quite reckon with the reality of a life sentence. And he couldn’t believe that no one was coming to his aid. Gregg Schwarz visited him, and Wershe came away from their conversation with a sliver of hope that there might be some leeway in the sentencing.

It took time for the reality to sink in. A lot of time has passed since.

Part III

The Oaks Correctional Facility, a state prison in Manistee, Michigan, is a four-hour drive northwest of Detroit. Manistee sits on the Lake Michigan shore and attracts visitors in the summer, but in mid-October, when I arrived, the sun doesn’t rise till after eight, and the town seemed already buckled down for the cold winter to come.

The prison complex lies a bit inland and out of sight, at the end of a long driveway enclosed by the black oak trees of the half-million-acre national forest that surrounds Route 55. Inside the waiting room, a small Halloween display with discolored pumpkins and apples collected dust in a corner. My shoes and socks were searched, and I was led through a metal detector, fitted with a bracelet, marked on my wrist with invisible ink, and escorted through three locked doors and three guarded checkpoints. I finally came to a concrete-walled room, with vending machines along one wall and sets of chairs facing each other over low tables.

Wershe was already there waiting for me and stood to shake my hand. His adolescent swagger was long gone, and so was his blond mop, now shaved to a stubble that revealed a receding hairline. His shoulders and chest were broad, but his legs looked thin beneath baggy jeans. (Prisoners’ legs can atrophy from prolonged confinement.) Wershe was nearly 45, and if anything he looked slightly older. He still had a smattering of freckles, but his eyes were sunken deep in their sockets.

Wershe had been anxious to spill information in our first conversation, to press his case, but during my five-hour visit he was more at ease. We talked a bit about baseball. His Detroit Tigers were in the middle of a playoff series against my Red Sox. “I think you guys got us,” he said, smiling. During baseball season, he said, the time passes a little less slowly. He pointed to the paved yard outside the window to show me the pay phone he’d used to call me. In the gray morning light, a few men in blue jumpsuits milled around inside the razor wire.

Over the preceding months, as I had spoken with Wershe and others about his story, the central question it posed loomed larger and larger: Why was he still in prison after all these years? As I tracked down the criminals he crossed paths with on the street, one by one, I learned that Wershe was nearly the only one among them who was still incarcerated.

Art Derrick, go-to supplier to the major dealers in Detroit, the man who bought four planes with cocaine money, served five years in prison—less than one-fifth of Wershe’s term so far. Wershe’s Miami supplier got 16 months. Johnny and Leo Curry received 20-year sentences, of which they served about 11. B.J. Chambers served less than 22 years of a 45-year sentence. Nathaniel “Boone” Craft, the hit man who made an attempt on Wershe’s life and testified to committing a host of murders—he once put the number at 30—got out in 2008 after serving only 17 years. And a number of 650 Lifers with violent pasts were paroled on their first try once the law was amended. Wershe’s own bids for parole have been summarily denied.

When I spoke to James Dixon, the FBI agent who handled the Wershes as informants, in the middle of the conversation he suddenly asked, “Where is he now?” I told him Wershe was still in prison. “Wow,” he said, his voice growing quiet. “Wow, wow, wow… He’s been in there much, much too long, I think.”

Among the handful of people who have maintained an interest in Wershe’s case, a popular theory explaining his prolonged incarceration involves an undercover operation that Herman Groman spearheaded several years after Wershe was convicted. The episode made national news at the time, but Groman himself stayed quiet about it, saying nothing to the press. When I called him recently, he agreed to tell me about it. In our first conversation, he said he was leaving out certain details that had never been made public, but he seemed to be dropping clues. “You can figure it out,” he said. Eventually, the full story of what the FBI called Operation Backbone emerged.


When Gorman transferred out of the FBI’s drug squad and onto the public-official corruption squad in 1989, the Damion Lucas homicide case from four years earlier still ate at him. From the pen register and wiretaps on John Curry’s phone, Groman had come to believe that Curry’s then fiancée, Cathy Volsan, had high-ranking allies in the Detroit Police Department who were willing to cooperate with criminals. Now he wanted to prove it. So in July 1990, he decided to pay a visit to an old informant. 

Rick Wershe Jr. was then serving his time in Marquette Branch Prison, an imposing old state-run sandstone building on the Upper Peninsula’s Lake Superior shore. “It looked like a dungeon,” Groman told me. In the grim visiting area, with pale green concrete walls, he sat down across from Wershe on a folding chair. Speaking softly so the other inmates wouldn’t overhear, they tried to work out a deal. 

If Wershe would help him uncover police corruption, Groman told him, he would try to get him moved to federal protective custody, where conditions would be better and he’d be shielded from reprisal. And if Wershe were somehow to become eligible for parole down the road, Groman would lend assistance and testify on his behalf.

Wershe was not at all keen to help the FBI or Groman. When he was on trial, nobody from the agency had spoken up about their prior relationship or come forward to help him. But now that he saw what prison was like, he was desperate. Wershe says Groman was talking a big game about how helpful he would be. And Wershe liked the idea of bringing down dirty cops. He agreed.

The linchpin of the plan was Volsan. Wershe had mentioned to Groman over the phone that his ex-girlfriend happened to be living nearby. She was enrolled in a rehab program in Marquette. She had split up with Wershe between his arrest and trial—her family was not happy that yet another of her male companions was facing drug charges, Wershe says—but the two had remained in touch after his conviction. 

They had arrived at an unusual relationship, a détente of sorts, with wariness on both sides. Wershe never told her he had informed on Johnny Curry, fearing the consequences if she turned on him and spread the word. Volsan visited Wershe in prison regularly, but he didn’t believe it was pure affection that brought her there. He suspected she wanted to stay on good terms so that Wershe wouldn’t use what he knew to hurt her and her powerful allies. Now he was about to do just that.

After the meeting with Groman, Wershe spoke to Volsan on the phone and told her that his sister, Dawn, was coming up to visit him for his 21st birthday. Accompanying her, he said, was an old friend of his from Miami named Mike Diaz. Wershe told Volsan she should get together with Dawn and Diaz and go out for dinner. The word “Miami” was enough, Wershe says, to plant the idea of what kind of friend Diaz was—Volsan would assume he couldn’t explain further over a monitored prison phone. “It was like dangling a worm in front of a hungry fish,” Wershe told me.

Diaz and Volsan met on July 26, 1990, over dinner with Dawn at one of Marquette’s better restaurants. Diaz told his story to Volsan, who listened attentively. He was a longtime drug “connec” of Rick’s, he said, and he looked after Wershe and his sister because Wershe never flipped on him. Now he told Volsan he was willing to pay for connections in Detroit who could protect some shipments of money he was laundering. Volsan said no one had connections like she did, Groman recalls. She bragged of her ties to Detroit police. Diaz replied that perhaps they could work together.

Volsan left the restaurant unaware that she had actually met with an FBI agent named Mike Castro, not Mike Diaz, and he had recorded the conversation with a hidden microphone. Herman Groman had been sitting at a nearby table.

A few months later, Volsan introduced Castro to her father, Willie Volsan. A portly man with a beard and evident intelligence, Willie Volsan wielded a lot of clout in Detroit through his family ties—he was Mayor Coleman Young’s brother-in-law. He had been an unindicted co-conspirator in the Curry case and had been linked to several federal drug investigations, but he had never been convicted. According to Castro, he would boast about how his friendship with the mayor kept him out of legal trouble. 

Willie Volsan, in turn, brought the police sergeant Jimmy Harris on board. The protection scheme needed a cop with clout, and Harris—an influential figure in the department with close ties to the mayor—fit the bill. Groman remembered that Harris had turned up on the Curry pen register after the Lucas shooting, and he’d had him in mind from the outset. “He was the guy,” Groman told me, and Volsan “brought him right to us.”

From there, Operation Backbone snowballed. In exchange for cash, Harris and Willie Volsan enlisted more people in the plot. Five shipments followed. A team of police led by Volsan and Harris would typically go to Detroit Metro Airport to meet Castro, who pretended he had just flown in. He would be carrying suitcases purportedly filled with $1 million in drug money—in reality, cut-up paper, with a few layers of real bills on top. The police detail would escort Castro to a bank in Troy, where he would walk in and pretend to make a deposit before being escorted back to the airport.

Groman and Castro kept pushing for more. Once lower-ranking cops had implicated themselves by guarding deliveries, Castro would claim to be suspicious of them and ask Harris or Volsan to bring in replacements, which they did. Upon request, one officer slipped a machine gun past security at the airport, with the understanding that it was going to be used in a homicide in Chicago.

But Groman was convinced that the rot within the Detroit Police Department went still deeper and extended higher up the ranks. Because of his experience with the Damion Lucas case, he was suspicious of Gil Hill in particular, and Willie Volsan would often mention his ties to Hill. 

Through Harris and Willie Volsan, Castro and another undercover agent he’d introduced as a partner arranged two meetings with Hill. Groman’s men went to great lengths to record those meetings, as well as conversations between Volsan and Hill. At one point, while Castro kept Volsan occupied in a mall, agents temporarily stole Volsan’s Cadillac from the parking lot to wire it for recording. While the work was being done, they replaced the car with an identical model, so that Volsan wouldn’t see an empty parking spot if he looked outside. Volsan drove Hill in the bugged Cadillac to meet with the undercover agents—both wearing wires—at a Bob Evans restaurant on the outskirts of Detroit, where patrons kept approaching to ask for Hill’s autograph. According to Groman’s account, Hill indicated that he was receptive to participating in the protection scheme on tape. Afterward, back in Volsan’s car, Hill said that he was taken aback by how direct “Diaz” was about his illegal intentions but that he thought he could probably help out. “Do they have money?” he asked, according to Groman. Volsan assured him that Castro and his partner were loaded. “I’m just elated at this point,” Groman told me. “I felt like a maestro at the symphony.”

After the first meeting, however, Hill proved elusive. Groman’s supervisors, he says, couldn’t agree on whether to authorize a sting targeting him. Meanwhile, Hill wavered and backed away. The investigators eventually decided they needed to make their move and arrest Harris and his co-conspirators and leave Hill out of it for now; perhaps Harris would talk in exchange for leniency. So Groman set up an audacious finale.

FBI surveillance photo of Willie Volsan, left, and Jimmy Harris, right, at Detroit Metro Airport, 1990. Photo: Courtesy of Herman Groman

Late on the morning of May 21, 1991, a small turboprop descended into Detroit City Airport. The little airfield sat on the ragged outskirts of Rick Wershe’s old East Side neighborhood. Outside the perimeter fence that surrounded the lone runway stood an auto repair shop, some forlorn houses, and a shady motel.

The plane taxied to a remote corner of the tarmac, and a Lincoln town car pulled up nearby. Three men stepped down from the plane, and a man got out of the car to meet them. It was Jimmy Harris. They shook hands, then got to work lugging a series of black duffel bags from the plane to the trunk of the town car. In all, the bags contained 100 kilos of white powder.

Harris was running the protection operation. As an extra precaution, he had given a secure police radio to his business partners in the plane so they could follow the movements of any cops who weren’t in on the deal. The Lincoln pulled out of the airport and headed southwest beyond the city to the suburbs. Several police vehicles, a mix of cruisers and unmarked cars, followed. Finally, Harris and his associates pulled into a parking lot in the town of Monroe, where they met another car. The duffel bags were transferred to the trunk of the second car, then the two vehicles parted ways. The deal was complete.

Later that day, Harris arrived at a hotel room in the Detroit suburb of Dearborn. Mike Castro—the man Harris knew as Mike Diaz—answered the door. He had Harris’s payment ready: $50,000 in cash for the cops’ services.

In the next room, Herman Groman listened to the conversation on his headphones. He had been working with a team of about 100 people to prepare this sting down to the last detail: The plane full of FBI agents disguised as drug smugglers. The buyers—also FBI—waiting in the parking lot in Monroe. The cocaine in the duffel bags—a kilo of the real stuff on top, in case a wary cop asked for a taste, and 99 more of flour. Hidden cameras and microphones had recorded everything that transpired on the tarmac. Now a special camera with microwave technology was pressed against the wall, and it showed his team a moving image of what was happening in the next room in real time. A surveillance aircraft had even tailed Harris’s car en route to Monroe.

After he gave Harris the money, Castro convinced him to stay for a celebratory drink—there was some Absolut vodka in the minibar—and excused himself to get some ice from the machine in the hall. A minute later there was a knock at the door. Harris opened it and was greeted by a SWAT team. Groman knew Harris was armed and wanted to overwhelm him with a show of force.

The agents pulled a black hood over Harris’s head, hustled him into a car, and drove off. When the hood was removed, Harris found himself sitting in what appeared to be the command center for a massive operation that had been watching him and his associates for months. Pizza boxes and ashtrays littered the desks. Lining the walls were filing cabinets, one labeled with his name and the others with the names of his suspected co-conspirators. Poster-size blow-ups of incriminating photos of Harris hung on the walls.

It was all an elaborate set assembled in a conference room at the FBI’s local offices at the suggestion of the agency’s behavioral-science unit back in Quantico, Virginia, who thought it might intimidate Harris. But Harris would say nothing except, “This is bullshit.” So Groman’s task force moved on to Plan B. Dozens of agents, warrants in hand, fanned out across Detroit to round up the other suspects.

Operation Backbone netted 11 police officers and several civilians. It was probably the most extensive probe of police corruption ever undertaken in Michigan, Groman says. Charges against Cathy Volsan were dropped; prosecutors foresaw difficulties in convicting her, because she had been in a rehab program when the sting began—Groman and Castro say they had thought she was in school—and the defense would likely have portrayed her as a victim of an FBI scheme that reeled her back into the drug world. But she was never the target of the case anyway. Jimmy Harris, Willie Volsan, and seven others went to prison. (All of them have since been released. Harris was pardoned by President George W. Bush in 2008.)

In Operation Backbone, Rick Wershe’s involvement again proved crucial. He had not only set the plan in motion with Cathy Volsan, but had continued to vouch for Castro to others in the protection scheme. “The undercover agent’s very life,” Groman later testified, “at times rested solely in the hands of Mr. Wershe.” Lynn Helland, the assistant U.S. attorney who prosecuted the corruption case, says that, at the time, Wershe “was the game in town as far as pursuing that investigation.” Mike Castro told me, “Without him, the case wouldn’t have happened.”

Gil Hill realized he had been an apparent target of the sting and acknowledged it to the press. In the wake of the bust, Detroit journalists probed Hill’s connections to Willie Volsan and Jimmy Harris. (One reporter uncovered that they had once been partners in a failed business venture, funded by Volsan.) Wershe, meanwhile, swiftly got his transfer into protective custody. This time, his role as an informant was not going to remain a secret. His involvement in the case eventually made all the papers.

Speaking with both Wershe and the federal agents who had known him, I was struck by the similarity of the pictures they painted of the streets of 1980s Detroit—of a world where the cops and the criminals were players in the same game, more alike in some respects than they were different. They might have been adversaries, but the lines were blurry and could be crossed. This is a familiar story coming from convicts; it invites skepticism. What was remarkable, though, was the degree to which even some veterans of the Detroit Police Department seemed to agree with it.


While in Detroit, I met a local police officer, still on active duty, who had worked for the department for decades. He picked me up downtown in his personal car and drove us to a bar near Comerica Park. The Tigers were playing, and the bar and the streets were unusually crowded for an eerily underpopulated city, so he parked illegally. It wouldn’t be a problem, he said.

Once we’d settled in at the bar, he told me that he knew officers who had investigated Wershe years earlier. Some of them, he said, would even hang out with Wershe and smoke pot with him. When my face betrayed a measure of shock at this detail and other more damning anecdotes that he insisted I keep off the record, he would smile slyly.

The officer saw fellow police give false information in affidavits in order to get a warrant from a judge. He had partners who were “dirty,” he said—who took payoffs. He said cops at the time were drunk with power to an extent that now disturbs him. “Guys looked at you wrong, you smacked the dog shit out of ’em,” he said. “This job, it fucked you up, man. It threw you into a cesspool.”

Wershe had told me that senior police had pressed him for protection money, which in some instances he paid. Assistance flowed the other way, too. He said that when he was with Cathy Volson, if he wanted to know what cops knew about him or whether his house was under surveillance, he could find out through her. In June 1987, when federal agents raided Volsan’s condo downtown, they found not only Wershe and Volsan but also the phone numbers of officers in the police department—including Gil Hill and Jimmy Harris—printed on a wallet-size card. They also found copies of internal police records on Wershe himself.

Tom McClain, the former DEA agent, told me that the interagency No Crack Crew could work out of the DPD’s narcotics office, but when they had sensitive records or evidence, they kept them at the local DEA headquarters; police on his crew told him there were other cops “they absolutely couldn’t trust.”

Larry Chambers, the most powerful of the Chambers Brothers, has claimed that he had eight cops on his payroll during his organization’s prime. More than 125 Detroit police were under investigation for involvement in crack cocaine in 1987 and ’88. Bill Hart, the chief of police in Wershe’s era, a veteran of four decades on the force, would be convicted in 1992 of embezzling $2.6 million on the job, using the money to renovate his home and buy luxury cars for three ex-girlfriends. After his conviction, Mayor Young told the press, “As far as I’m concerned, Bill Hart was a good man and a good cop.”

In this arena with few rules, however, there was one rule that prevailed—and Wershe broke it. Although criminals probably knew more than anybody about police corruption, they also knew this: You don’t rat on cops.

B.J. Chambers spoke openly to me about his own crimes; they were long in the past, and he’d served his time. He had a generous and relaxed manner and seemed to enjoy telling war stories. But when I asked him about an incident that Wershe had mentioned, when police had allegedly seized two kilos of Chambers’ cocaine and never reported it, he just laughed melodiously. He’d “seen a lot” from cops, he allowed. But that was all he would say.

Nate Craft, the Best Friends enforcer who’d tried to kill Wershe, later ended up incarcerated with him; in prison the two men made their peace. Wershe says that Craft told him that when he had agreed to cooperate with the government against his fellow Best Friends—Detroit’s most violent gang—he did so on one condition: He would not inform on police.

When I asked Johnny Curry about Cathy Volsan’s ties to police, he said, “What kind of questions you trying to ask me about that?” He knew about Wershe’s version of events, but as for his own, he said, “I don’t want to speak on that.”

Wershe broke this cardinal rule not just once but many times. He talked to the FBI about Gil Hill’s alleged role in the Damion Lucas case. In Operation Backbone, he helped bring down 11 cops. And he spoke, not just in private but also in the media, about both cases. In 1992, while Hill was telling reporters that he had never discussed the Lucas investigation with Johnny Curry, “period,” Wershe was telling those same reporters that he had heard them discuss it himself.


After Operation Backbone, Groman had Wershe transferred into a witness-protection program within the federal prison system, which eventually delivered him to a medium-security facility in Marianna, Florida. The rollback of the 650 Lifer law in 1998 gave Wershe a ray of hope; suddenly, convicts he knew back in Michigan were being paroled.

When his own hearing before the Michigan Parole Board finally arrived, at a Detroit courthouse on March 27, 2003, Wershe told the board, “I don’t know if you’ve ever seen one, but living in a six-by-nine cell that sometimes smells like urine and stuff like that, it’s no place… I’d rather be dead sometimes.” The hearing was his best chance yet for a reprieve from his life sentence. Filling in the seats, waiting for their chance to testify, were family members and an eclectic array of supporters—everyone from FBI agents and attorneys to Kid Rock, who had developed an interest in Wershe’s case.

Herman Groman attended the hearing and gave the board a detailed account of Wershe’s role in Operation Backbone, as well as some later information that Wershe had passed along while in federal custody. But although he said that he had met Wershe when his father was an informant, he did not go further into Wershe’s work with the authorities when he was a teenager. Gregg Schwarz spoke of Wershe’s good character and remorse for his crimes, as Groman had, citing his personal relationship and frequent phone calls with Wershe during his incarceration. But Schwarz did not handle him as an informant prior to his arrest, and though he mentioned Wershe’s having given timely and accurate information to the FBI, he did not specify when. Schwarz and Groman left the courthouse after speaking, optimistic that the proceedings might actually go in Wershe’s favor.

After they had gone, however, several prominent Detroit Police Department figures took the stand to testify. This was unusual. People do not typically speak out against the inmate at a parole hearing unless they have a personal tie to the case. And these cops had worked in homicide in Wershe’s day, not narcotics; they had never encountered him before. Still, together they built an unsparing case against letting Wershe go free.

Dennis Richardson, a recently retired police commander, derided the notion that Wershe was remorseful, calling him “very manipulative” and citing a 2001 affidavit in which Wershe rather foolishly overstated his own case by proclaiming his innocence, describing himself as “a product of various state, local and federal agencies who used me to distribute, solicit, buy and supply narcotics.” “I don’t know Richard Wershe,” Richardson told the board. “I was never involved in any of his cases.”

William Rice, a veteran and former chief inspector of homicide, spoke of the dark times in Wershe’s era and mentioned the names of the drug gangs that controlled Detroit’s streets then, tying Wershe to them implicitly. Like Richardson, Rice did little to explain why he was present at the hearing. Wershe’s name had never crossed his desk.

The tide of the hearing undeniably turned. There was almost no discussion now of the crime for which Wershe was in prison, a possession charge. One DEA agent who had served alongside the Detroit police on the No Crack Crew claimed that an associate of Wershe’s had told him that Wershe had directed an attempt on his life—an incident in which no charges were ever filed. Several law-enforcement witnesses claimed that Wershe was responsible for the distribution of hundreds of kilos of cocaine per month—an implausible figure by virtually every informed account I’ve heard. “To this day you have kids who wasn’t even born yet,” a DEA agent named Gregory Anderson testified, “but they can tell you about White Boy Rick, Maserati Rick … the Best Friends, and that’s what that era did to our community.”

In the end, the board decided to “take no interest” in recommending parole. Explaining their reasoning, the board cited the “compelling adverse testimony” of “numerous law enforcement officers.” In the 11 years that have passed since, their position has not changed. 


After 26 years of incarceration, Wershe is housed in a level-four cell block, out of a maximum of five. He is permitted to be in the fenced yard outside for one hour and 15 minutes per day. Otherwise he leaves his cell rarely, to report for his laundry job and for meals in the mess hall, where he eats for 15 to 20 minutes. A fellow inmate committed suicide over the winter, by hanging. Another one he is friendly with, a juvenile lifer, tried to kill himself last year.

More than once in our conversations, Wershe struck me as a kind of human time capsule. A middle-aged man now, he still speaks with the cadences of a street kid, punctuating his sentences with nah and bro and man, the last pronounced with only a trace of the n. He seems to have only a limited understanding of what the Internet is. He speaks of Detroit nightspots that are long gone and Tigers players who are long retired.

After his parole hearing, Wershe further hurt his prospects for release by becoming peripherally involved in a stolen-car ring out of federal prison. Working with his sister over the phone, he brokered the sale of vehicles—some apparently legitimate, others stolen. He was a minor player, as the prosecutor himself acknowledged, but his well-known nickname made the papers. Wershe claimed to me that he pleaded guilty only because prosecutors were threatening to charge his sister and mother, and that he stopped participating when he found out that stolen cars were involved. (Groman told me that he remembered clearly that Wershe admitted to him he knew some cars were stolen.) He was moved out of federal protective custody as a penalty and sent to the state prison where he now resides. The incident alienated some people who formerly backed him. Lynn Helland of the U.S. attorney’s office, for instance, no longer supports his release.

But the parole board denied Wershe before that case arose, and Robert Aguirre, who served on the board from 2009 to 2011, told me he does not believe that the car-theft episode lies at the heart of the board’s ongoing opposition. (A case summary following his most recent review by the board makes note of the auto-theft offense but remarks that it was “not used as a reason” for a judgment against Wershe.)

I met with Aguirre recently in a restaurant just off the interstate in Flint, Michigan, where he lives. It was Aguirre who reviewed Wershe’s file and interviewed him when his case came up again in 2010. He pressed the rest of the board for a new hearing for Wershe, he told me, but failed to muster the votes. He does not see any reason that Wershe should still be serving time for a juvenile offense. “What’s to be gained from it?” he said. “What’s to be gained by this man being held in prison?”

Aguirre feels that Wershe has suffered for his fame. “Other colleagues on the board—and I have great respect for all of them—all remember him as White Boy Rick. He has that image that was placed upon him.” It’s a theory that suggests a strange inversion of the typical effect of race: Wershe’s celebrity had been a function of his novelty as a teenage white kid who had somehow skipped across Detroit’s racial boundary and insinuated himself into the ranks of drug barons who were overwhelmingly black. And this very celebrity earned him a longer term behind bars than nearly all the others eventually served. I was somewhat taken aback when B.J. Chambers offered unprompted his view of Wershe’s case: “I think—just my opinion—I think Rick is caught up in reverse racism.” Wershe, he went on, “was the only white boy that ever sold dope in the neighborhood at that time.” Steve Fishman, the defense attorney to ’80s Detroit kingpins, says, “If White Boy Rick had been anything other than white, nobody would ever have heard of him.”

But there was more to the story behind Wershe’s fate. This spring, a new inmate arrived at the Oaks Correctional Facility and was assigned to Wershe’s cell block. Wershe recognized him immediately: It was William Rice, the former homicide chief who had testified against him at his 2003 hearing. Rice had pleaded guilty to perjury after cell phone records indicated that he had given a false alibi under oath for the defendant in a quadruple-murder case, a teenager who was related to his girlfriend. He had also pleaded guilty in December on charges of operating a criminal enterprise involving mortgage fraud and drug dealing.

Rice didn’t recognize Wershe when he approached him. He was visibly shocked, Wershe says, when Wershe told him who he was; Rice had assumed that Wershe was no longer in prison. Wershe was doing more time, he said, than the murderers he had put away. Wershe asked Rice why, as someone who had no firsthand knowledge of the case, he had appeared at the hearing and testified against him. Rice told him he was just following orders.

Rice has since provided a sworn affidavit for Wershe’s attorney explaining that he and others who spoke out in opposition to Wershe were recruited to the task. He was surprised to be chosen for the duty, but he was told that the directive came from higher-ranking officers. To prepare him to testify, Rice says in the affidavit, the Wayne County prosecutor’s office had him review portions of sealed grand jury testimony that Wershe gave under condition of immunity in the federal case against the Best Friends. Leaking such testimony is a felony.

“It is my considered opinion,” Rice’s affidavit states, “that the only rational explanation for the continued incarceration of Richard Wershe, Jr., and the consistent denial of even a parole hearing since 2003, is that his file has been ‘red-flagged.’”

Mike Castro, the undercover agent on Operation Backbone, believes that Rick Wershe is still in prison because he broke that all-important rule. When Wershe worked with him and Groman on that investigation, Castro told me, “it stung” the Detroit police and their allies in power. “It embarrassed them and it showed what they really were.”

52 Blue

52 Blue

The loneliest whale in the world.

By Leslie Jamison

The Atavist Magazine, No. 40


Leslie Jamison is the author of the essay collection The Empathy Exams and the novel The Gin Closet. She is a columnist for The New York Times Book Review and her work has also appeared in Harper’sOxford AmericanA Public SpaceVirginia Quarterly Review, and The Believer. She lives in Brooklyn.

Editor: Charles Homans
Designer: Gray Beltran
Producer: Megan Detrie
Research and Calligraphy: Natalie Rahhal
Fact Checker: Riley Blanton
Copy Editor: Sean Cooper
Illustrations: Tim Jeffs

Published in August 2014. Design updated in 2021.

1.

December 7, 1992: Whidbey Island, Puget Sound. The World Wars were over. The other wars were over: Korea, Vietnam, the Persian Gulf. The Cold War was finally over, too. The Whidbey Island Naval Air Station remained. So did the Pacific, its waters vast and fathomless beyond an airfield named for an airman whose body was never found: William Ault, who died in the Battle of the Coral Sea. This is how it goes: The ocean swallows human bodies whole and makes them immortal. William Ault became a runway that sends other men into the sky.

But at that Naval Air Station, on that day in December, the infinite Pacific appeared as something finite: audio data gathered by a network of hydrophones spread along the ocean floor. These hydrophones had turned the formless it of the ocean and its noises into something measurable: pages of printed graphs rolling out of a spectrograph machine. These hydrophones had been used to monitor Soviet subs until the Cold War ended; after their declassification, the Navy started listening for other noises—other kinds of it—instead.

On December 7, the it was a strange sound. The acoustic technicians thought they knew what it was, but then they realized they didn’t. Petty officer second class Velma Ronquille stretched it out on a different spectrogram so she could see it better. She couldn’t quite believe it. It was coming in at 52 hertz.

She beckoned one of the technicians. He needed to come back, she said. He needed to take another look.

The technician came back. He took another look. His name was Joe George.

Second Petty Officer Ronquille told him, “I think this is a whale.”

Joe thought, Holy cow. It hardly seemed possible. For a blue whale, which is what this one seemed to be, a frequency of 52 hertz was basically off the charts. Blue whales usually came in somewhere between 15 and 20—on the periphery of what the human ear can hear, an almost imperceptible rumble. But here it was, right in front of them, the audio signature of a creature moving through Pacific waters with a singularly high-pitched song.

A recording of 52 Blue, sped up for audibility.

Whales make calls for a number of reasons—to navigate, to find food, to communicate with each other—and for certain whales, like humpbacks and blues, songs also seem to play a role in sexual selection. Blue males sing louder than females, and the volume of their singing—at more than 180 decibels—makes them the loudest animals in the world. They click and grunt and trill and hum and moan. They sound like foghorns. Their calls can travel thousands of miles through the ocean.

The whale that Joe George and Velma Ronquille heard was an anomaly: His sound patterns were recognizable as those of a blue whale, but his frequency was unheard of. It was absolutely unprecedented. So they paid attention. They kept tracking him for years, every migration season, as he made his way south from Alaska to Mexico. His path wasn’t unusual, only his song—and the fact that they never detected any other whales around him. He always seemed to be alone.

So this whale was calling out high, and he was calling out to no one—or at least, no one seemed to be answering. The acoustic technicians would come to call him 52 Blue. A scientific report, published 12 years later, would describe his case like this:

No other calls with similar characteristics have been identified in the acoustic data from any hydrophone system in the North Pacific basin. Only one series of these 52-Hz calls has been recorded at a time, with no call overlap, suggesting that a single whale produced the calls. … These tracks consistently appeared to be unrelated to the presence or movement of other whale species (blue, fin and humpback) monitored year-round with the same hydrophones.

Much remained unknown, the report confessed, and difficult to explain:

We do not know the species of this whale, whether it was a hybrid or an anomalous whale that we have been tracking. It is perhaps difficult to accept that … there could have been only one of this kind in this large oceanic expanse.

2.

The drive from Seattle to Whidbey Island, a little less than two hours north, took me through the plainspoken pageantry of Washington State industry: massive piles of raw logs and cut lumber, rivers clogged with tree trunks like fish trapped in pens. I passed stacks of candy-colored shipping containers near Skagit Port and a collection of dirty white silos near Deception Pass Bridge, its steel span looming majestically over Puget Sound—hard-sparkling water glinting with shards of sunlight nearly 200 feet below. Craggy cliffs rose on either side over the water, studded with crooked straggler pines clinging to the steep rock. In front of me on the two-lane highway, a biker wore a jacket full of skulls.

On the far side of the bridge, the island felt pastoral and otherworldly, almost defensive. “LITTER AND IT WILL HURT,” one sign read. Another said: “Space Heaters Need SPACE.” The lawns were full of goats and rabbit hutches.

Whidbey Island often calls itself the longest island in America, but this isn’t strictly true. “Whidbey is long,” the Seattle Times observed in 2000, “but let’s not stretch it.” It’s long enough to hold a kite festival, a mussel festival, an annual bike race (the Tour de Whidbey), four inland lakes, and an annual murder-mystery game that turns the entire town of Langley, population 1,035, into a crime scene. In 1984, the island was a refuge for a white supremacist named Robert Jay Mathews—leader of a militant group called the Order—whose home burned down around him when a pile of his own ammo caught fire during a shoot-out with the FBI. His body was found next to the charred remains of a bathtub. Every year, it’s rumored, his followers gather on the day he was killed, at the site where his home once stood, to commemorate his death.

The Naval Air Station, on the northern end of the island, specializes in electronic attack, which means manipulating the electromagnetic spectrum: sending out radio and radar frequencies to locate and neutralize enemy operations, or using these same techniques to defend against similar tactics. The station also monitors the intricate array of hydrophones known as the Sound Surveillance System (SOSUS), part of an undersea surveillance network that ranges across the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, from Nova Scotia to Hawaii, seafloor-mounted hydrophones connected by underwater cables to facilities that process the audio data onshore. SOSUS was initially built for one reason: to track Soviet subs. Its earliest hydrophone arrays were installed on the seafloor between Greenland, Iceland, and Britain—a naval-warfare choke point known as the GIUK Gap, the waters that Soviet subs would have to cross if they were heading west.

SOSUS tracked its first diesel sub in 1962, its first Victor- and Charlie-class subs six years later. The system was expanded through the 1960s and helped locate the only two U.S. nuclear submarines ever lost at sea.

But once the Cold War ended, operations were downsized, and much of the equipment was declassified. The hydrophone arrays still did military duty, but the Navy started looking for other uses for them, too.

Joe George, the technician who first identified 52 Blue in 1992, still lives in a modest hillside home perched on the northern end of Whidbey, about six miles from the Naval Air Station. When I visited, he answered the door smiling—a burly man with silver hair, no-nonsense but friendly.

He’d offered to show me around the naval base. Though he hadn’t worked there for 20 years, he was still able to get us past security with his Navy ID. He told me he uses it whenever he comes back to the base to drop off his recycling: the profits go toward a Morale, Welfare and Recreation Fund that pays for bleachers and baseball diamonds for the base. We passed by the looming hangars where the planes are kept, “prowlers” and “growlers,” all designed for electronic warfare.

I asked him what he thought the strange sounds were, before he realized they were whale calls. “I can’t tell you that,” he told me. “It’s classified.”

Whidbey Island is currently home to 17 active-duty electronic attack squadrons, including the VAQ-133 Wizards (radio call sign: Magic); the VAQ-142 Gray Wolves (formerly the Grim Watchdogs, radio call sign: Timber); and the oldest electronic-warfare squadron in the Navy, the VAQ-130 Zappers (mascot: Robbie the Dragon, who is pictured with lightning bolts coming out of his angry lizard eyes). The VP-40 Fighting Marlins also sport a fierce insignia: a marlin spearing a submarine alongside a squid that bleeds fat red drops.

We passed smaller simulator buildings, where some guys step into a cockpit for the first time and other guys do their best to mess up the ride. Just beyond these dreary beige boxes, the coastline was ragged and beautiful—waves crashing onto dark sand, salt wind moving through the evergreens. Joe told me that a lot of people like getting stationed here: The work isn’t bad, and the island itself is pretty stunning. Outside the officers’ club, men in flight suits were drinking cocktails on a wooden deck.

Joe explained that his team—the team responsible for processing audio data from the hydrophones—was fairly disconnected from the rest of the base. It was a question of security, he said, and when we reached his old building I saw what he meant: It was surrounded by two fences topped with razor wire. Some of the other servicemen on base, Joe explained, used to think his building was some kind of prison. They never knew quite what it was for; its machinations were mysterious. The only contact Joe’s division had with the rest of the base was passing along whatever information they’d gathered about subs.

Joe stressed the intensity and secrecy of his old work, everything that happened past the razor wire. I asked him what he thought the strange sounds were, before he realized they were whale calls—back in 1992, with Second Petty Officer Ronquille. “I can’t tell you that,” he told me. “It’s classified.”

3.

July 2007: Harlem, New York. Leonora knew she was going to die. Not just someday, but soon. She’d been suffering from fibroids and bleeding for years, sometimes so heavily that she was afraid to leave her apartment, heavily enough that she grew obsessed with blood: thinking about blood, dreaming about blood, writing poems about blood. She’d grown increasingly reclusive. She’d stopped working as a case supervisor for the city, a job she’d held for more than a decade.

Leonora was 48 years old. She had always been a self-sufficient person; she’d been working since she was 14. She’d never been married, though she’d had offers. She liked to know that she could support herself, but this was a new level of isolation. She’d grown obsessively focused on a self-directed exploration of embryonic stem-cell research and increasingly distant from everyone in her life. One family member had told her, “You are in a very dark place,” and said she no longer wanted to see her.

By summer things had gotten worse. Leonora felt truly ill: relentless nausea, severe constipation, aches across her whole body. Her wrists were swollen, her stomach bloated, her vision blurred with jagged spirals of color. She could hardly breathe when she was lying down, so she barely slept. When she did sleep, her dreams were strange. One night she dreamed about a horse-drawn hearse moving across the cobblestone streets of another century’s Harlem. She picked up the horse’s reins, looked it straight in the eye, and knew it had come for her.

She unlocked her apartment door so that her neighbors wouldn’t have trouble removing her body before it “stank up the place.” She called her doctor to tell her as much—I’m pretty sure I’m going to die—and her doctor got pissed, said she needed to call the paramedics, said she was going to live. So Leonora called the paramedics. When they were wheeling her off on a gurney, she asked them to turn around and take her back so she could lock the door again. This was how she knew she’d regained faith in her own life: If she wasn’t going to die, she didn’t want to leave her door unlocked.

That request, asking the paramedics to turn around, is the last thing Leonora can remember before two months of darkness. That night in July was the beginning of a medical odyssey—five days of surgery, seven weeks in a coma, six months in the hospital—that would eventually deliver her, in her own time and her own way, to the story of 52 Blue.

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4.

Back at his house, Joe showed me how he’d been spending his time since retiring from the Navy. In addition to a job restoring salmon habitats—putting in the right plants and taking out the wrong ones—he was regularly participating in 18th-century fur-trapper-rendezvous reenactments. He kept an impressive collection of carnivorous plants and raised bees to feed them. He showed me the cobra lilies, his favorites, and explained how their translucent hoods coaxed trapped flies to exhaust themselves by flying for the light.

Certain patterns emerged across Joe’s various vocations: evident care and conscientiousness, a desire to be accurate and meticulous. He fixed a frost cloth over his cobra lilies right after he showed me their elegant green-veined hoods, and it was with conspicuous pride that he showed me the 18th-century musket he’d built from a kit. I saw the same sense of pleasure at precision when he explained the sheaf of papers he’d pulled out from his old days tracking 52 Blue. They were computer maps documenting nearly a decade of migratory patterns, 52 Blue’s journey each season marked by a different color—yellow, orange, purple—in the crude lines of mid-nineties computer graphics. He showed me charts of 52’s song and explained the lines and metrics so I could compare its signature to more typical whale noise: the lower frequencies of regular blues, the much higher frequencies of humpbacks.

Blue whale songs hold various kinds of sounds—long purrs and moans, constant or modulated—and 52 Blue’s vocalizations showed these same distinctive patterns, only on a wildly different frequency, one just above the lowest note on a tuba. The brief recorded clip of 52 I listened to, sped up for human hearing, sounded ghostly—a reedy, pulsing, searching sound, the aural equivalent of a beam of light murkily visible through thick fog on a moonlit night.

Joe clearly enjoyed explaining his charts and maps. They took him back to the days when the story of 52 was still unfolding, still a mystery—this inexplicable whale and his singular sound. At the time, Joe had recently arrived at Whidbey after several years of what was technically classified as “arduous duty” on a base in Iceland, though he explained that those years weren’t particularly arduous at all; his kids built snowmen by the Blue Lagoon. Joe was a good candidate for Whidbey. He was already trained as an acoustic technician, already prepared for the work that happened in his squat little bunker behind the razor-wire fence.

SOSUS, Joe told me, was a “bastard child”: It had bounced from one Navy division to another over the years, and was treated differently depending on where it was housed at any given time. It got a lot of funding when it was in the submarine division, headed by an admiral. But after it was moved to surface fleets, which had less pull, there was less money to go around. And then the Cold War ended.

Without Soviet submarines to listen to, the Navy started thinking about how else the expensive hydrophone array might earn its keep. That’s when they decided to offer it to science, so they could listen to everything else. Dennis Conlon—a civilian Navy scientist with the Space and Naval Warfare Systems Command—invited an acoustics expert from Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution in Massachusetts named Bill Watkins out to Whidbey. Watkins, who’d worked with the Navy in the past, realized he could use the equipment to track blues, fins, and humpbacks—their migration patterns and areas of seasonal density.

Now Navy guys who’d spent years tracking subs were suddenly tracking songs. They were accountable for making sense of something other than threats. The sounds they gathered were processed and examined by Watkins’s team back at Woods Hole.

“We always laughed when we were tracking him,” Darel told me. “‘Maybe heading to Baja for the lady blues.’”

Joe spoke of Watkins—who died of cancer in 2004—with evident respect. This was a pattern in the various accounts of Watkins I heard, this reverence: He was honest and passionate and kind. He could talk to anyone. He spoke a bunch of languages, the precise number changing each time I heard it: Twelve. Six. Thirteen. Nancy DiMarzio, one of his former research assistants, claimed it was twenty. She also said he once fled an African country in the middle of a war. Darel Martin, another naval acoustic technician who worked with Joe at Whidbey, told me the story of Watkins’ Ph.D: how he learned enough Japanese to defend a doctoral dissertation at the University of Tokyo.

Watkins was born in 1926 to Christian missionaries stationed in French Guinea. According to Darel, he hunted elephants with his father when he was a kid. He could hear the elephants from farther off than anyone else: “He found out that he could actually hear 20 hertz, which is extremely low for any human,” Darel told me. “You and I can’t hear that—20’s pretty low—but he could actually hear the elephants in the distance. And he would tell his dad which way to go.”

Watkins studied broadcast technology at a Christian college in the United States and then returned to Africa to work in radio. He spent most of the 1950s operating a station in Monrovia, Liberia. When he first started working at Woods Hole, in 1958, he was hired not as a biologist but as an electronics assistant—it was the recording he excelled at. He didn’t know much about whales then, and he wouldn’t earn his Ph.D in biology until he was in his fifties. By the time he did, however, he had already made profound contributions to the field, developing much of the technology and methodology that made it possible to record and analyze whale songs: whale tags, underwater playback experiments, location methods. He developed the first tape recorder capable of recording whale vocalizations, which opened up new frontiers of fieldwork.

During the years the Whidbey Island team tracked 52 Blue, Watkins came out to the base every few months during migration season, and Joe and Darel would show him the vocalizations they’d picked up. The three men enjoyed working together. While some of the other Navy guys didn’t like going from tracking subs to tracking creatures—the stakes of intelligence work felt more palpable—Joe and Darel loved eavesdropping on marine life. “It’s just endless what you can hear out of the ocean,” Darel told me. “We went from being experts on sharks of steel to tracking living, breathing animals.”

For Joe and Darel, 52 Blue’s unusual frequency was interesting for largely practical reasons: His singularity made him easy to track. Because you could always distinguish his call from others, you always knew where he was traveling. Other whales were harder to tell apart, their patterns of motion harder to discern. The possibility of particularity—this whale, among all whales—was unusual: It allowed for an abiding relationship to 52 as an individual creature, while other whales blurred into a more anonymous collective body.

Joe George on tracking 52 Blue.

52’s particularity, as well as his apparent isolation, lent him—they figured it was a him, as only males sang during mating season—a certain kind of personality. “We always laughed when we were tracking him,” Darel told me. “‘Maybe heading to Baja for the lady blues.’” His jokes echoed the way frat brothers might talk about the runt of a pledge class, the one who never had much luck with chicks: 52 was ugly, 52 struck out, looked again, tried again. 52 never let up with that song. It was something more than a job. Darel bought his wife a whale necklace during the years he spent tracking 52; she still wears it whenever they go to Hawaii.

Joe had his own fixations. “One time he disappeared for over a month,” he told me, his inflection registering the mystery; it clearly still engaged him. At the end of the month they finally picked him up—farther out in the Pacific than he’d ever been. “Why was there that gap?” Joe wondered. “What happened during that time? You just wonder about stuff like that. What happens in that month. You always kinda wonder.”

Watkins was the driving force behind the whale tracking, and he fought hard to maintain the funding, but he couldn’t keep it running forever. The Twin Towers happened and everything changed. Just as the end of the Cold War had signaled the beginning of a new era, so did the onset of another war signal the beginning of the end. “When 9/11 came around, it was a couple weeks after that, Bill told me all the funding was gone,” Joe explained. “Everything.”

The whale-tracking team hunted around for other jobs on the base or within the Navy. Joe tried the marine-acoustics field but didn’t have much luck. So he went back for an associate’s degree in environmental sciences, which paved the way for his current job restoring salmon habitats.

Now the records of 52 are just reams and reams of data taking up space in filing cabinets at Woods Hole. The mystery survives in splinters: just a man sitting at his kitchen table, pulling out old folders to point out the ordinary-looking graph lines of an extraordinary song.

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5.

Leonora grew up in Harlem near Bradhurst Avenue. She was raised mostly by her grandmother, who was four foot eleven and blind from diabetes, a determined and resourceful woman who’d come to the United States from Chennai by way of Trinidad. She always said people back home in India thought America was full of golden sidewalks. It was the flecks of silica in the pavement, she said, their sparkle. Word had spread.

Leonora’s grandmother was a woman who felt blessed by an extraordinary second sight—she got a strong sense about people, could feel the energy coming off them. If she didn’t want to get to know you, she’d tell you. If she did want to get to know you, she’d run her hands over your face and body to get a better sense of the spirit inside. She could describe your clothing without seeing you. She could sense the energy of different colors: the calm of blue, the heated intensity of red.

During the mid-seventies, when Leonora was in high school, Bradhurst was something of an urban war zone, with its own police task force and sky-high murder rates. One summer when Leonora got interested in photography, taking pictures of friends and folks in the neighborhood, people started calling her Death Photographer because so many of her subjects ended up becoming victims of violence.

Leonora worked hard to find a way out, started City College and made good money bartending at the Red Rooster and Broadway International. One day she was walking along the Hudson and had a vision: It started looking like another river entirely. This was how she realized she needed to get to Paris. She needed to get even farther away from home.

She kept bartending until she had enough money saved, then got herself across the Atlantic as an exchange student. She found a place on the Boulevard Saint-Michel and spent the next year in a happy blur: walked around with a corkscrew in her hand, took a trip to Capri, where she and her friend met a pair of amorous lifeguards, broke into an abandoned villa and ate bread and jam off the dusty kitchen table.

It was tough coming back to New York. Her friends resented the fact that she’d been somewhere—done something—that they hadn’t. She lived in New Jersey for six months, which she hated, then returned to the city to be with a man she almost married. They went to the courthouse and she got such terrible cramps that she had to go to the bathroom. She realized it was her body telling her: Don’t do this. She listened. She stayed in the bathroom until the offices closed; a police officer had to tell her to come out.

She eventually started working for the city as a case manager for clients on food stamps or welfare. It was emotionally draining work: dealing with families in states of desperate need, hungry kids, a mother who’d scored a little money in the lottery but still dressed her kids in rags and wanted her own mom’s share of food stamps. For a while in the nineties, Leonora worked for a city program helping Russian immigrants. They got off the plane at La Guardia with visas and apartment leases and not much else; she helped them figure it out from there.

She was dedicated to her clients, respected their courage and determination, but by the mid-aughts her health was in decline. She was holed up in her apartment and bleeding all the time. Home was a refuge but also a container for her increasing isolation. By the time she was hospitalized, in July 2007, she’d retreated from the world so much that her time in the hospital felt less like an absolute rupture and more like the continuation of a descent that was already well under way.

6.

In 2004, three years after the funding dried up, the Woods Hole researchers published a paper about 52 Blue in a journal called Deep Sea Research. The paper explained how the audio data had been recorded—gathered by more than ten arrays of hydrophones and analyzed by acoustic technicians familiar with whale calls—but gave few details about the process, for security reasons: “These Navy facilities, hydrophone arrays, their characteristics, and associated data processing techniques have remained classified.” The paper described the units of noise recorded from the whale (“calls,” “groups,” “series,” and “bouts”) as well as patterns in his motion: “The tracks for the 52-Hz whale indicated relatively slow, continuous movement” across “the deep waters of the central and eastern portion of the North Pacific basin,” where he “roamed widely” and “spent relatively little time in any particular area,” and—of course—never seemed to cross paths with any other whales.

The article was accepted in August 2004. Bill Watkins died in September. Though he was listed as the lead author on the article, another member of the team—Mary Ann Daher, his former research assistant—was listed as its corresponding author. Soon, Daher started getting notes about the whale. They weren’t just typical pieces of professional correspondence. They came, as New York Times reporter Andrew Revkin wrote at the time, “from whale lovers lamenting the notion of a lonely heart of the cetacean world”; others were “from deaf people speculating that the whale might share their disability.”

After Revkin’s story ran that December, headlined “Song of the Sea, a Cappella and Unanswered,” more letters flooded Woods Hole. (One marine-mammal researcher quoted in the story, Kate Stafford, may have inadvertently fanned the flames: “He’s saying, ‘Hey, I’m out here,’” she told Revkin. “Well, nobody is phoning home.”) These letters came from the heartbroken and the deaf, from the lovelorn and the single; the once bitten, twice shy and the twice bitten, forever shy—people who identified with the whale or hurt for him, hurt for whatever set of feelings they’d projected onto him.

A legend was born: the loneliest whale in the world.

In the years since, 52 Blue—or 52 Hertz, as he is known to many of his devotees—has inspired numerous sob-story headlines: not just “The Loneliest Whale in the World” but “The Whale Whose Unique Call Has Stopped Him Finding Love”; “A Lonely Whale’s Unrequited Love Song”; “There Is One Whale That Zero Other Whales Can Hear and It’s Very Alone. It’s the Saddest Thing Ever and Science Should Try to Talk to It.” There have been imaginative accounts of a solitary bachelor headed down to the Mexican Riviera to troll haplessly for the biggest mammal babes alive, “his musical mating calls ringing for hours through the darkness of the deepest seas, broadcasting a wide repertory of heartfelt tunes.”

A singer in New Mexico, unhappy at his day job in tech, wrote an entire album dedicated to 52; another singer in Michigan wrote a kids’ song about the whale’s plight; an artist in upstate New York made a sculpture out of old plastic bottles and called it 52 Hertz. A music producer in Los Angeles started buying cassette tapes at garage sales and recording over them with 52’s song, the song that was quickly becoming a kind of sentimental seismograph suggesting multiple storylines: alienation and determination, autonomy and longing; not only a failure to communicate but also a dogged persistence in the face of this failure.

People have set up Twitter accounts to speak for him, like @52_Hz_Whale, who gets right to the point:

Hellooooooo?! Yooohoooooo! Is anyone out there? #SadLife

I’m so lonely. :’( #lonely #ForeverAlone

7.

Leonora woke up in St. Luke’s-Roosevelt Hospital in September 2007. What had happened in the previous two months—after the paramedics wheeled her out of her apartment—was only explained to her long after it was over, once she’d recovered enough to process it. The doctors had discovered that a severe intestinal blockage was making her ill, and she’d had major surgery over the course of five days. The surgeons removed everything the blockage had rotted; the more they looked, the more necrotic tissue and gangrene they found. They kept cutting out portions of her intestines—seven inches, nine inches, three inches—until they’d gotten it all. By the time they were finished, nearly three feet of her guts were gone. The remaining incision was huge.

Leonora was put into a seven-week coma so she could recover more efficiently, and after she awoke she remained hospitalized for several months to keep the open wound from becoming infected. She was on an IV. She hardly knew how to speak. She thought it was 1997. Her father came to visit once, and she vomited when she saw him. She could barely make herself understood, barely convey how much she wanted him to leave.

At one point, she sensed an incredible stench around her. She didn’t know where it was coming from. She said “smell,” and someone understood; eventually they realized it was her hair, which was matted with blood. She asked one of her doctors to cut it. The doctor said that wasn’t her job. Leonora said, “If you don’t do that, I will start screaming now and I will not stop.” The doctor did it. It turned out looking pretty good. Weeks later they joked that the doctor might have a second career as a hairdresser.

For Leonora, the hardest part of recovery was losing her self-sufficiency. “Feeling that I could no longer be independent,” she said, “that I could no longer take care of myself. Ever since I was 14, I’ve been doing that.” In the aftermath of her coma, Leonora couldn’t walk. She had trouble remembering words. She couldn’t count past ten. She couldn’t even quite count to ten. But she pretended. She didn’t let on. She didn’t want other people to see her struggling. The hospital offered decent physical rehab but nothing to help her re-inhabit her own mind.

I was like him. I had nothing. No one to communicate with. No one was hearing. No one was hearing him. And I thought: I hear you. I wish you could hear me.”

Leonora was wheeled into the hospital on July 6, 2007, and wasn’t home again until 2008. She went to a rehabilitation facility in November, then had a bad fall—she still wasn’t walking well—and returned to the hospital, then to another rehab in December. During those months at various institutions she had visitors but generally she felt abandoned—like everyone in her life was fleeing her damage, pushing her away for a simple, primal reason: The healthy don’t like to be around the sick. Her illness made them uncomfortable, because it reminded them of their own mortality—or the fact of mortality itself.

When people did come to visit, she perceived a dark energy coming from them; it made her feel nauseous. When her father visited, he told her over and over that she looked like her mother—a woman he hadn’t spoken about in many years. She felt that her illness raised long-buried emotions in him, feelings of anger and loss.

During much of her recovery Leonora couldn’t even watch television. It gave her headaches. So she turned to the Internet. It was a way to find interest and beauty in the world. And it was then—alone and late at night, once again, searching for something that might offer a sense of meaning—that she came upon the story of 52 Blue.

By then the story of the whale had been floating around the Internet for several years. But it spoke to Leonora with a particular urgency. It resonated. “He was speaking a language that no one else could speak,” she told me recently. “And here I was without a language. I had no more language to describe what had happened to me. So I too… I was like him. I had nothing. No one to communicate with. No one was hearing. No one was hearing him. And I thought: I hear you. I wish you could hear me.”

She identified with his plight. She felt that her own language was adrift. She was struggling to come back to any sense of self, much less find the words for what this self was thinking or feeling. It was hard to speak, because her trachea was so scarred from all the tubes that had been thrust down it during her coma. She felt the world pulling away. When she found the whale, she found an echo of this difficulty.

She remembers thinking: I wish I could speak whale. She found a strange kind of hope, a sense of certainty that he must know he wasn’t alone. “I was like: Here he is. He’s talking. He’s saying something. He’s singing. And nobody’s really understanding, but there are people listening. I bet he knows people are listening. He must feel it.”

8.

When I first began looking into the story of 52 Blue, I reached out to Mary Ann Daher at Woods Hole. I was hoping she could help me understand how the story of this whale had jumped the bounds of science and become something more like a rallying cry.

Daher’s role in the story was curious: She’d become the unwitting confessor for a growing flock of devotees simply because her name was on a paper recounting work for which she’d been a research assistant years before. “I get all sorts of emails,” she’d told one reporter, “some of them very touching—genuinely; it just breaks your heart to read some of them—asking why I can’t go out there and help this animal.”

But it seemed the media attention had started to grate on her nerves. “It’s been pretty painful,” she told a reporter in 2013. “You name the country and I’ve had a phone call, wanting to get information. And I haven’t worked on this since 2006 or so. … And … oh God, [Watkins would] be dismayed, to put it mildly, to know of the attention.”

I was eager to speak with Daher; I pictured the two of us at Woods Hole, meeting by the sea, locking eyes, nursing two cups of coffee in the salt air. How did it feel to get those letters? I’d ask her. And she’d tell me about the tug on her heart each time, her inbox turned into confessional booth. Perhaps she’d recite one from memory, the one that had moved her the most: He is hope and loss at once. I’d hear some break in her voice, and I’d copy her words, and I’d copy the break—I’d make note of it: scientific neutrality showing the strain at its seams, nearly torn open by a lonely stranger’s hapless wonder.

It could have gone like that. Perhaps there is another world in which it did. This world, however, holds only her refusal to return my emails. The Woods Hole media-relations representative made it very clear: They were done. Daher was done talking about the whale; done refusing to make assumptions about the whale; done correcting other peoples’ assumptions about the whale. She’d already said everything she had to say.

The last journalist Daher agreed to talk to, as best I could tell, was a writer named Kieran Mulvaney. After I contacted him, he offered to send me the transcript of their conversation from 2013. It gives a sense of Daher’s wariness and aggravation about the phenomenon 52 had become: “We don’t know what the heck it is,” she said of the cause of 52’s odd song. “We don’t know if it’s a malformation. … Is he alone? I don’t know. People like to imagine this creature just out there swimming by his lonesome, just singing away and nobody’s listening. But I can’t say that. … Is he successful reproductively? I haven’t the vaguest idea. Nobody can answer those questions. Is he lonely? I hate to attach human emotions like that. Do whales get lonely? I don’t know. I don’t even want to touch that topic.”

Research can quickly grow tiresome to its own researchers once it’s been distorted by the funhouse mirrors of public fancy. For Mary Ann Daher, I came to realize, I represented little more than the persistence of that distortion: It’s been pretty painful. It’s been worldwide. The phenomenon itself was a reproach to Watkins’ legacy: He’d be dismayed.

I thought I understood why she was done, why she was sick of it, why she was tired. This was part of the story, too: the way a phenomenon could alienate its own midwives. But I wanted to talk to her, and I wanted those letters, the ones she’d been sent—I wanted them so badly that I started to resent her refusal. I even wrote about her in my diary:

I get angry at Mary Ann Daher because she stands between me and the piece I’m capable of writing—the ghost text, hypothetical and unrealized, that includes every angle, every perspective; the white whale of completion and wholeness—she stands between me and the editor (stand-in for the father figure/lover/mentor/teacher) who says “good job,” the paycheck, the readers who say “this story moved me.”

I tried her one last time. She didn’t have to talk to me, I told her. I just wanted the letters. Then I told her media rep. I tried to explain my aesthetic; how my piece would be different from all the others. I tried to explain: I just wanted to find all the people who’d been moved by this animal.

She never sent the letters. So I went looking for the people on my own.

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9.

They were voices out of the digital ether, at first, emails appearing in my inbox. I found them on a Facebook page devoted to the whale. Juliana was a 19-year-old English major at the University of Toronto. For her, she explained, 52 Blue was “the epitome of every person who’s ever felt too weird to love.” He represented “the fears that all of us have about never finding love and dying alone.” Juliana was no stranger to these fears herself. The summer she discovered 52 she “wasn’t really seeing as many people as [she]’d have liked.” She felt out of sorts at college—described herself as a “lonely soul”—and believed the whale represented not just her but anyone “wandering alone,” anyone “trying to find someone who accepts us for our weaknesses and faults.”

Zbigniew—a 26-year-old photo editor at the biggest daily tabloid in Poland—decided to get the outline of 52 Blue tattooed across his back after a bad breakup, the end of a six-year relationship:

i was deeply in love. but as it came out she was treating me like a second category person in relationship…i was devastadem mainy becose i have given her everything i could, and i thought she would do the same for me. [Because] of her i lost connection with important friends. View of the wasted time made me sad….Story of 52 hz whale made me happy. For me he is symbol of being alone in a positive way…He is like a steatement, that despite being alone he lives on.

For Zee, as he calls himself, 52 came to represent the lonely days after the breakup, watching sad movies alone at home with his two cats, Puma and Fuga: “for long time i was ‘singing’ in other frequency then everybody around.” But the whale also represented resilience: “this is what my life looks like for last 2 years. im swiming slowly through my part of ocean, trying to find poeple like me, Patient, going past life being sure that im not crippled but special in positive way.”

The tattoo was a way for Zee to honor what the whale had meant to him, and to communicate that meaning—to sing at a frequency that might be understood. It stretches across his upper back, the “only place on body huge enough to make it look awesome.” Rather than offering a visual representation of 52, the tattoo is actually an artful evocation of the fact that 52 hasn’t ever been seen, and might never be seen: behind a detailed rendering of Moby Dick—another one of Zee’s fixations—there is a second whale, , just a negative space of bare skin defined by an outline of ink.

10.

In 1894, a wealthy amateur astronomer named Percival Lowell built a telescope in Flagstaff, Arizona. He spent the next 20 years looking through it and finding things no one else could see: a series of canals extending from the poles of Mars, a network of spokes radiating from a hub on Venus. He took both as signs of extraterrestrial civilization. He was mocked. He kept seeing the canals, kept seeing the spokes. He kept insisting. Years later an optometrist solved the puzzle: The settings on Lowell’s telescope—its magnification and narrow aperture—meant that it was essentially projecting the interior of his eye onto the planets he was watching. The spokes of Venus were the shadows of his blood vessels, swollen from hypertension. He wasn’t seeing other life; he was seeing the imprint of his own gaze.

The natural world has always offered itself as a screen for human projection. The Romantics called this the pathetic fallacy. Ralph Waldo Emerson called it “intercourse with heaven and Earth.” We project our fears and longings onto everything we’re not—every beast, every mountain—and in this way we make them somehow kin. It’s an act of humbling and longing and claiming all at once.

“Every natural fact is a symbol of some spiritual fact,” Emerson wrote. “Every appearance in nature corresponds to some state of the mind.”

For Emerson, these correspondences offered a kind of completion: “All the facts in natural history taken by themselves have no value but are barren, like a single sex.” Put crudely: Human projection fertilizes the egg. It not only brings meaning to the “barren” body of natural history; it also offers sustenance to man: “His intercourse with heaven and earth,” Emerson wrote, “becomes part of his daily food.”

Emerson’s celebration of this process was not without interrogations. “We are thus assisted by natural objects in the expression of particular meanings,” he wrote. “But how great a language to convey such pepper-corn informations! … We are like travellers using the cinders of a volcano to roast their eggs. … Have mountains, and waves, and skies, no significance but what we consciously give them, when we employ them as emblems of our thoughts?”

Roasting our eggs on volcano cinders: This is like asking the splendid form of an elusive whale to embody dorm-room homesickness or post-breakup ennui. We offer animals and mountains as ritual sacrifices at the altar of metaphor. Is he lonely? I hate to attach human emotions like that. I don’t even want to touch that topic.

11.

Shorna, a 22-year-old in Kent, England, told me she relates to 52 Blue because she’s always felt “on a different wave length to other people … like I don’t fit no where.” The feeling grew particularly acute after her brother was killed when she was 13: “I felt I couldn’t talk to no one. That no one understood or cared enough.”

Years later, learning about 52 gave her a way to understand the isolation of that time—a sense that her grief was nothing anyone else could understand. Her family didn’t want to talk about it; no one at school understood. Therapists were telling her what she should feel. The whale never told her what to feel; it just gave a shape to what she’d already felt: “I felt withdrawn and it made it worse along with the pain of his death.” She felt she couldn’t connect with anyone.

Sakina, a 28-year-old medical actor living in Michigan, associates 52 with a different kind of loss—a more spiritual struggle. I first saw her in a , wearing a hijab, describing how the story of 52 immediately made her think of the prophet Yunus, who was swallowed by a whale. “It makes sense that the loneliest whale feels lonely,” she says. “Because he had a prophet with him, inside of him, and now he doesn’t.”

I met Sakina in a coffee shop in downtown Ann Arbor, where she told me what happened after she read about the whale online: She started crying and needed to lie down. He evoked certain lonely periods of her childhood—she grew up Muslim in New Mexico—and reminded her of the first time she’d ever learned about the prophet Yunus in religious school, when she was six: “I was frustrated with my teacher for not recognizing that, you know, she can be straight with me and just say this is an allegory.” She said: “I found it hard to believe in miracles.”

She wondered if 52 Blue came back into her life to finish the lesson that had begun when she was a child. She was being told: Take it literally. It’s more than metaphor. She didn’t imagine 52 seeking love so much as purpose, wanting a prophet to swallow or a prophecy to fulfill. She found herself wondering: “Is he aching for the divinity again?”

12.

There used to be a name for the kind of people who tell tall tales about animals: nature fakers. The phrase emerged from a turn-of-the-century debate between a coterie of nature writers and the naturalists who hated their sentimental tales of animal communities, a genre they dubbed “yellow journalism of the woods.”

“I know as President I ought not do this,” wrote Teddy Roosevelt, but he went on to do it anyway: offered a scathing public condemnation of these nature fakers for their syrupy accounts of the natural world—tales of wild fowl setting their own legs in mud-made casts and crows convening schoolrooms for their young.

He is not a student of nature at all who sees not keenly but falsely, who writes interestingly and untruthfully, and whose imagination is used not to interpret facts but to invent them.

Roosevelt was especially concerned about what he called “fact-blindness”: the possibility that telling fake stories about nature might blind us to the true ones. This is the danger of nature faking, making the whale lonely or prophet-hungry, asking the duck to set a mud cast for his own broken leg—the possibility that feeling too much awe about the nature we’ve invented will make us unable to see the nature in which we actually live.

Roosevelt’s argument finds a strange modern echo in one of 52’s twitter accounts, @52Hurts, which actually imagines the whale protesting his own symbolic status: I am no symbol, no metaphor. I am not the metaphysics you feel stirring in you, no stand-in for your obsessions. I am a whale. Some of his tweets are just nonsense, as if protesting the projection of language in the first place: Ivdhggv ahijhd ajhlkjhds jhljhh ajlj dljl 52 skjhdsnlkn and then, a few hours later: Tjhgdaskj agjgd ahg jhs kjslhsljhs. These are the tweets of a whale that doesn’t know why it’s on Twitter. Something about them feels weirdly honest: gibberish that’s more interested in what isn’t legible than what we force into hollow legibility, more interested in acknowledging the gap than in voicing the projections we hurl across it.

13.

I first found David, an Irish father of two, through a YouTube video he’d made of himself singing a song he’d written: I’ve followed sorrow like Whale 52 Hertz—it doesn’t have to be this way. When I reached out by email, he told me he’d written the song after losing his job at Waterford Crystal, where he’d been working for more than 20 years. But he’d identified with the whale even earlier—“another being similarly living in parallel”—even when his life appeared to have all the external trappings of belonging: marriage, family, stable job. David insisted he’d always felt alone. It was his wife who first told him about 52, invoking the whale as his echo. “That’s you, that is,” she’d said.

After the layoff, David and his wife moved to Galway, and they began forging a new life. In a letter he wrote to me last year, during his first autumn there, he described himself at the cusp of change:

“I am told by everyone that Galway will be good for me and that I need to do something ‘arty.’ I’m starting tonight with a singing group. It’s my first day at school again. And I’m 47.” He felt the whale as inspiration and assurance in this sense of beginning again: “I have taken the discovery of the Whale as a signal from the depths that I am close to discovery… All I really know is that the 52 Hertz Whale is out there singing and that makes me feel less alone.”

When I checked in with David in the spring, he said things in Galway had been a mixed bag. He’d found a job he loved—as head of IT for a farmers’ cooperative in a little village called Tubbercurry—and was enjoying the new folks he met in Galway on the weekends. There was a sense of being in a new city full of unexpected kindred spirits. But the singing group, he wrote, had been “a bust. Lots of hugs from pig-tailed 60-somethings.”

Struck by the fact that his wife had been the person to show him the story of 52 in the first place, I asked David if she’d always thought of him as an isolated person. “My wife does think I am someone who has always felt alone,” he said. And in fact, just after he’d started his new job, he told me, his wife said she couldn’t live with him anymore. “Our twenty-fifth wedding anniversary is in August,” he wrote. “Communications have broken down. I am, to quote an old song, ‘seething and bewildered like a din-deafened army.’”

But the whale still held something for him, despite the fact that things in Galway hadn’t turned out as he’d planned. “I do still think that I am close to discovery,” he said. “I still don’t know what I am watching out for. When I hear ‘Whale 52 Hertz,’ I feel at peace. I know that I am still heading in generally the right direction. I often think of the whale. I know that she’s still out there. I see others searching. Maybe, I won’t be alone for much longer.”

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14.

I found Leonora on the same Facebook page where I found Juliana and Zee. After I wrote to her, she responded immediately to welcome me into the “vast vibrational pool” of 52 devotees and then told me pieces of her own story over the phone. Before we met in person, she wanted to know more about what kind of story I was telling about this whale and how she might fit into it. But eventually she agreed to meet at Riverbank State Park, in upper Harlem, where she was working as a volunteer and taking art classes four days a week: beginner and intermediate at once.

We met one afternoon in early March, a day caught between winter and spring, wind still chilly off the Hudson. Leonora wore a purple wool cap, a sweater, and slacks. She moved carefully and deliberately and chose her words with the same care. Riverbank was clearly a special place for her. She said it was built on top of a sewage-treatment facility and seemed eager to tell me that—proud of how it had turned ugly necessity into possibility.

The park had also been an important part of her rehabilitation process: It was where she went once she had relearned how to walk after coming out of her coma. She called her sister on the phone after the first time she had successfully crossed “the big street,” which is what she called Broadway then—her language was still fumbling at that point, grasping at whatever it could hold. She felt embarrassed at the thought of having her home-care aide see her practicing how to walk, watching her stumble at every step. So she went to the park instead. The park never judged. It just let her practice.

Now that it was almost spring, Leonora told me she was proud of herself for not getting a cold all winter. She knew it was because of her vitamins—she’d been taking a “barrage” of them ever since she died. That’s how she described her illness and coma: a process of dying and coming back to life.

“My ticket back came with conditions,” she said. She had to learn to take care of herself—hence the vitamins, the art classes, and the desire to start growing her own vegetables this spring. She was hoping to get one of the small gardens that the park association was going to auction off before summer. The plots were down by the running track, full of the residue of winter: shriveled stalks, leaves withered to a crisp, bent lattices that had once held tomatoes and would hold them again. Leonora said she wanted to plant peppers and parsley, a small crop perched above a sewage plant—a way of saying, We do what we can with what we have. She’d come back from her coma in pieces. She was still putting these pieces back together into a life.

When she asks the universe a question, she always gets an answer in three days—in a dream or a visitation: maybe an animal or something as simple as the smell of lavender.

A red-bellied robin hopped across one of the garden plots—just across the fence from us—and Leonora couldn’t believe we were seeing it when it was still so cold. She told me we needed to wish on it. She told me about her three-day rule. When she asks the universe a question, she always gets an answer in three days—in a dream or a visitation: maybe an animal or something as simple as the smell of lavender. She is open to messages from everything, all the time, in languages that aren’t even recognizable as languages at all.

We walked inside and settled at the snack bar—the last place in New York, Leonora assured me, where you could get coffee for a dollar. We sat by the ice rink, where some of the younger hockey players—the Squirts—were practicing. It was Leonora’s home turf. The guys behind the counter knew her order before she ordered it. The guy riding by in a motorized wheelchair said hello. The guy lurking by the register wanted her to sign a petition for a candidate for parks superintendent.

At our table, Leonora pulled out a large notebook to show me some of her pen and pencil sketches of 52 Blue. She’d also painted him in acrylic on a scrap of canvas. These were the materials she was using in her current art class, but she’d been drawing him for years already. “He obsesses me,” she explained. “I was trying to get a sense of what he looks like.”

Her early drawings were “muddled,” she told me. So she started looking at photographs of other whales to get a better sense of him. “But I still wasn’t finding him. He’s so elusive.” She kept sketching him anyway. I saw his colored-pencil body curving under lists of relevant websites she’d gathered. She told me she was working on a painting of 52 for her class’s final exhibition, to be displayed in one of the recreation-center hallways.

As we spoke, it became increasingly clear that Leonora’s sense of connection to 52—from that first online encounter onward—had always been twofold. It was about communication, and it was about autonomy. He represented the struggle to be heard and also the ability to live alone. He represented her difficulties in recovery—the failed attempts to speak—but also the independence that these difficulties had taken away. Others saw the whale as heartbroken, because he couldn’t find a companion; she saw him as a creature that didn’t need one. She cherished the capacity to live alone, and this capacity was precisely what her illness had imperiled.

Apropos of very little, she told me suddenly: “I haven’t been in a relationship since the last century. I haven’t been on a date.” She said it bothered other people in her life. “I’ve had cousins, people, family members, friends, try to hook me up with somebody. It’s like a woman is not a whole person until she has a man.” But it didn’t bother her. “I’ve never felt lonely. There is not this lonely factor. I am alone. But I am not lonely, OK? I go over to a friend’s, I buy cases of wine, I have people over, I cook. I’m a very good cook.” It bothered her that people conflated 52’s aloneness with loneliness. It bothered her that people conflated her aloneness with loneliness.

It was hard not to feel a hint of doth protest too much in her distinction, but it also felt like a sincere call for a certain kind of legitimate humility: Don’t assume. Don’t assume the contours of another person’s heart. Don’t assume its desires. Don’t assume that being alone means being lonely. The scientists would say of 52, of course: Don’t assume the whale is either one.

Leonora on solitude and self-worth. 

The first time Leonora ever listened to 52’s song, she told me, she felt skeptical of the clip available online. It was short and had been sped up for audibility. She felt sure 52 had “more to say.” But she kept listening. “I think I played it back at least 50 times, just trying to get a sense of it.” And the listening did something: “As I listened to it over and over, it helped me meditate into him. That was a key.”

She told me she believes we could locate 52 this way. “If you want to really find him,” she said, “all you need is five people, ten people, to concentrate hard enough, and to send that request out.”

She once traveled with 52 in a dream. He was in a pod of whales, no longer alone, and she was swimming with them, maybe carried in their wake—moving just as quickly, her head huge, her body sleek and hairless. Her coma recovery was full of dreams about water. She’d felt a particular connection to water ever since falling over the side of a waterfall at the edge of 17—when a voice inside her told her to hold her breath, assured her that she wouldn’t die. In her recovery dreams she swam everywhere: “In the ocean, in the river. I didn’t do any lakes or ponds—no stagnant, no still.” She was always in motion, but sometimes restrained: “It was always me struggling against all obstacles to get to water. Even when I was in there, sometimes it was crowded with people. People were stopping me from getting to the water.”

The dream with 52 was different. She could feel the different layers of water—different temperatures, different pressure levels:

We were traveling at speeds that were, I don’t know, maybe 100 miles per hour? You don’t even see anything when you’re traveling that fast. What you see—it’s not that you see it, you just feel it there. I don’t know—you just throw something out, and then something comes back, so you know there’s something there. You could feel it all over your body. When I woke up, I was moved by it, all I could do was just lay there and think: What was that? What was that?

She couldn’t make sense of it. She kept drawing him anyway. She kept drawing him because. Never reaching water kept the journeys alive. Not seeing the whale kept him infinite. His elusive form echoed her insistence on motion: no stagnant, no still. She told me that she hopes that they never find him—whoever they might be. “I hope they don’t,” she said. “I pray they don’t. I like to believe that I’ll see him in my dreams.”

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15.

Hast thou seen the white whale? The hunt for an elusive whale is—of course—the most famous narrative in the history of American literature. The whiteness of Moby Dick is “a dumb blankness, full of meaning,” full of many meanings: divinity or its absence, primal power or its refusal, the possibility of revenge or the possibility of annihilation. “Of all these things the Albino whale was the symbol,” Ishmael explains. “Wonder ye then at the fiery hunt?”

No one has ever conducted a physical search for 52 Blue. An entrepreneur named Dietmar Petutschnig is currently prowling the South Pacific in a small sailboat, but his hunt for the whale seems more metaphorical, a kind of personal branding. Dietmar calls himself skipper and whalefinder and is joined by a co-captain and a chef, along with a little spaniel named Vienna Linz who is billed as security, angler, and crew morale officer. When I spoke to him on the phone while his boat was docked in Vanuatu, Dietmar was reluctant to do an interview but wanted to offer me a job working for him as a freelance editor. “We are still in the middle of our discovery,” he’d written earlier. “We do hope the whale will go out of fashion.”

If anyone actually finds 52, it will probably be Josh Zeman, a filmmaker currently working on a documentary called 52: The Search for the Loneliest Whale in the World. Zeman had been hoping to conduct his actual search this fall, planning to take a research vessel into the Pacific for 50 days, but his funding fell through two weeks after it was announced by his producer, actor Adrian Grenier, at the Cannes Film Festival in May.

Zeman first heard the story of 52 at an artist’s colony in the summer of 2012, and it struck him immediately. He was in the aftermath of a breakup. He’s been working on the project ever since; he described his relationship to the movie as “Ahabian.” But figuring out how to make the trip work “is fucking complicated,” he told me. The plan was to have a research vessel staffed with five scientists and three crew, using sonar and old migration routes to locate 52. Joe George told Zeman his search was like looking for a needle in a haystack. Daher used the same phrase. The search would “take a lot of coordination,” she told him. The data was more than a decade old. But she encouraged him all the same.

I asked Zeman what he made of folks who didn’t want the whale found at all—who preferred it mysterious, elusive, unknown. He said he felt like this resistance to finding 52 was actually a way of speaking for him—obstructing the possibility of interspecies communication, making him more precious. Zeman doesn’t want to follow the whale, he explained, or find him a mate. He just wants to make contact: “Do we want to help him? No. Do we want to say hi? Sure.”

One of the themes of Zeman’s film is modern loneliness, that people are particularly responsive to the story of 52 in the digital era—when the Internet promises connectivity but can actually deliver us even deeper into isolation. Ironically enough, the film’s Facebook page has become an effective epicenter for the 52 Hertz community: It’s where people post their responses to the story of the whale, register their sympathy, report their desires. “This story touched me so deeply,” wrote a woman named Pamela. “I wish we could all help and play whale songs for him.” She wanted to know why “we can build laptops and smart phones but we cannot figure out a way to get this whale some companionship?”

Some posts struck a different chord. Catherine was actually a little sick of all the “mawkish sadness” at this “anthropomorphized meme,” and wasn’t afraid to say so, though another user responded immediately to her post. “52 Hertz isn’t a myth or a meme,” she shot back. “He’s real, and I think we’re all damn curious about him.”

Most of the posts converge on two themes: helping 52 and feeling bad for 52. A woman named Denise posted one message—“find 52 hertz”—over and over and over again one morning: at 8:09, 8:11, 8:14, 8:14 (a second time), and 8:16. A woman named Jen wrote, only once: “Just want to give it a hug.”

16.

It was late spring the second time I visited Leonora up at Riverbank Park. The air was full of promise and possibility, balmy without making you feel trapped under the armpit of an entire city. Leonora told me she didn’t get a garden plot after all. Her allergies had gotten so bad she didn’t even bother entering the lottery; she wouldn’t have been able to use the plot anyway. She told me she thinks about me whenever she sees a robin. I told her that two weeks after we saw that robin I’d met the man I wanted to spend my life with. It wasn’t three days, but still. It was something. We headed straight to the community snack bar, got our dollar coffees, and sat in the corner, in the shadow of a wall of lockers.

During our conversation that day, I started to understand better that Leonora’s connection to 52 wasn’t just a product of recovering from a particular medical trauma, struggling for language or self-sufficiency, but an accumulation of feelings from decades earlier—her youth, her childhood. Even when we weren’t talking about the whale, we were talking about the whale. It was under everything. Her whole life suggested what he might mean to her.

She thought of her medical crisis in similar terms: as an accumulation, the intestinal blockage as an accretion of traumas from all across her life, experiences she endured but never let herself cry or talk about. They cluttered her insides and finally made her ill.

The whale offered another kind of gathering: a vessel in which a lifetime’s worth of longings might reside. Even while I struggled to make sense of Leonora’s fixation on signs and voices, her desire to find the patterns woven through her life felt deeply intuitive—the search for a logic that might structure everything.

At the snack bar, she shared a new angle of resonance with 52: the possibility of extinction. The whale might be the last of his kind, she told me—that was part of how she understood him—and in a way, she will be the last of hers: She doesn’t have any kids. She said she hated how people think of this as a kind of insufficiency—an absence. She thought of her artwork as the closest thing she had to progeny.

Leonora on extinction.

After the snack bar filled up with a flock of boys, we moved someplace quieter, a long hallway with cinderblock walls where the art would be displayed for her class’s final exhibition. In the quiet of that hallway, she told me about the darker years that followed her coma recovery. She was questioning her own purpose: What did her life mean? She wasn’t working. She started living on disability and workman’s comp.

I was aware that any cynic could have a field day with her brand of New Age mysticism, but the more I heard about her life, everything that led up to her encounter with the story of 52 Blue, the more I started to respect the incredible gravity of what she’d built him up to be—and what she’d rebuilt herself to be, under the sign of his story. He had become the mascot and fuel of her own reinvention.

I remembered all the ways she had described her coma and its aftermath—“resurrection,” “rebirth,” “second birth”—and couldn’t help thinking it was no accident that she used these words, that we kept coming back to the subject of babies, having them or not having them, that “birth” was such a big part of how she thought about all this. I bled for years. And at the end of all that blood, when she came back from death, she gave birth to herself.

17.

“I just don’t know what it is, the fascination with this whale,” Joe George told me, sitting at his dining room table. “To me it’s just science.”

Which made it even more charming, the tray of that sat between us—all shaped like whales, with frosted tails, various pastel shades of green and pink and periwinkle, and “52” written in matching shades of icing. Joe’s daughter had made them for us. He was pleased to offer them but also seemed a bit sheepish; they were complicit in the whimsy of a phenomenon he couldn’t quite wrap his mind around.

It felt odd, he told me, to have funding for the whale tracking cut so suddenly and unequivocally—to feel like no one cared about what they were doing—and then to see his whale resurface so many years later in such a strange, refracted form. Suddenly everyone cared, but for reasons that didn’t really make sense to Joe—a man more worried about doing a job right than mining it for metaphor. To me it’s just science. And it wasn’t just science—it was great science. The singular signal made the whale a godsend.

Joe told me that at a certain point, the whale called 52 Hertz stopped coming in at 52 hertz. The last time they tracked him, his call was more like 49.6 hertz. It could have been age—a kind of delayed puberty—or else a function of size, his growing form pulling his vocalizations down into lower frequencies.

There’s something nice in the idea that an elusive animal might stop flashing its old calling card—that the physical creature wouldn’t even match the statistics of its own mythology. We have tuned our hearts to a signal that no longer exists. Which means there is no way to find what we’ve been looking for, only—perhaps—to find what that thing has become.

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18.

I went back to Riverbank for the art show. It was early summer, a day of celebration: art hanging on the cinderblock walls, dance and music classes performing in the gym. Leonora was taking photos, wearing lavender pants and a pink scrunchie, rolling around the shopping cart in which she’d carried all her paintings. The beginning keyboard class played “When the Saints Go Marching In” under giant beige industrial fans.

Leonora took me to the hallway, where at last I got to see her vision of 52: a whale painted in flat acrylics, flying over a rainbow, over an ocean. The decoupaged figure of a woman was riding him—or flying with him—and Leonora said it was a photograph of herself, taken years ago, though she obscured the face so it wouldn’t just be her. The woman’s head was ducked low in the , down to the whale, as if she were listening to something he was saying. “Someone asked me, ‘Is the whale kissing you?’” Leonora told me. “And I said, ‘Maybe he is.’”

A park employee walked by—a young Latina woman wearing the green shirt of park staff—and Leonora explained to her, without apology or introduction: “This is 52 Hertz. Just how I imagined him.” As if everyone would know the whale, or should—as if the project of imagining his distant body should be familiar to us all.

Leonora didn’t seem perturbed by how much the whale meant—all those vectors, some of them contradictory. “He’s everything and anything,” she told me. “Anything you want him to be. He’s the dream you could never attain. He’s the million-dollar lottery. He’s Shangri-la. He’s all these things that you aspire to. He’s God, even. How do you know that he wasn’t sent here to heal us, and his song is a healing song?”

Sometimes we need to be heard so badly we hear ourselves in every song the world sings, every single noise it makes: I will start screaming now and I will not stop. Maybe desire and demand are just the same song played at different frequencies. Maybe every song is a healing song if we hear it in the right mood—on the heels of the right seven weeks, or the worst ones, the ones lost to us forever.

On our way out, Leonora carefully wrapped the whale in paper and packed him into her shopping cart. When we parted ways at the park bus stop, she handed me a FedEx envelope, cut and folded and taped to make a small flat package. Just a little something, she said. I pulled out a small painting of a robin—red breast, tiny claws, a single beady eye. It was the robin we’d seen together, the one she’d taken as an omen and came to believe was my totem. She said the red on his breast meant: activation.

I thought: This return ticket came with conditions. I thought of the man I’d met after I saw that robin, the man I knew I wanted to marry. I felt the contagion of magical thinking: Life becomes a series of omens. I wanted them to imply the presence of some organizing spirit, or at least compose a story.

“Vaya con Dios,” Leonora told me. “You should have a baby someday.”

19.

“The material is degraded before the spiritual,” Emerson wrote. He thought we’d “transferred nature into the mind, and left matter like an outcast corpse.” He’s everything and anything. Anything you want him to be.

The actual body of 52 Blue has become the outcast corpse, the matter left over once our machinations are done. There is some violence in this alchemy, and also some beauty. Emerson understood both sides of that dilemma:

“Every spirit builds itself a house, and beyond its house a world; and beyond its world, a heaven. Know then, that the world exists for you. For you is the phenomenon perfect. What we are, that only can we see.”

52 Blue suggests not just one single whale as metaphor for loneliness, but metaphor itself as salve for loneliness. Metaphor always connects two disparate points; it suggests that no pathos exists in isolation, no plight exists apart from the plights of others. Many fans of 52 were lonely even before their lives gave this loneliness a reason: David was lonely in his stable marriage; Zee was lonely before his breakup and after it. Loneliness seeks out metaphors not just for definition but for the companionship of resonance, the promise of kinship in comparison. Now there’s an entire coterie gathered around this kinship—people trained to the same pulse of a minivan-sized heart.

You might say it’s a community formed around an empty center. When we pour our sympathy onto 52 Blue, we aren’t feeling for a whale; we’re only feeling for what we’ve built in his likeness. But that feeling still exists. It still matters. It mattered enough to help a woman come back from seven weeks at the edge of death.

At one point during our conversation on Whidbey Island, I mentioned Leonora to Joe George. At first I wasn’t even sure he’d heard me, but near the end of our visit, he turned to me and said. “That woman you mentioned, the one who was in the coma.” He paused. I nodded. “That’s really something,” he said.

Joe was right when he said that the whale is just a whale. And so was Leonora when she said the whale is everything. Happiness is a kind of truth. Feeling is a kind of fact. What if we grant the whale his whale-ness, grant him furlough from our metaphoric employ, but still grant the contours of his second self—the one we’ve made—and admit what he’s done for us? That’s really something. If we let the whale cleave in two—into his actual form and the apparition of what we needed him to become—then we let these twins swim apart. We free each figure from the other’s shadow. We watch them cut two paths across the sea.